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Resignation as Member of Parliament for the National Party and joining the UDM

Statement by Reverend Macfarlan Pheneti, Member of Parliament, MP Today I resigned from the National Party to join the United Democratic Movement. I joined the UDM, the only party that brings South Africans irrespective of race, gender, or religious believes together in one political home. I was elected to the National Parliament in 1994 to represent the National Party. I was convinced at the time that the National Party was sincere in its efforts to bring South Africans together and that there was a change of heart in the NP. However, today I must admit that I, together with many other people of colour was misled. The National Party has lost its will, ability and commitment to reach out and attract new voters of substance. Under the new leadership of the National Party the NP is caught up in a situation where it is controlled by a white, Afrikaner, male kabaal who take decisions, highly centralized, and enforce them. (Read Marthinus van Schalkwyk and a small band of men). No black person in the party holds any real position of power or influence. Many opportunities where people of colour could either be appointed or elected in positions did arise, but the NP chooses to ignore them. Black people in leadership positions within the National Party are nothing more than convenient symbols of window dressing the party. The NP leadership does not take them seriously and a “master servant” situation prevails. Under the current leadership of the National Party, the NP will disappear from the political scene. I can no longer be dishonest with myself, my family and with the South African voter public. I call on my fellow colleagues in the black caucus of the National Party to seriously reconsider their positions, stop living a lie, and find themselves a political home where they can find fulfillment. It is for this reason that I today announce my resignation and subsequently the vacation of my position as Member of Parliament to provide my services to the UDM on a voluntary basis.

Politics bankrupt IEC: democracy on knife edge

Statement by Deputy-President The South African voter public may well become the victim and democracy the corps that will be buried as a result of the ANC and opposition parties unwillingness to provide sufficient funding to the IEC. The UDM has warned from the outset that the amount made available to the IEC to conduct the elections, is not enough. This affects the smooth running of the elections as well as the independence of the IEC. The UDM’s fears have now become reality. It was reported today at a National Party Liaison Committee that the IEC only have enough money to continue their work until the middle of November. The IEC was awarded a budget of R500 million, this after they requested a budget of R1.1 billion. Only a further R100 million was added to the budget though the IEC requested a further R600 million from the supplementary budget. None of the political parties in parliament supported the IEC in their request for more money. Because of the shortage in the budget, the IEC took the decision to register voters only for three days. The IEC does not have more money available to spend on registration. The decision not to grant people abroad and prisoners a voting opportunity was also taken because of the budget shortage. At any given point in time there are 250 000 South Africans in London alone. With a three-day registration process, this figure will escalate together with South Africans in South Africa, who will not be in their voting districts during the registration days, will be added, and will not be able to vote. Because of budget constraints, they will be deprived of their democratic right to vote as contained in the Bill of Rights. Though, the IEC did indicate that, if the registration percentage is unsatisfactory after the period lapsed, they will approach parliament for funds, so as to continue registering voters, this will only become obvious at the end of November, and it will remain subject to funds being made available. It is the UDM’s opinion that the IEC will not be able to stick to the current timeframe and that the date of the elections will be affected. The 1999 elections are heading for disaster. It is obvious when it comes to voting money to themselves, political parties will do so very easily as they have done with the “Funding of Political Parties Bill.”; The UDM can not but question the ANC’s political motives in providing such an inadequate budget to the IEC. Can it be that the ANC does not want to see the elections take place in 1999?; How do you explain spending R80 million per week “enforcing” democracy in a neighbouring state, but you are not willing to provide sufficient funds for your own democracy. The UDM challenges political parties in parliament to ensure that the election process is properly funded; demonstrate your seriousness with democracy – ensure free and fair elections.

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission Report

Statement by Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer When President Nelson Mandela today received the TRC report, he received on behalf of every single South African the epilogue on the saddest chapter in our history. The United Democratic Movement will study the report in dept, but our first impressions are that it is a balanced report that can, and which we believe is intended to, if handled in a responsible manner, contribute to reconciliation. The wounds of the past can not be healed through the report of the TRC. We should never forget the basic principles and lessons learned from our past, we must use it as firm foundation for our future. This report provides us today with the first pages on which we, united as a nation, can start writing our future – that, that will become tomorrow’s history. We are given a second chance, another opportunity to contribute towards creating a South Africa in which our rich diversity can become our pride, where we can develop, through a spirit of South Africanism, a country and a nation that can become all it can be. The United Democratic Movement today puts a challenge to every single South African, every individual in all sectors of our community: the churches, academic institutions, business community, political leaders, the youth – to take on this tremendous challenge, to accept responsibility for contributing towards our future and building a nation. Let us be co-planers and become architects of our own destiny. The TRC commissioners, the support staff and all other who have been involved in the tremendous task of the TRC must be thanked for their tireless effort. We have witnessed the commitment with which they attended to this task. We can only start to imagine the personal and emotional strain that they went through. South Africa thank you for your personal contribution and sacrifices in taking us onto the road leading to the future.

Factually incorrect reporting in Beeld

Statement by Roelf Meyer, UDM Deputy-President The main article in this morning’s Beeld: “Skok oor moorde vir Magnus, Vlok”, in which it is stated that I have received a notice from the TRC, regarding my former position as Deputy Minister of Law and Order, about a certain incident in May 1996, is a flagrant factual mistake. I received no letter or notice at any stage from the TRC about any matter as was reported. The reporter did not contact me, or my office, to verify these facts. Instead he went ahead and reported it as a fact that I have received such a letter. At the time of the alleged incident I was not a deputy minister of any portfolio what so ever. This is obviously why the TRC did not send me a notice. I conveyed the above facts this morning to the editor of Beeld, Mr. Johan de Wet, upon which he apologised for the factual errors made by the journalist and has undertaken to report the true facts and a correction in tomorrow’s newspaper. Other media carried the report in Beeld – I would expect the same correction to take place in those mediums.

Job Summit

Statement by Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer The United Democratic Movement (UDM) welcomes the fact that the Job Summit is taking place at last. However, the need for such a summit emphasises the failure of government policies towards job creation. The reasons for these failures are both structural and consequential. On the structural side it must be noted that: The SA manufacturing industry runs only at 80% of its potential The monthly motor sales are at the same level as they were in the middle of 1994 Building plans currently approved are lower than that in the middle of 1994 Manufacturing was 8% lower in August 1998 than in August 1997, whilst the world figure is 1 ½% up for the same period. All of these points indicate the need for some corrections in the management of interest rates and our currency. On the consequential side, one must admit that we have suffered from the global decline in economic activity as well as from the high number of strikes which have had a particular influence on our export production and capacity during July/August 1998. This resulted in the lowest trade balance figures ever for South Africa in August 1998. At its first National Congress on 27 June 1998, the UDM adopted a policy document which addresses the unemployment problem in South Africa. The UDM is proud of this innovative, but practical document and would like to present a few of its more crucial points: The point of departure in our policy document is that neither government nor big business will be able to provide the job requirements The only solution lies in enterprise development through which all South Africans can be empowered and the gap between those that have and those that don’t have can be narrowed To make enterprise development successful an integrated approach is necessary. Specific practical solutions are also illustrated in our documents, for instance: The need to make credit facilities and banking services accessible to the 60% or more of the population that do not have access now. This must be done through refocusing the capital market to assist new and emerging business. The combining of formal and informal financing facilities like local stock exchanges. Entrepreneurial and risk skills training through allocating government resources to practical training which enhances people’s ability to enter the economy. Encouraging land owners to grant or sell shares in their farming enterprises through incentives. Reviewing statutory wage requirements that will encourage job creation and which reflect the unique circumstances of areas and communities. The UDM regrets the fact that it is not able to participate in the Job Summit because we are convinced that our contribution would be worthwhile and enriching. In the latest competitive study report of the World Economic Forum it was indicated that South Africa fares relatively well in the institutional sector and general infrastructure. What is, however, of particular concern is that South Africa is at the bottom of the rating of labour skills and human development. The UDM therefore proposes that specific focus be put on these areas where the government has clearly failed over the last four years.

Amnestie en die WVK

Statement by Deputy-President Roelf Meyer Na aanleiding van die artikel deur Jacko Maree, en opvolg kommentaar in die Burger, val dit vreemd op dat hy as NP LP sy eie party se derms oor die amnestie aangeleentheid so uitryg. Ek stem nie met al sy stellings saam nie, maar vind dit tog onverklaarbaar dat hy, as NP LP, wat mede verantwoordlikheid moet dra, die skuld oor die verloop van die gebeure op die NP fokus. Die hele verloop van die onderhandelingsproses en die uitkoms moet vandag beoordeel word teen die alternatiewe wat toe bestaan het. Twee sodanige alternatiewe was ‘n beleg van Suid Afrika deur die Internasionale gemeenskap wat defnitief moontlik was in die lig van die totale weersin in apartheid. In die laat tagtiger jare het dit ‘n hoogtepunt bereik wat selfs daartoe gelei het dat vriende van die destydse Suid Afrikaanse regering, soos Margaret Thatcher, druk uitgeoefen het op Suid Afrika om onmiddelik te likwideer. Die tweede alternatief was ‘n bloedige binnelandse konflik wat ons almal in die loopgrawe sou dwing en wat baie erger as Namibië en Zimbabwe of enige ander konflik sou wees. Ons het Suid Afrika ‘n wrede bevrydingsoorlog gespaar deur, op ‘n vreedsame wyse, ‘n onderhandelde ooreenkoms te bereik. Ek is dankbaar dat ek deel kon wees van die proses om vir ons land so ‘n uitkoms te verseker. Die feit dat Suid Afrika vandag swoeg onder ondemokratiese praktyke wat deur die ANC regering toegepas word, is nie die resultaat van die onderhandelings of die nuwe grondwet nie, maar van die feit dat ons nog nie ons politieke samestelling verander het nie. Eers wanneer ons swart en wit werklik in een politieke huishouding saambind sal ons die nodige demokratiese balans bereik. Dit is juis hierdie oefening waarmee die UDM besig is. Ander partye onder wit leiding soos die Nasionale Party en die Demokratiese Party sal nie dit kan regkry nie. Die feite oor die amnestie ondehandelinge is baie eenvoudig. Kobie Coetsee het die hele aangeleentheid soos ‘n ervare kaartspeler teen sy bors gespeel – van begin tot einde – en hy is hierin deur FW de Klerk beskerm. Nie ek of enige ander onderhandelaar is in die periode vanaf 1990 tot laat in 1993 toegelaat om met die saak te handel nie. Selfs gedurende die onderhandelings oor die Notule van Verstandhouding in 1992 is die saak van vrywaring deur Kobie Coetsee hanteer en nie deur myself soos Jacko Maree probeer uitmaak nie. Ek moet ook daarop wys dat dit deurgaans die praktyk was gedurende die onderhandelings dat ander kabinetsministers verantwoordlikheid geneem het vir hul eie lynfunksies. Die verskil tussen die lynfunksies en amnestie is dat die meeste van hulle dit openlik en in oorleg met hul kollegas gedoen het. Om die rede kan ek met absolute oortuiging verklaar dat alles wat ek onderhandel het, die mede verantwoordelikheid dra van FW de Klerk en die volle kabinet van destyds, waarvan André Fourie, Sheila Camerer en Danie Schutte vandag senior posisies in die Nasionale Party beklee. Nie ‘n enkele besluit wat ek met Cyril Ramaphosa, die ANC of enige ander party onderhandel het, het ek op my eie gedoen nie. Daarom moet die totale kabinet en die NP koukus van destyds verantwoordlikheid neem vir die resultaat. Ek het weekliks volledig geraporteer aan die NP koukus van destyds, waarvan Jacko Maree en Marthinus van Schalkwyk en almal lede was. Niks wat ek gedoen het is in die geheim, agter geslote deure of in private ooreenkomste gedoen nie. Oor amnestie het ek en ander, soos Hernus Kriel, dikwels in 1992 en 1993 in die kabinet en ander onderhandelings beplanningsessies gevra dat die saak tot ‘n punt gebring moet word. Daar was nie vordering oor die saak in samehang met ander onderhandelingsvraagstukke nie. Einde ten laaste is ek, nadat die onderhandelings oor die grondwet afgehandel was, gevra om die saak te beredder. Dit was egter op ‘n onmoontlike tydstip, maar het uitgeloop op die naskrif in die oorgangsgrondwet, die inhoud waarvan weereens deur die volle kanbinet van destyds goedgekeur is. Die ooreenkoms is op 5 Desember 1993 beklink. Die vraag wat egter onbeantwoord bly is wat van die veiligheidsmagte van destyds en ons verantwoordlikheid teenoor hulle. In my eie voorlegging aan die WVK op 15 Oktober 1997 het ek die standpunt ingeneem dat die gebeure rondom die destydse konflik in volle konteks gesien moet word. Dit beteken dat almal aan albei kante van die konflik verantwoordelik was vir die skep van ‘n gees van vyandigheid waarin buitengewone optredes en selfs skendings van menseregte voorgekom het. Almal van ons het daarom in ‘n mindere of meerdere mate verantwoordelikheid gehad. Diegene wat in die regering, parlement of in partystrukture aan weerskante van die konflik gedien het. By terugskoue het ek gesê was my eie grootste skuld dat ek nie betyds meer bevraagtekend was gedurende daardie tyd nie. Ek het verder in my voorlegging aan die hand gedoen hoe menseregteskendings beoordeel behoort te word. (Basies in 3 kategorieë van beoordeling: optredes wat onder opdrag plaasgevind het, die wat gewaand in opdrag was en derdens optredes wat buite konteks plaasgevind het). Ek dink dus dit was verkeerd dat PW Botha nie na die WVK gegaan het om verantwoordlikheid te neem vir optredes deur die veiligheidsmagte in sy tydperk nie, maar dit oorgelaat het aan individuele lede van die veiligheidsmagte om vir hulself in te staan. Ek dink verder dat die NP, as organisasie, medeverantwoordelikheid moet aanvaar en kan hy nie in sy huidige gedaante op enige geloofwaardige wyse hom probeer distansieer van die regering van die verlede se aksies en dade nie. Daar is dus net een logiese gevolgtrekking – vir die NP het die pad tot ‘n einde gekom.

Stop ANC political intolerance

Statement by Deputy-National Secretary In the interest of democracy, the removal of UDM posters in Imbali, KwaZulu Natal by ANC structures can not be tolerated. The UDM sees this incident in a very serious light and as a real threat towards free political activity in the run-up to the 1999 elections. Political intolerance by the ANC leadership, their structures and followers is experienced throughout the country. For an ANC leader to indicate that posters would “confuse” the community and that they do not know of any UDM members in that area, and that therefore the UDM should not advertise its rallies there, smacks of ignorance and arrogance. No single square meter of land in this country should be politically exclusive and inaccessible to any political party. The constitutional rights of free political activity and access to information are grossly violated by this incident. The UDM calls on the President to indicate in no uncertain terms whether political parties will be guaranteed their right to canvass and have free access to all areas in the country. We further call on Thabo Mbeki as President of the ANC to educate and discipline the ANC leadership and their supporters in the basic principles of democracy. It is often the ANC leadership’s own intolerance towards criticism levelled at them by other political parties, that serves as a signal to their followers that it is acceptable to act in this way. The UDM in KwaZulu Natal has already brought criminal charges against the ANC and this incident will also be brought to the attention of the IEC.

UDM welcomes the new Pretoria Taxi Office

Statement by National Organiser The United Democratic Movement has declared clearly in its vision statement that we plan to make South Africa a winning nation in Ten Years. It is in that spirit that we wholeheartedly wish to welcome and congradulate the Pretoria Taxi Forums and associations for the launching of the Greater Pretora Metropolitan taxi Office For too long has the Taxi industry suffered under poor regulatory systems which led to unnecessary bloodshed and the deaths of many commutors and drivers alike. Any effort that will improve the safety of Taxi users and drivers is welcomed by the UDM. Any effort that will encourage enterpreneual spirit and that narrows the gap between the have’s and the have nots is a step in the right direction. The sooner this pilot project is spread to the rest of the country the better. We hope that government officials will remain facilitators and not interfere too much in this newly formed office for it to survive as a clean and transparent body. This noble endevour must not end up like all others, breeding more violence and deaths.