With the matric results of 1997 now available, including indications that the Gauteng results are also 5% down from last year, a gloomy picture of our school system emerges. The simple truth is that without an adequate educational system, all our other national efforts to curb joblessness, poverty and crime, and become a nation of hope and a world player in the new millennium, will come to nothing. Adequate education now, more than ever, needs to become an urgent national priority. The following should be noted: A culture of learning, teaching and discipline needs to be cultivated in our schools as a matter of utmost urgency. Without this prerequisite, the ‘outcomes-based’ policy of Curriculum 2000, with its much less emphasis on regular examining, will be a humiliating disaster, leading to even worse matric results. This culture of learning, teaching and discipline will have to eradicate the disastrous consequences of the upheavals in black education in the 1980’s with the ‘liberation before education’ rallying cry. It also needs to address the problems of bad school management and unmotivated or ill-trained teachers, and really involve parents as a crucial component of a well-run educational system. By empowering principals, teachers and school governing bodies and moving away from an over-centralised and interventionist system, the foundations for a successful system would have been laid. This need for a culture of learning, teaching and discipline is essentially part of the need for a moral regeneration of the very fibre of our society. It is not acceptable for teachers to turn up late for school or not at all, to allow strikes and protests to take priority over proper teaching, or to order handbooks late or not at all. Pupils should also attend school and take responsibility for their education, whilst parents and the community need to take co-responsibility, creating the best possible environment for educating their children. Unsettling government policies regarding the appointment of teachers should be reviewed in total. The whole retrenchment scheme has wrecked havoc with the morale of teachers and has drained schools of some of the best and brightest teachers. In some instances, it has led to irreparable damage. Balancing the restraints of the budget with the provision of the best possible education – including teaching staff – needs a more creative approach that the hamhanded and haphazard efforts at present. A careful and thorough analysis of the whole education system needs to be made in order to satisfy the demands for a system offering the best possible value for money. If, however, this has indicated a too thinly spread budget, the Government should ask itself if the country could afford not to spend the shortfall. The UDM supports calls for an urgent national summit involving all educational stakeholders. The agenda should include the above-mentioned points and be aimed at resolving problems and finding solutions, not distributing blame. The 1997 matric results are timely alarm bells that Government dares not ignore. The country now waits for Government to react creatively, decisively and promptly. If that is the sole legacy of the ‘class of 1997’, their results would at least have served a purpose; for those who did well, we wish to convey our congratulations.
Joint media statement about South African political landscape by Roelf Meyer and Bantu Holomisa of the UDM and Tony Leon of the Democratic Party The leaders of the DP and the UDM held a meeting during the past week in which an overview of the present political situation in the country was undertaken. Both parties confirmed their viewpoints that an over-dominant one party state was detrimental to the interests of South Africa and the need exists for vibrant opposition. Both agreed on the further need for a restructuring of the political scene in South Africa. Developments during 1997 have been a positive start in this regard but the process is far from complete. Any restructuring needs to be based on breaking the existing racial mould in which our politics is cast and on the establishment of political values based on shared principles. The principles in the Constitution requiring national unity, the development of multi-party democracy and serving of the national interest are key indicators in this regard, but any political movement also requires a shared economic, political and social vision. With this in mind, the UDM and the DP will in the new year focus on how these principles can be advanced by the two parties. For this purpose the Joint Committee established earlier between the two parties will be re-activated early in the new year. A meeting is planned where the state of the nation will be evaluated and further planning is undertaken.
Joint media statement by the UDM and the NP The National Party (NP) and the United Democratic Movement (UDM) have jointly decided that the pending court case regarding the UDM members who have resigned from the NP whilst retaining their elected positions on the Pretoria City Council, not be proceeded with. It is a joint viewpoint that the situation in the country in the national interest requires from everybody to rather concentrate on the bigger issues. Policy differences between the two parties are not dissolved by this agreement, but in further decision-making regarding relevant issues in Pretoria, the interests of all the residents of the city will be the determining factor.
Presented by Mr Bantu Holomisa, UDM Co-leader, at the South African Institute of Race Relations, Johannesburg In the letter of invitation which I received from the Institute of Race Relations, it is stated that the United Democratic Movement (UDM) is attracting much media attention. The UDM on the other hand feels that scant attention is paid to its activities by the media, so it is a matter of debate as to whether we enjoy any sufficient media coverage or not. However, what is important to us is the reasons of our existence or the process which led to the formation of the UDM. The process which led to the first 1994 April democratic elections in the history of South Africa was initiated to bring about freedom to the people of South Africa. Indeed the first democratic government was unveiled to assume its task of continuing with the democratisation process of state institutions, above all to bring about qualitative change and particularly improving the lives of the poor. The UDM is ready to measure to current and future challenges facing South Africa, as we approach the 21 Century. We embrace the challenge with passion and alacrity the practical demands of rebuilding our severely divided society with unprecedented vigour. We will set free the creative power inherent in our diversity, and will co-operate with all stake-holders to ensure a quality of life and freedom for every citizen, based on good governance and civil order, towards being a winning nation. The UDM presently is for obvious reasons not represented at parliament. This does not necessarily mean that our primarily aim is to contest the 1999 elections and be part and parcel of other political parties in parliament without any broader vision and sense of purpose. We clearly see ourselves playing an effective role outside and inside parliament if ever we gets sufficient seats in 1999 elections. The UDM programme of action is geared towards the achievement of just social outcome. In dealing with: unemployment; civil order; housing; education; economy; We are currently involved in the process of designing specific policy positions, what the UDM have contrary to what is said, is broader policy framework or principles. Can the current political parties stand to the current and future challenges? The parliamentary experience/or observations such as: the inability of minority parties to exert pressure and hold the executive to account; the majority party using its numeric strength to dismiss constructive views from other parties; the past activities of parties in parliament being used by the majority party to weaken its opposition during policy-making process with some of the issues with no direct connection on what is being deliberated upon; These are some of the factors, which had weakened the current political parties in terms of playing effective opposition role. It is against this background that the UDM has a role to play and to fill this gap and unite the country by consolidating and defending this hard won fledgling democracy as we move towards the 21 Century and positioning ourselves in dealing with the unforeseen challenges of the future and building together a just society for all. The role of civil society in addressing these challenges should not be undermined. The non-government sector in South Africa has played an important role in making sure that Apartheid as government policy fails. This sector has played an important role in capacitating our communities through various means, in the form of training, poverty reduction programmes, particularly in the rural areas, providing support for small and medium enterprises for the disadvantaged sector of our communities, adult basic education to combat illiteracy. The South African Institute of Race Relations with other similar minded NGOs has in the past and I believe still made education a priority by recognising its importance as a liberating tool. The fact that these institutions granted scholarships and bursaries to the needy bears testimony to this commitment of uplifting our communities. It clear that the government alone cannot transform our society without the active involvement of the Non-governmental Institutions. The fact that NGOs by their nature are suppose to be apolitical they are strategically placed to intervene on behalf of citizens, especially when the government is inclined to abuse its political power in pursuance of sectional/ or individual interests. The civil society can effectively play its role by supplementing oppositional parties in government. This can be achieved by being public watchdogs or whistle blowers, especially when acts of corruption are detected. However, we do acknowledge the limitations which the NGOs are faced with in carrying out their mandate, precisely that the funding environment had dried up. The future direction of South Africa is already mapped by the ANC through RDP initially which was later abandoned and replaced by GEAR as government normative policy document, it sets out in no uncertain terms as to what the ANC hopes to achieve in a given period from job creation to provision of infrastructure. Today teachers who are supposed to be building the nation are to be retrenched. So compare the objectives of GEAR with what is happening now. Is it more jobs or speedy retrenchments of the people whom should be benefiting from the new dispensation? Judge for yourselves… In conclusion I wish to take this opportunity to thank the Institute of Race Relations for inviting me and the audience. Bantu Holomisa UDM Co-leader
Statement by Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer The Amnesty Committee of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission has now asked legal opinion on its decision to grant amnesty to Mr Thabo Mbeki and 36 other top ANC officials. Since granting amnesty, the Committee has not informed the nation for which human rights transgressions these amnesties were granted. As a matter of fact, the Committee has indicated that they need not do any explaining. This is of course totally unacceptable. It is a disservice not only towards the Commission’s mandate and the transparency that is an essential part of the process towards truth and reconciliation, but also towards the applicants themselves. Thabo Mbeki, as a potential president of the country, cannot face the future with the cloud of an unexplained and nebulous amnesty hanging over his head. The situation should be fully explained and rectified, as speedily as possible. The TRC, as the torchbearer into our obscure past, should not start fumbling around in the dark itself.
Statement by Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer The past two weeks’ hearing before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Ms Winnie Madikizela-Mandela has revealed a number of things ‘that went horribly wrong’ during the time of Ms Madikizela-Mandela’s association with the so-called Mandela United Football Club. Details aside, our country now demands clear reaction from the ANC leadership if it is serious about the aim of the TRC, namely to get to the truth about the past and to continue into a future of reconciliation: Allegations made against Madikizela-Mandela were done by senior members of the ANC, such as Sydney Mufamadi, Murphy Morobe and Azar Cachalia. The ANC leadership should now emphatically state its position regarding these allegations. Many of these allegations were already made before the appointment of Ms Madikizela-Mandela as deputy minister in government. Suspicions around these issues were also rife at the time. By appointing her, the ANC leadership has obviously condoned her actions in this regard. During the TRC hearing it appeared as if the ANC now wanted to taint her name by accusing her of these very actions. If the view of the ANC in this regard has since changed, we citizens should know about it, given the public role that Madikizela-Mandela has since played, inter alia as deputy minister. The UDM bears no candle for Ms Madikizela-Mandela. As the governing party, the ANC, however, will determine to a large extent the success of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The ANC now owes the country a full explanation regarding the above. The country, and the Commission, demand the truth, not obfuscation or mere silence. They await the ANC’s response.
Statement by Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer The release of Finance Minister Trevor Manuel’s medium-term budget policy statement has introduced a new, transparent direction for South African fiscal policy. For this he needs to be congratulated. Although all the news is not encouraging, especially the scaled-down forecast for growth of the GDP, the opening up of fiscal policy planning is a fresh approach that will prove to be of immense assistance to local and foreign investors. It also expresses a much-needed confidence in the capabilities of the department and ministry of Finance and the general direction in which South African fiscal policies are heading. One concern, though, is regarding the introduction of a contingency and policy reserve, totaling R5bn. Proper control of these funds would be needed to prevent irregularities and the improper application thereof. Clear control guidelines need to be spelled out by the minister.
Statement by Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer The alarming regularity with which farming people are attacked and murdered has long since reached critical proportions. The possibility mooted by President Mandela last week that the atrocities may be committed by wild elements formerly belonging to MK, was a frank admission opening up a possibility of ending this rule of terror. The UDM, however, is concerned that nothing substantial has apparently since been done. We request government, as a matter of urgency, to compile a list of all possible suspects and to comprehensively plan how all of these will be traced and their activities investigated. If gangs like these are indeed existing and operating, they are a scourge and a menace to our society and our democracy. The full force of the law needs to be speedily brought down on them, otherwise the government will be seen as having dismally failed a large community of its citizens. We shall monitor the situation closely in the interest of the many South Africans living and working on farms, who are now living under the unacceptable and constant sword of violence and murder.