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18 Feb, 2026
State of the Nation Address 2026 debate in the NCOP
Speech for Mr MM Peter, MP and Member of the NCOP for the United Democratic Movement at the State of the Nation Address 2026 debate CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY Honourable Speaker Honourable Members The United Democratic Movement (UDM) supports the State of the Nation Address as tabled by His Excellency, President Ramaphosa. But support does not mean silence. In the true interest of serving the people of South Africa, we rise to sharpen, strengthen and submit proposals that move this nation from promise to performance. 1. No country survives without law Mr President, on the issue of illegal immigrants, the UDM wishes to comment as follows - no country can function if its laws are optional, and anyone who comes to this country legally must be prepared to abide by the law or they will be shipped out. Fellow South Africans, you deserve a state that works, systems that speak to each other, and early warning mechanisms that stop crime before it spreads. Without accurate Financial Intelligence Centre Act (FICA) registration, South African Revenue Service (SARS) cannot collect revenue from all traders operating in our economy. Furthermore, law enforcement cannot properly trace or dismantle criminal syndicates operating in the underworld. South Africa urgently needs a coordinated security response plan with time frames and the strengthening of the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) as to be functional. South Africa’s liberation history teaches us solidarity. But protection must be credible and enforceable. If a person is granted asylum yet voluntarily returns to the very country they claim to be fleeing during holiday season, that status must be reviewed. You cannot be in danger today and on holiday tomorrow. Accountability is not hostility. It is fairness. It is security. It is sovereignty. 2. Skills development: from training to productivity We welcome the review of the Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs) as a corrective measure to ensure that skills funding delivers measurable results. Within the Department of Defence, the South African National Service Institute (SANSI) recently passed out over 500 young people. Mr President, do consider ring-fencing and redirecting SETA funding towards: • Funding into structured, outcome-based programmes such as SANSI. • Standardised study guides in mathematics, languages, accounting and entrepreneurship. • Mandatory practical and technical skill components. In 2001, Deputy Minister Holomisa, Matt Matthys, a maths teacher, Chantel Mulder, then Chief Executive Officer of the South African Institute of Chartered Accountants (SAICA), and the then President of SAICA, Ignatius Sehoole spearheaded the Thuthuka Project, providing English, Mathematics, and Accounting study guides for Grades 9 to 12. Today, that project has produced over 2,000 Black Chartered Accountants. We may need to have a tailor made, or similar setup into skills development. 3. Public Investment Corporation: Mr President, in 2023 you called on the Minister of Finance to address the pension queries of former civil servants. The affected community is still waiting for feedback and progress reports. People are dying while the system drags its feet, and each day of delay is a day of injustice. It is even more painful to see that the funds meant to secure these pensions are being looted by the elite through the Isibaya Fund at the Public Investment Corporation (PIC). Resources meant for ordinary South Africans are being diverted to enrich a few, deepening inequality and betraying public trust. How we wish that money could instead be invested in South Africa’s infrastructure, generating real returns for the country and creating jobs. This is a guaranteed investment in the nation, not in private greed. The people deserve accountability and action, not corruption. I thank you.
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17 Feb, 2026
State of the Nation Address 2026 debate by Bantu Holomisa
Speech for Deputy Minister Bantu Holomisa, MP and President of the United Democratic Movement at the State of the Nation Address 2026 debate CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY Honourable Speaker Honourable Members The Government of National Unity (GNU) will not be judged by the promises tabled during the opening of Parliament, but by whether that skeletal plan is implemented with urgency, discipline and measurable results. South Africans have heard plans before. What they demand now is execution. 1. Security is the foundation of development The State of the Nation Address (SONA) emphasised economic recovery and energy stability, but sustainable growth also depends on protecting our environment and critical infrastructure from vandalism, illegal mining and sabotage that damage ecosystems and investor confidence. We are strengthening enforcement, deploying coordinated security and accelerating prosecutions because environmental protection, stability and growth are inseparable. The GNU further recognises that development cannot flourish without security. We therefore welcome: • The deployment of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) in support of South African Police Service (SAPS) in crime epicentres such as the Cape Flats and the broader Western Cape, and areas such as Randfontein in Gauteng. • The elevation of the security cluster as a national priority. • The use of Artificial Intelligence-driven systems for predictive policing and intelligence coordination. In line with the orders issued by the Commander-in-Chief, President Ramaphosa, I confirm that the Department of Defence is seized with operational requirements to support stabilisation interventions in consultation with the security cluster. This is just phase one of restoring normality. 2. Crime and consequences: the era of impunity is over Mqwathi, mandikuqinisekise amasela ixesha lawo liphelile. Yekani ii Law Enforcement Agencies zenze umsebenzi wazo, singaphazanyiswa. The honeymoon is over. Corruption and maladministration have not merely touched the state, they have engulfed it, reaching even into our law enforcement agencies. The rot did not spare the Department of Defence either. That is why we acknowledge the President’s decision to sign the proclamation authorising the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) to investigate these matters and more. Accountability cannot be selective. It must be decisive and it must reach everywhere. At a briefing to the Portfolio Committee and Joint Standing Committee on Defence, the SIU, the Military Police, and the Hawks assured us that we have recovered over R1.6 billion linked to corruption and mismanagement within Defence. This is just a start of restoring the image of our defence force. That is consequence management in action. If Special Courts could be established by the Department of Justice in partnership with the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), this will assist to accelerate the resolution of all pending military cases. Crime and corruption embarrass this country. They damage investor confidence. They weaken sovereignty. We have no choice but to confronting them head-on. 3. No country survives without law No country can function if its laws are optional, and anyone who comes to this country legally must be prepared to abide by the law or they will be shipped out. Fellow South Africans, you deserve a state that works, systems that speak to each other, and early warning mechanisms that stop crime before it spreads. Without accurate Financial Intelligence Centre Act (FICA) registration, South African Revenue Service (SARS) cannot collect revenue from all traders operating in our economy. Furthermore, law enforcement cannot properly trace or dismantle criminal syndicates operating in the underworld. South Africa urgently needs a coordinated security response plan with time frames and the strengthening of the NPA as to be functional. South Africa’s liberation history teaches us solidarity. But protection must be credible and enforceable. If a person is granted asylum yet voluntarily returns to the very country they claim to be fleeing during holiday season, that status must be reviewed. You cannot be in danger today and on holiday tomorrow. Accountability is not hostility. It is fairness. It is security. It is sovereignty. 4. The Public Investment Corporation Mr President, in 2023 you called on the Minister of Finance to address the pension queries of former civil servants. The affected community is still waiting for feedback and progress reports. People are dying while the system drags its feet, and each day of delay is a day of injustice. It is even more painful to see that the funds meant to secure these pensions are being looted by the elite through the Isibaya Fund at the Public Investment Corporation. Resources meant for ordinary South Africa are being diverted to enrich a few, deepening inequality and betraying public trust. How we wish that money could instead be invested in South Africa’s infrastructure, generating real returns for the country and creating jobs. This is a guaranteed investment in the nation, not in private greed. The people deserve accountability and action, not corruption. 5. Skills development: from training to productivity We welcome the review of the Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs) as a corrective measure to ensure that skills funding delivers measurable results. Within Defence, the South African National Service Institute (SANSI) recently passed out over 500 young people. Mr President, do consider ring-fencing and redirecting SETA funding towards: • Funding into structured, outcome-based programmes such as SANSI. • Standardised study guides in mathematics, languages, accounting and entrepreneurship. • Mandatory practical and technical skill components. In 2001, Matt Matthys, Chantal Mulder, the President South African Institute of Chartered Accountants (SAICA), Ignatius Sehoole, and I spearheaded the Thuthuka Project, providing English, Mathematics, and Accounting study guides for Grades 9 to 12. Today, that project has produced over 2,000 Black Chartered Accountants. We may need to have a tailor-made, or similar setup into skills development. 6. Prevention of Hate Crimes and Combating of Hate Speech Act The Prevention of Hate Crimes and Combating of Hate Speech Act, though intended to protect dignity and equality, goes beyond what our Constitution permits and places freedom of religion at risk. It criminalises expression using vague and undefined concepts and expands protected grounds without legal certainty. In a constitutional democracy, believers must be free to express their faith without fear of prosecution. Equality must never be advanced by eroding religious freedom. We therefore urge that the Act be constitutionally aligned through appropriate amendments before it comes into operation. 7. Conclusion: restoring dignity, restoring the state No country survives without law. No economy grows without stability. No democracy thrives without accountability. South Africans want safety, fairness, opportunity and a state that works. Through decisive, coordinated action on security reform, border integrity, infrastructure protection, skills development and consequence management, we will deliver. Judge us not by our words, but by the order we restore, the stability we secure and the future we build together. I thank you.
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08 Jan, 2026
Speech by the President of the United Democratic Movement Maj. Gen. (Ret.) Bantu Holomisa, MP KwaTshezi Great Place
Traditional Leaders present here today, Community elders, Women and youth of KwaTshezi, Leaders of civil society, Councillors, Fellow South Africans, I am honoured to be here at KwaTshezi Great Place, near Coffee Bay, to engage directly with the people of this area. Let me begin by expressing our sincere gratitude to the people of this great place. You are among those who made a conscious decision that South Africa should not become a one party state a chapter that belongs firmly in the past. That decision strengthened our democracy and reaffirmed the principle that leadership must always be accountable to the people. For that we thank you. History has shown us that when power is concentrated for too long accountability weakens. Even law enforcement agencies have not been spared. When one reflects on the issues raised through the Madlanga Commission and the corruption exposed by General Mkhwanazi it becomes clear that under a one-party state some individuals, including General Mkhwanazi, would not still be occupying positions of authority today by virtue of being whistleblowers. This reality reinforces the urgency of ethical leadership. Towards the end of 2025 at the Cabinet Lekgotla one of the key resolutions tabled dealt precisely with this crisis of accountability. President Cyril Ramaphosa openly expressed frustration and anger at the slow pace and lack of prosecutions in corruption related cases. He went as far as to state that ministers or directors general who fail to act or who serve as gatekeepers for criminals should pack and go. The doors are open for them to leave. That is what he said. Another key resolution was the implementation of the Zondo Commission findings. I therefore anticipate that 2026 will be one of the years in which the Government of National Unity places strong emphasis on strengthening the criminal justice system. This will help restore confidence in the country’s leadership and enable decisive action on the triple challenges facing the nation. There can be no rebuilding of the country without consequences for wrongdoing. During the same Lekgotla, high levels of crime, unemployment, and the challenge of illegal immigration were also discussed at length. The reports of the Auditor General over the past thirty years tell a painful story. Announcements without implementing, findings without consequence management, and a culture of impunity across the board. Unfortunately this pattern has also engulfed the Department of Defence. People are aware of the pending criminal cases against the former Minister of Defence. This is part of what we inherited as a Government of National Unity, and we are confronting it directly. Within the Department of Defence, the Hawks, the Auditor General of South Africa, the Special Investigating Unit, and the Military Police are now working together to restore integrity and clean the image of the department. I am proud to say that I have been part of coordinating this operation. The Auditor General has highlighted that there is improvement in addressing their queries. Acting on a whistle blower report, I took steps to halt an irregular tender at Armscor in 2025. The Armscor Board subsequently cancelled that deal. We are currently following up on calls by Members of Parliament to investigate a contract in which Armscor allegedly awarded a tender for troop armoured plate carriers. This work is not easy. We are dealing with a culture that developed over nearly thirty years where the misuse of state resources became normalised. The era of state capture embarrassed South Africa and severely damaged its institutions. By the end of the Government of National Unity term when, we hand over to the next government after 2029 election, we must be able to present a report that reflects a country in a far better state one that has decisively addressed the failures of the past three decades. We saw early warning signs as far back as the 1996 Sarafina Two scandal and later, the 1998 Arms Deal. Auditor General reports on the South African National Defence Force point to lack of accountability weak consequence management and alleged corruption dating back as early as 2006. We do not have the luxury of time. We must deal decisively with corruption namasela without fear or favour. The stolen money from departments, state owned entities, and parastatals has directly contributed to the collapse of infrastructure and the failure to improve services. It is the reason communities still lack proper roads, schools, clinics, fibre connectivity, police vehicles, and military equipment. Corruption is not an abstract crime. It is the reason people continue to suffer. We therefore congratulate the recently appointed National Director of Public Prosecutions, Advocate Mothibi, and wish him well in his role. As a former head of the Special Investigating Unit, he has first hand knowledge of how corruption has damaged South Africa. We urge him to prioritise the backlog of cases within the Defence Force that have placed significant pressure on the National Prosecuting Authority. In the same vein, I wish to commend the Special Investigating Unit for recovering over 1.6 billion lost within the Department of Defence, declared when they were briefing the portfolio committee on defence in a closed session. We look forward to working with the new head of the SIU and stand ready to cooperate fully with his team to restore integrity and accountability. That is why the unfulfilled promises to this area are so painful. The people of KwaTshezi were promised water from the Mthatha Dam to Coffee Bay. Trenches were dug and later filled in again. No water came. Neither have there been action taken against the fingered officials of the OR Tambo District who allegedly squandered the funds for this project. You were promised a proper road from the Viedgesville off ramp on the N2 to Coffee Bay. Former Minister Mbalula and SANRAL assured the community that a new road would be built, yet nothing materialised. Another route that has deteriorated severely is the turnoff from the Coffee Bay route that links it to Elliotdale. Its condition is now worse than it was in the past, to the point where sections are no longer usable. Today, these roads remain in a state of severe disrepair. These roads lead to tourism centres where international resorts such as Coffee Bay and Hole in the Wall resorts are housed. As residents of King Sabata Dalindyebo particularly here in Mqanduli we must now act collectively. There is a need for a formal approach led by traditional leaders, civil society, councillors, and community representatives to engage the national government directly. This approach must not be a talk shop. It must demand clear commitments on roads infrastructure and development timelines. It must also summon network providers Vodacom, MTN, and Telkom to account for when rural connectivity especially in Mqanduli will be improved. As we approach local government elections, we must also confront governance failures honestly. In line with what you have declared at the national level to get rid of one-party dominance, that must be reflected in the upcoming elections. Your vote can give way to concept of coalition governance to cascade to municipalities such as King Sabata Dalindyebo and OR Tambo District where long standing problems persist. Where systems fail communities, alternatives must be explored in the interests of the people. Finally, the process that began in 2024 of sharing power among political parties has made it clear that after the 2029 elections, it will no longer be a foregone conclusion which party provides the President of South Africa. We must therefore remain vigilant and begin serious discussions about the kind of leadership required to take South Africa forward beyond this term. The communities here must satisfy themselves that we will have leaders who would have passed the test of public scrutiny. The people of KwaTshezi are not asking for miracles. They are asking for honesty accountability and action. That is a fair demand and one we must meet. I thank you.
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14 Sep, 2025
Modernisation of the Global South, Building Global Partnerships for Joint Advancement of Common and Sustainable Development
Speech Delivered by for Hon N Kwankwa on the Occasion of the Programme for 2025 Legislative Forum for Friendly Exchanges: (Theme) Modernisation of the Global South, Building Global Partnerships for Joint Advancement of Common and Sustainable Development Check against delivery Programme Director Heads of Parliaments from the Global South Members of the Diplomatic Core Distinguished delegates and Parliamentarians from the Global South Ladies and Gentlemen I take this opportunity on behalf of the leaders of the Parliament of South Africa and her people to convey our warm and fraternal greetings to the hosting country convening this “Legislative Forum for Friendly Exchanges” the People’s Republic of China, delegates from all the countries of the Global South. This occasion once again has come at an opportune moment to converge us in the quest of renewing the bonds of historical friendship amongst our nations, which dates back during the time of colonialism as we were engaged in the struggle for liberation. Today we convene under different conditions to respond to an array of challenges which continue to confront our countries and their people within a global climate and political landscape characterised by tectonic shifts and geopolitical tensions in different regions of the globe. The Republic of South Africa and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) enjoy historic bonds of solidarity and friendship, forged during the African liberation struggle and nurtured through decades of cooperation. The roots of this relationship can be traced back to the 1955 Bandung Conference, where China stood alongside African nations in their quest for independence. What began with solidarity in the struggle against colonialism has matured into a comprehensive partnership that continues to go from strength to strength. Our two nations have established structured bilateral mechanisms that ensure regular dialogue and practical cooperation across political, economic, social, technical, and cultural spheres. These mechanisms have delivered tangible outcomes in development, trade, infrastructure, and people-to-people exchanges, strengthening mutual trust and respect. Today, South Africa and China stand as strategic partners, not only bilaterally but also in multilateral forums such as BRICS, working together for peace, sustainable development, and a fairer global order. Distinguished Delegates Perhaps it could be argued that this occasion presents more of an inclusive forum by affording legislatures to exchange experiences as people’s representatives that carry the aspirations and act as tribunes of social transformation to many challenges confronting our people. Legislature in nature is an embodiment of democracy. Therefore, in an age where the line between domestic and the international is becoming blurred and where there is a globalisation of problems, democracy ought to be promoted at various levels of governance which include national, regional and international. Historically, parliaments had scant involvement in international relations. The role of parliaments in the area of international relations has always been confined to ratifying international agreements adopted by the executive. However, the advent of a participatory democratic order in the world, globalisation and developments in global governance structures has resulted in a dual process of internationalisation of domestic relations and domestication of international relations. Therefore, parliaments have a historic obligation to ensure that the people they represent at national level are also represented in the global arena and are not left behind as a result of the new global developments. Programme Director The overarching theme of our deliberations is premised on the question of building “Global Partnerships for Joint Advancement of Common and Sustainable Development”. The world, today, is confronted with unprecedented and accelerated changes. An important feature of the changes is that the collective rise of developing countries is gaining momentum. The rise of developing countries as a whole is based on and reinforced by their collective modernisation and reconstruction in different aspects. Thus, an in-depth discussion on the modernisation of the Global South is urgently needed, not only in response to the call of developing countries for peace, development and progress, but also to meet the aspirations of the people of all countries for modernisation and human advancement. The Global South symbolises a prominent worldwide trend of the collective rise of developing countries and reflects their strong wish for solidarity and self-reliance. The countries of the Global South once suffered from aggression, colonisation, suppression and plunder. It is through years of struggle and hard work, along with the evolving changes in this century, that the Global South has gradually become an important force driving the reforms in the world order and seeking political independence, national rejuvenation and international justice. To this end, the Global South is the source of strength for global multi-polarity. Since the end of the Cold War, the trend of global multi-polarity has evolved amid twists and turns. Along with the unfolding of profound changes across the global economic and political landscape and the collective rise of developing countries, the Global South has got an important opportunity to play a greater role on the world stage. Programme Director It is an accurate assertion that Global South needs to achieve greater collective strength. In this regard, working together to advance modernisation is what the Global South must do to achieve greater collective strength through unity. Realising modernisation is a shared pursuit of all countries of the Global South. To build a better world, the Global South must work together to pursue and realise modernisation. Their aim should be to build a strong and modern Global South, to propel the progress of civilisation and develop a human community with a shared future. Certainly, global development challenges — such as climate change, inequality, pandemics, and resource depletion — have become increasingly cross-cutting and transnational in nature. They transcend national borders and demand coordinated strategies. Our parliaments through their mandate of law-making, oversight and public participation have an obligation to monitor and ensure the implementation of the commitments our governments have committed at both domestic and international level. Equally, this Legislative Forum affords parliamentarians a space to exchange experiences on best models relating to their mandate and learn from each other’s best practises to strengthen the agenda of the Global South from the parliamentary diplomacy point of view. At different multilateral fora such as the inter-parliamentary level, parliamentarians continue to utilise the soft power of parliamentary diplomacy to complement the efforts of our governments in many areas such as conflict, trade disputes, climate change related challenges, human rights and advancement of economic diplomacy and sustainable development. Honourable Delegates South Africa, in adapting to the changes in the global system; has been faced with different challenges which in some cases have inspired rigorous debate. Faced with the need to tackle a range of domestic issues these debates will continue, but South Africa like many nations around the globe must engage with the international system in a way that encourages economic growth and development. The advancement of South-South cooperation is of strategic importance in the pursuit of the country’s foreign policy objectives to address the challenges of economic and political marginalisation that emanates from the process of globalisation. The unequal distribution of the benefits of globalisation, the imbalance of power between the countries of the global North and the countries of the global South and the lack of sustainable development has necessitated countries of the Global South to formulate strategies that would help them to level the playing field. South Africa's initial approach to promoting the Global South vision involved engaging with the Non-Aligned Movement. The goal was to foster a multi-polar world and create more cooperation opportunities for Southern countries without succumbing to bloc logic. Aligning with a single bloc would have limited many Global South countries' options. Furthermore, South Africa's foreign policy has emphasised economic diplomacy and trade relations. By establishing strategic trade partnerships with other Global South nations, South Africa seeks to diversify its economic ties and decrease dependence on traditional Western markets. The India-Brazil-South Africa (IBSA) Dialogue Forum exemplifies South Africa's commitment to building strong economic networks that support mutual growth and development. South Africa has taken several political stances in favour of the Global South. The country recognised the necessity of South-South dialogue on various issues such as economic development, cultural diplomacy, migrations, and international affairs. For instance, South Africa advocated for reforms in international financial institutions, seeking to make them more inclusive and responsive to the needs of developing countries. Additionally, South Africa oriented its foreign policy toward the challenges posed by climate change and actively worked toward sustainable development and climate justice. Acknowledging that developing countries are disproportionately affected by climate change, South Africa launched initiatives for technology transfer, capacity building, and financial support for adaptation and mitigation efforts in the Global South. South African leadership in the Global South is evident through its participation in alternative international organisations, forums, and groupings. The BRICS alliance stands out as a prime example. Initiated in 2006 in Saint Petersburg on the sidelines of the G8 by the leaders of Brazil, Russia, India, and China, the group was initially known as BRIC. Formalisation occurred a year later with the first BRIC Foreign Ministers' Meeting. South Africa formally joined in September 2010, adding the "S" to create BRICS. More recently, South Africa's position toward the Israeli/Palestinian conflict has perfectly illustrated the more assertive role the country is now endorsing. On December 29, 2023, following the Israeli offensive that destroyed large parts of Gaza, killed thousands of civilians, and led to massive population displacements, South Africa filed a case at the International Court of Justice against Israel. The country alleged that Israel was breaching the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in its military assault. While South African support for Palestine is not new, the current method of support is. The particularity lies in South Africa's utilisation of existing international institutions to promote its values and defend its objectives. Until now, the Global South has mainly advocated for a New World Order based on new international institutions, as the current ones such as the UN, IMF, World Bank, and others are perceived as dominated and instrumentalised by Western powers. In different parliamentary for such as the Inter-parliamentary Union, South Africa and European Joint Parliamentary Meetings our parliamentary has echoed and complemented the efforts of government in condemning the genocide perpetrated by the government of Israel against the Palestinians, including the violation of their right to self-determination. On Building Partnerships for Global South Initiatives According to the UN perspective, ‘global partnerships represent the collaborative efforts of nations, organisations, and various stakeholders, aimed at addressing multifaceted challenges that transcend national boundaries. As such, centrally to the ambitions of the UN's 2030 Global Agenda for Sustainable Development, the 17th Sustainable Development Goal (SDG 17) specifically emphasises the role of partnerships. This is so because ‘it acknowledges that isolated efforts are insufficient when combatting complex, intertwined global issues such as poverty, hunger, education disparities, and climate change’. To be sure, SDG 17, aptly titled "Partnership for the Goals", underlines the symbiotic relationship between partnerships and the other SDGs and underscores the fact that without effective global cooperation, the realisation of the remaining 16 SDGs remains elusive. Therefore, building and strengthening partnerships becomes paramount for optimising resources, sharing best practices, and fostering innovation. As correctly pointed out by the UN, ‘the nature of global challenges, such as the urgent threat of climate change, compels nations to collectively address these issues, integrating their unique resources and perspectives’. A point in case was the global response to the COVID-19 pandemic, which demonstrated that without international cooperation, resource sharing, and mutual support, managing the pandemic's impacts would have been significantly more challenging. By pooling scientific research, sharing vaccine development insights, and assisting vulnerable nations, the world demonstrated the indispensability of global partnerships. In view of the above, legislatures of the Global South have a responsibility to define the agenda of placing parliamentary diplomacy at the heart of the development to respond to the crisis of poverty, inequality and unemployment, transformation and diversifying of economic markets in the day of the trade wars and unilateral tariffs imposed by the countries of the global north. Conclusion South Africa embraces the opportunity accorded through the Legislative Forum for friendly exchanges and looks forward to share experiences and learn from other best practices to sharpen its weapon of parliamentary diplomacy at global level and exercise her mandate of law-making, oversight and public participation. Equally, we look forward to strengthening the face of global to meet the demands of the changing global political dynamics and the geopolitical complexities that define global pollical landscape. I thank you!
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05 Sep, 2020
Igniting entrepreneurship and creating wealth creators
Good morning and thank you for taking the time to join me on a Saturday morning to talk about entrepreneurship in South Africa. 1. Entrepreneurship in South Africa: a failure thus far 1.1. The ballgame for entrepreneurs was quite different in 1994, as the South African business landscape started to change. A few, some would call, lucky black souls who got their foot in the door, were brought on board in companies as BEE partners, they were nurtured and received 25% control in companies for their efforts. Others became directors, earning fees and were not interested in running businesses and no-one checked if any black South Africans were actually being empowered, and not only being enriched, and even then, it was doubtful whether this wealth was really shared amongst the many. 1.2. Government banks and investment bodies like the PIC, DBSA, IDC and so on, have become piggy banks for the elite and creates more instant multi-millionaires and billionaires, who don’t pay their loans back, than wealth-creators who generate job opportunities for others. 1.3. Tenderpreneurship unfortunately became a negative buzzword somewhere along the line. Of course, business should be done with government, but it became a dirty game of one-upmanship, greed and shoddy or failed deliverables. 1.4. In some instances, black South Africans are used by foreign nationals to score tenders and once you trace where these monies go, they leave our shores for good, which is also unacceptable. Another aspect of foreign competition on South African soil is that foreign entrepreneurs are often subsidised by their governments, for instance in the retail sector to obtain cheap stock, thus making it tough for our local entrepreneurs to compete. 1.5. Another aspect to consider is our economic policy. We had RDP, GEAR, AsgiSA, NGP, NDP and so on. This chopping and changing erodes investor confidence and drives out entrepreneurship. To compound matters, the tri-partite alliance’s differing stances on the economy further confuses policies. 1.6. Without belabouring it too much, the Coronavirus and lockdown, could not have hit us at a worse time and has set us back. 2. The UDM’s thoughts on entrepreneurship 2.1. There must be a paradigm shift in the way that we think of job creation and focus on the empowerment of our youth to be wealth creators, future employers, manufacturers and business owners. 2.2. In order to achieve this, the UDM thinks the following things must be in place: • A distinct national fund must be established to assist frustrated entrepreneurs to get the basic tools to start their businesses. When I say “tools”, I literally mean “tools”, like equipment and gear. The investment must be directly into the operation of those businesses. • Investment in sector-based planning and implementation, including the creation of sector-specific banks to provide financial assistance to historically disadvantaged groups and individuals. Such sector banks could assist the youth to start their own business in, for instance, the textile, IT, tourism, hospitality and agricultural industries. People might disagree with the UDM, but we think billions of Rands are wasted on the SETAs, whilst they could be transformed into such sector banks. • Markets for small firms must be identified through promoting domestic and foreign connections to adequately address both supply and demand. • A massive training programme should help entrepreneurs to build and manage their companies. • Loan opportunities and sources of capital should be identified, as well as facilitating loans and investments in community businesses. • More resources should be devoted to promote: “buying South African” as a tool to stimulate local wealth generation and job creation. 3. Closing 3.1. There is enough money available, but there must be enough political will to make the necessary changes. 3.2. We cannot wait for a minority of whites and a black elite to mass create work opportunities; it hasn’t happened in 26 years. I thank you.
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01 Sep, 2020
Open Letter by UDEMWO to Minister of Women, Youth and Persons with Disabilities Mrs Maite Nkoana-Mashabane
Mrs Maite Nkoana-Mashabane Minister of Women, Youth and Persons with Disabilities Private Bag X931 Pretoria 0001 Dear Minister Nkoana-Mashabane ACTIONS SPEAK LOUDER THAN WORDS: YOU ARE LEAVING THE WOMEN OF THIS COUNTRY WITH THE IMPRESSION THAT YOU SIMPLY DO NOT CARE ABOUT THEM The time for annual talk shops, when it is Women’s Month in August, and in December, for Sixteen Days of Activism, is over. The same applies to the drawing of rosy pictures by the provincial representatives as was seen at the recent Women’s Parliament held on 28 August 2020. The United Democratic Movement Women’s Organisation (UDEMWO) has heard enough lip-service as women’s lives are ruined and lost, daily, and you appear to be nothing more than a minister that is there for window dressing. We want action and we want to see you taking that action. Gender-based violence (GBV) is real and claiming far too many women and children’s lives and we are left with the impression that you are not taking this matter very seriously. UDEMWO was totally flabbergasted at the fact that you chose to join this year’s Women’s Parliament virtually. What has happened to the Batho Pele principle that says: “Citizens should be treated with courtesy and consideration.” Seemingly, Minister, you have forgotten about this principle. This event happens only once a year and you could have taken the time from your “busy schedule” to show respect due to the women of South Africa and in particular to the victims of GBV. We understand that Covid-19 has meant that we must navigate uncharted waters, but travelling is possible now and your presence in the house would have made a difference. Worse still, you left the virtual platform just after your presentation, leaving many women hanging with several unanswered questions. This brings a new level to disrespect and is a total disregard of the Batho Pele principles. If President Cyril Ramaphosa attends Parliament for a mere question and answer session in person, as he recently did, what excuse could you have for not attending Women’s Parliament? Your department’s, and therefore your, mission is: “To provide strategic leadership, coordination and oversight to government departments and the country in mainstreaming empowerment programmes on women, youth and persons with disabilities”. Yet this seems to be a few words strung together with no personal or professional meaning to you. What are you in reality doing to fight the scourge of GBV; i.e. not riding on the coattails of the President and the Minister of Police? Simply delivering a Women’s Month speech, issuing a press release here and there, and attending press briefings cannot be the scope, and entire product, of your work. Minister, seemingly you do not have a solution for GBV, besides the so-called Thuthuzela Care Centres, which we do not even see in our communities, that only try to assist after the crime of rape has been committed. UDEMWO calls you to establish a mass programme that focusses on self-defence for women, so that they can fight for themselves when they are pushed into a tight corner by the opposite gender. Women die with protection orders in their hands and such a self defence programme could help to flatten the GBV curve. We are tired of being victims, it is time for us to be able to defend ourselves. The need of South African women is great, and the time for action is now, please help! Yours sincerely Ms Thandi Nontenja UDEMWO Secretary General
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09 Aug, 2020
Women’s Day Celebrations vs GBV
Once again, yesterday the nation saluted our foremothers of 1956, those courageous women who took the initiative and challenged the apartheid regime. We owe the freedom we claim to have today to those heroines. What is missing today is that calibre of women, who held the knife on the sharp side. The year 2020 sadly marks a gloomy picture in this history as we contend with the daily escalation of Gender Based Violence in our country. Gender Based Violence and femicide have taken root and threaten the very fabric of our diverse communities. Reports in media state that with the Covid19 pandemic, the numbers in GBV have increased drastically worse. The question is; why are our male counterparts taking out their frustrations on women? Did the women bring Covid19 in this country? Every parliamentary term, the ruling party appoints a Minister for women however the ministry of women seems to be voiceless. We don’t hear their inputs or condemnation of these heinous incidents. The ruling party prides itself on having a 50-50 representation of women in all their structures, including the Cabinet. Do these women have a voice or input on the formulation of policies and laws that govern this country and women in particular? It would seem the 50-50 represents 50% of spectators or rubber stampers. The missing voice of faith-based institutions is a matter of concern especially when one considers the role of the churches during the liberation struggle. Are the faith-based condoning what is happening at the moment? South Africa used to have formations like PWMSA and SAWID which were representative of various stakeholders. What happened to those formations? What is their role in the new dispensation? GBV is rampant in South Africa; raping and killing young and old on a daily basis. A day before this year’s Women’s Day, a mother, a sister, an aunt, a grandmother, a daughter, a mentor, was buried in Sterkspruit after being brutally killed for being accused with witchcraft. This is not an isolated incident. As a nation we have to commit to justice and gender transformation in all sectors of our society; we need to review our laws which seem to favour the perpetrators at the expense of the victims. South Africa needs to create an enabling environment for meaningful existence and equal opportunities for women. A gender equal society is possible. We must draw strength from the spirit of the generation that marched to Pretoria. UDEMWO calls on all women in South Africa to walk in the footsteps of those women, in fighting the scourge of GBV. We must always remember that those women came from all walks of life; there were no political, religious, race divisions. I would like to quote from Tata Mandela where he said “Freedom cannot be achieved unless the women have been emancipated from all forms of oppression.”
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05 Mar, 2020
Bantu Holomisa on Socio-Economic Transformation and Inclusive Growth
Speech by Bantu Holomisa, MP and UDM President on The Big Political Corner – Socio-Economic Transformation and Inclusive Growth at the Black Business Council Annual Policy Summit at Gallagher Estate in Midrand Let me start off by saying thank you to the Black Business Council for hosting this summit and complimenting it for having a good spread of contributors to the “big debate”, which is our economy. 1. Introduction Ladies and gentlemen, truth be told, during the struggle period the arts and law faculties of our universities were flooded by students from our disadvantaged communities. This happened because the focus at the time was to train scholars who were focussed on the liberation of our people. This was the right thing to do at that time. Unfortunately, while those classes were full, those in the economic sciences were bare. I witnessed this in 1979 when I enrolled for just such courses at the Umtata branch of the University of Fort Hare, where Professor Wiseman Nkuhlu, South Africa’s first black chartered accountant, lectured us. Hindsight being 20/20; looking at the success of, for example, Gloria Serobe who was my classmate and our highly successful businesswoman who obtained her BCom degree at the then University of Transkei during those years, we would have been speaking a totally different language today if there had been greater focus on economic sciences. This was part of the reason that I in 1998 partnered with Mr Matt Matthyser in a project called P-m=g2, where we developed supplementary study guides, providing high quality education in the subjects of English, physics, math and accounting. The aim was to give an edge to formerly disadvantaged students entering tertiary education, and for those who did not have the means to proceed, to have a proper grasp of the basics that would enable them to run their own businesses and their own private finances. Matt and I met with Ignatius Sehoole and Chantel Mulder of the South African Institute of Chartered Accountants (SAICA). We also lobbied various state departments and those in the corporate sector. Our efforts culminated in a programme, which is today called, Thuthuka and is run by SAICA. The aim having been to produce more black chartered accountants. Some of you might be aware that this project was launched in 2001 by Nelson Mandela in Umtata, and today I am proud that thousands of students have successfully graduated through the efforts of this programme, with many more to follow. Today Ignatius is the CEO of KPMG and we wish him well in turning that organisation around. I give this background, because once we attained political freedom in 1994, it was clear that our important institutions, government and the private sector would require trained and qualified professionals to run their business. The take-away from me making the point of an effective education system is that the successes of programmes like Thuthuka must be replicated en masse in, for example, the fields of agro-processing, steel and other manufacturing industries and tourism. It is not only important to create jobs, but also to send a skilled and qualified work force to fill those jobs. Not this mediocrity we have been subjected to. 2. A high-level snapshot of what we are facing Regarding the achievement of socio-economic transformation and inclusive growth, the United Democratic Movement (UDM) is of the view that government must do more, especially to address the backlogs and imbalances of the past. This would include the issues of education, land, economy and integrating the infrastructure of South Africa. Not only do we have to contend with the legacy of the past, but compounding our problems is a new triple crisis, which is: first, a fiscal crisis; second, an energy crisis; and third, the climate crisis that affects everyone, everywhere around the world. While the climate crisis is a global phenomenon, in which the developing world is a victim of the choices made by the Western powers of the industrial revolution and what followed it, the first two are own goals. The fiscal crisis and the energy crisis are clear failures of governance. On a side note and talking about a global phenomenon, the jury is still out on how great the effects of the Corona Virus will be on our economy in the end. That said, to position ourselves for the future, we urgently must fix the fiscal and energy problems over which we have control. For the economy to grow, we need a reliable supply of energy. If the government finds that it cannot maintain the social security safety needs, that it has created since 1994, and which the Constitution requires, then we will be in real trouble in terms of socio-economic risks and public order unrest. At some point, we need to take a serious look at our population growth, and the impact it has on our economy and the need to ensure a certain level of economic growth that keeps pace. This debate must take into consideration the burden on our limited resources and the pace of infrastructure development required. This dynamic should be considered in tandem with bulging immigration. Disrespect for the rule of law, as exhibited by our executive over the years, as well as institutionalised corruption have a direct bearing on South Africa’s downgrading on international ratings, which in turn negatively impacts investor confidence. Nobody doubts that over the last 25 years we have been consumers only. We need to find the ingredients to bake a bigger economic cake so that everyone not only gets a fair share, but that they also contribute to an inclusive, healthy, stable and growing economy. Also, in the past, companies like Anglo and other big conglomerates sustained government; albeit the Apartheid government. Too late did we realise that their campaigns for changes in foreign exchange policies would culminate in their listing outside South Africa. Thus, they sent the message that it is not good to invest here, and they also ended up spiting the new democratic government. Our focus from now on must be on how do we empower our own people to bake this larger economic cake I have mentioned. 3. A historical perspective on socio-economic transformation We must also look at which useful lessons history can teach us. A case in point of the “government must do more”-principle I mentioned earlier, is the international precedent of the European Recovery Programme of 1948, better known as the “Marshall Plan”. Closer to home, the Afrikaner government was deliberate in using state resources to successfully address Afrikaner poverty after the Anglo-Boer War. Some might consider state intervention as a taboo, but there is a lesson to be drawn from this part of the Afrikaner’s history i.e. how they purposefully managed to pull themselves up by their own socks and actively did something about their problems. 4. Policy certainty as a steppingstone for socio-economic growth The other important way in which we can position ourselves for the future is to be more decisive about where in our economy we want to welcome new private sector investment. Also, we cannot get away from the fact that policy uncertainty has for far too long caused South Africa much economic damage and has, in essence, halted socio-economic transformation and inclusive growth. First we had the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), then the Growth, Employment and Redistribution framework (GEAR), then we switched to the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa (AsgiSA), followed by the New Growth Path (NGP), then the National Development Plan 2030 and most recently, Radical Economic Transformation. This chopping and changing erodes investor confidence and drives out entrepreneurship. To compound matters, the tri-partite alliance’s differing stances on the economy further confuses policies. We urgently need to align policies with the needs of investors, and we need to provide clear policy certainty above all else. 5. Economic Indaba Regarding our macro-economic policy, after 25 years, there is still no consensus (not even within the tri-partite alliance) on how South Africa must transform its economy in a manner that creates wealth and improves the fortunes of the disadvantaged majority. This is indicative that something drastic must happen, and it must happen soon. Although we do not out of hand discard the current administration’s economic summits, the UDM strongly believes that a similar exercise as the Codesa talks needs to take place, but this time in the form of an Economic Indaba. Piecemeal conferences and summits will not do the job; it needs a concerted effort with all stakeholders gathering under one roof to hammer out South Africa’s economic policy. This Economic Indaba should emerge with consensus after which its decisions should directly go to parliament for ratification and implementation In this concerted manner, we are more likely to achieve policy certainty that will in turn ensure socio-economic transformation and inclusive growth in the near future. This proposed Economic Indaba is our best chance to find the right socio-economic solutions that will benefit all South Africans. I thank you.
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20 Feb, 2020
Bantu Holomisa on South Africa today and how best to position ourselves for the future
Let me start off by saying a heartfelt “thank you” to the South African Ubuntu Foundation for giving me this opportunity to chat with you today. Ladies and gentlemen, South Africa faces a triple crisis. Not the conventional one of unemployment, poverty and inequality, though those underlying socio-economic conditions remain, scarring our land, and casting a long shadow over the post-1994 South Africa. No, a new triple crisis: first, a fiscal crisis; second, an energy crisis; and third, the climate crisis that affects everyone, everywhere around the world. While the climate crisis is a global phenomenon, in which the developing world is a victim of the choices made by the Western powers of the industrial revolution and what followed it, the first two are own goals. The fiscal crisis and the energy crisis are failures of governance. To position ourselves for the future, we first must fix these two problems. For the economy to grow, we need a reliable supply of energy. For the investors to invest, we need a reliable supply of energy. And to avoid a downgrade to full junk status, we need to stabilize the fiscus. In turn, that means addressing the size of the public sector wage bill. All eyes will be on Tito Mboweni next week when he delivers his budget speech. Will he be able to show sufficient progress since the mini-budget last October. I very much doubt it. The danger of the downgrade, is that it puts further pressure on the fiscus and then on the social wage. If the government finds that it cannot maintain the social security safety need that it has created since 1994, and which the Constitution requires, then we will be in real trouble in terms of socio-economic risks and public order unrest. But we are not there yet. And we must not be too pessimistic. This is a resilient country, as we have shown many times. Most recently, we showed it in our determination to defend the freedoms and rights enshrined in the Constitution. A rogue president was held to account and ultimately ousted from power. Our rule of law held the line; our judges proved their independence; and many of our institutions either resisted state capture or slowly being rebuilt. Although I credit our President with having made steady progress in his reform programme, I worry about the urgency and boldness of his decision-making. I am concerned that he does not understand the full gravity of the situation. Even more worryingly, I am worried that he is too concerned about appeasing his political enemies within the ruling party. That is a waste of time and energy. The Zuma cabal, the Fightback Faction – call them what you like – are a bunch of scoundrels. Their strategy is a scorched earth strategy. The worst things are, the worse it is for the president, and the better it is for them. They believe that they can defend their interests and avoid prosecution and jail. They must be proved wrong. Hence, although the link with the economy is vague and indirect, I realise that in order to position ourselves for the future, we need to show to ourselves and to the world that we are capable of bringing to account those who were responsible for state capture. And we must not make the mistake, state capture did not start in Zuma’s era, it was there long before that. Just look at the Arms Deal and Sarafina II scandals and Chancellor House in particular which was a vehicle to loot state resources with impunity. They must pay the price for their vandalism and their selfish disregard for public integrity. The other important way in which we can position ourselves for the future is to be more decisive about where in our economy we want to welcome in new private sector investment. It is clear now that the government has run out of ideas and run out of runway – certainly in terms of SAA, if you will forgive the pun – in terms of the contribution it can make to public investment and job creation. If anything, the state needs to make some tough decisions to prevent massive job losses and cut costs, because of the fiscal crisis. While the state has a developmental role to play, it also needs to reignite economic growth of new private investment. This is no time, then, for holding onto sacred ideological cows. We need to be pragmatic. We cannot deny the fact that the state has a critical role play in redressing the backlogs and imbalances of the past. There is once more a great opportunity to find common cause between the state, the people and the private sector. We need to align policies with the needs of investors, and we need to provide clear policy certainty above all else. The tensions at NEDLAC, between labour and big business, and the mistrust investors have around government’s connection with labour needs to be addressed. This could be attended to by including other social partners. Here again, there are concerns about the willingness and ability of the President and his cabinet to offer the certainty that is required. Too often they appear not to be singing from the same hymn sheet. The notes jar; there is a discordant sound when, for example, Minister of Minerals and Energy Gwede Mantashe, speaks on the subject of opening up the energy sector to private investment. Why is this? Is it really ideological wariness or is the hesitation due to something else? Is he trying, for example, to protect coal interests? Or his apparent reserve about renewable energy more to do with a concern that foreign renewable energy companies will prove to be resistant to attempts to create rent-seeking opportunities for the tender-preneur community? We need the president to lead. His job is to ensure that his cabinet is aligned and speaks with one voice, unequivocally obedient to the strategies he outlined in SONA last week. To do so, he will have to abandon the pretence that the ANC can be re-united. That ship has sailed – long ago. It is divided and factionalised. He is on a complete hiding to nothing if he invests too much political capital in trying to keep everyone inside the ANC happy. So, he must decide where his real priority lies. There can be only one choice: the country. But I wonder whether he is capable of making that tough choice. Lastly, we must play to our strengths. This is a country that is rich in talent, has plentiful local capital markets and well-run companies as well as some well-run public institutions. As I have said, it has an independent judicial branch of government. And it has an effective, free media and a robust civil society. We must work together to harness these talents. We can no longer expect government to do everything, still less the ANC. We must take our futures into our own hands, forging partnerships across sectors and society and the economy. We must do what we do best as South Africans – be creative and resilient, and thereby avoid the precipice. The responsibility for those of us who are elected to serve in parliament is to look beyond the walls of parliament and to help cultivate those creative partnerships. As we build our ability to build and sustain coalitions in party politics, so too we must build and sustain extra parliamentary coalitions – between political leaders, community leaders, NGOs and thinktanks, and, yes, business. That is the sort of social compact that we need. If we do so well, then we will position ourselves effectively. We will be able to articulate exactly what it is that we need our government to do, and then the government will have no choice but to respond positively. This requires a sense of strategic leadership and vision. Those of us with power and privilege and wealth will need to continue to make sacrifices in service of this goal. Because we must remember that the great majority of South Africans struggle to live a decent life and to feed their children. We owe to them to create the conditions, the partnerships, the policies, and the good governance needed to grow the economy and create employment. Nobody doubts that over the last 25 years we have been consumers, we need to find the ingredients to bake a bigger economic cake so that everyone not only gets a fair share, but that they also contribute to a healthy, stable and growing economy. I thank you.
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31 Jan, 2020
Speech by Bantu Holomisa at the farewell function for Major General Mlindeni Sibango
Ladies and gentlemen Thank you for allowing me this opportunity to say a few words at this farewell function for Major General Mlindeni Sibango; a brother in arms and a long-time friend. On behalf of General Sibango I wish to thank the South African National Defence Force for giving him the opportunity to serve this Country. He certainly distinguished himself and made us proud. I have known General Sibango since the years of the then Transkei Defence Force (TDF) as he rose through the ranks. He was one of the former commanders in the TDF that I had encouraged to study and do military courses. In fact, he was one of the strategic individuals that were chosen for training in India after Chris Hani, General Mgwebi and my trip to India to arrange training for both TDF and uMkhonto we Sizwe cadres. General Sibango was always a willing and able student and his achievement of a master’s degree at Wits bears testimony to that. His long-time career, and his leadership and participation in preparing our troops for deployment in peace-keeping missions on the Continent shows a man who “knew his stuff”. In fact, I would call General Sibango a “mobile archive” of military knowledge and we cannot allow his skill and experience to go to waste just because he’s reached retirement age. Given his background and knowledge, it’s people like him who should be recruited by the state for diplomatic missions, because they know the field and, above all, are disciplined. In the same vein, outgoing officers such as General Sibango should seriously consider establishing an independent institution to train future leaders and managers for the military, civil service and private sector. I cannot think of a better course developer, role-model and lecturer than General Sibango who could impart discipline, wisdom and knowledge to young South Africans. General Sibango, you have dedicated your life to South Africa and her people. We thank you for that. From one retired general to another, my friend, I say to you: “Welcome to the Club!” I thank you.
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20 Aug, 2019
Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Bongani Mahlati, MPL’s contribution the Vote on Public Works
Honourable Speaker and Deputy Speaker Honourable Premier and members of the executive Honourable Members of the Legislature Officials present here Distinguish Guests And visitors at the gallery be greeted in Jesus naame Madam Speaker the United Democratic Movement (UDM) welcomes the report, however Honourable Speaker, government must find a comprehensive approach on how to improve and monitor the irregular expenditure that has been increasing over the past years in this department. I am concerned about how this has happened whereas there is a committee that was monitoring the work of the department. Why this matter had been escalated for a long time, and nothing drastically has happened. We are convinced, as the UDM, that something drastically must happen, and government must take steps against those people affected and come up with a clear plan and strategies of how to curb this challenge. “Noko, noko, ingathi kukhona okutshaya amanzi la” Madam Speaker, the speech of the MEC mentions of the recruitment and training of only a hundred learners in National Youth Service. Taking the level of unemployment, the shortage of skilled youth in the Eastern Cape, I think this is a drop in the ocean. I am of the view that it also needs monitoring since the African National Congress has the history of employing their card carrier members. I don’t think this hundred will be even enough for my ward, let alone a region. Remember our youth is our future, we need to invest more to them. The UDM condemns the neglect of government properties. Most government buildings are dilapidated, unsafe and unfit for use thus putting our people at risk. The department must come up with the plan and strategies of how are they will maintain the standard of our buildings. The department must decrease in utilising private companies and nayo leyo inento eshaya amanzi apha kubasebenzi bedepartment. The UDM supports the budget. I thank you
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16 Aug, 2019
Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution to the debate on violence against women and femicide
Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution to the debate on violence against women and femicide on 16 August 2019 A very emotional issue indeed. The United Democratic Movement supports the support given by this House to fighting violence against women. Accordingly, we propose that the Zizipho Apleni be invited to come and address this house. We shall have made a powerful statement to our women that we are wholly against their abuse women by men. Not all men ill-treat woman, but men need to get together and maybe form a men’s parliament where they can freely deliberate on issues of this nature and others. The idea is to adopt a holistic approach to all issues. I had the opportunity to see and experience first-hand, the power and brilliance of women in my very first five years of work. My attitude about the digits and intelligence of women has never changed. Women should be encouraged to just walk away from a relationship if it goes to sour. The justice system alone won’t help as it is just too soft. Rather a social change is needed.
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15 Aug, 2019
Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution Vote: transport
1. Transportation plays a very critical role in the economy and livelihoods in our province. It’s all about moving goods and passengers. 2. The hot and cold relationship that this department has with the taxi industry remains, not just a matter of ongoing concern, but a risk to the above-mentioned scenario. Finally, a lasting solution needs to be found. 3. The atrocious conditions of the majority of road networks, mainly in the rural areas, makes it least interesting and attractive to venture out there for any purpose at all. Yet we are in a predominately rural province. This inhibits the development and growth of the rural economies. These conditions have a direct and significant impact on the drive towards urbanisation. The consequence of which is the burdening of local government with early arrivals of urban dwellers. 4. As a member of the economic cluster, the department is expected to play a significant role in the creation of both work and business opportunities. However, the MEC sends contradicting messages in her policy speech. On page 4, she starts off by pencilling: “We will implement a procurement strategy that seeks to contribute to SMME and Local Economic Development”. Then four paragraphs further down, she laments the fact that road infrastructure is driven, in the main, by external service providers instead of the department’s internal teams. “We want to ensure that external service providers complement our internal teams instead of the current scenario where they do the bulk of our work”. Asazi ke ukuba masise eyiphi Komkhulu. Then she goes on to pain the Eastern Cape economy by telling us that she has splurged R252 million on one or a same suppliers of plant items. Had that budget been spent on actual operations, so many of local entrepreneurs would have benefited. As a result, so much of our taxes are going to be tied up in depreciating machinery which must be maintained. whereas this would have been the responsibility of the private sector. 5. The much-anticipated roads masterplan has yet to be presented to the committee. Consequently, there is just no indication of the direction which this department is going. No details are being availed at all about the roads which are going to be improved. This feud situation lends itself very much vulnerable for the mishandling of funds. 6. There are no new road-making methodologies being explored yet some have been available from as far back as 2006. 7. Further signs of a confused department are in programme for transport regulation. A whopping R2,5 million has been set aside for road safety prayers, but the budget for the Law Enforcement function has been reduced by 9.2%. It looks like this department is more ready for prayers, which lend no technical expertise on traffic management. To put an icing on the ongoing confusion there is a budget of R50 m for no specific activity. Cash is just being splashed about. Hayi kumnandi Kwa Transport VHAA!!!
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15 Aug, 2019
Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution Vote: Education
1. The MEC’s commitment to further improve the matric results is most appreciated. The United Democratic Movement commits to support all efforts that will take our Eastern Cape learners to greater heights. However, education always exists in a world in transition. Accordingly teaching methods and curricula have got to constantly change to adapt to the changing environment both inside the classroom as well as in the outside world. 2. Let’s look at the past, present and the future, there are critical factors here: (i) The purpose of education (ii) The curriculum (iii) The teacher (iv) The classroom (v) The community environment which the learning and teaching takes place (vi) The workplace 3. (i) All the above are driven by two things, namely: • The brain, which produces systems and • The budget, which pays for goods and services. (ii)(a) The brain gets sharper with more use and the budget gets diminished with more use. 4. Let’s look at how best to optimise the budget in order to address the core functions of this department, which are teaching and learning. Here the guiding principles should be that you can’t do it alone. (i) Welcome to the science laboratory where we are going to • Mix • Synthesise • Filter and • Crystalize (ii) When you do that within the lab (i.e. the brain) each one of the original products (ideas) loses some of its originality in order to accommodate the necessary partner (i.e. a different and new idea). Philosophical rigidity is not going to help us here. (iii) Such a process has taken place in the right room temperature, crystal clear ideas will be the outcome. 5. Here are some suggestions which hopefully, will clear the congestion (of activities) in this department. (i) (a) The MEC for Education is loaded with many functions which are no more than merely supporters of the core functions of the department. (b) These are: feeding scheme, infrastructure, social services, and security. (ii) The legislative committee researcher has identified self-provision of infrastructure as a huge drawback and time consumer in this department. Even the DG Department volunteered a statement and said on the evening of the 16th July: ‘’I must confess that I spend most of my time on infrastructure issues’’ This was during committee proceedings. (iii) The results of the synthesis here is that the premier is called upon, suggestively though to re-assign the infrastructure function to public works. This will be in accordance with the latest National policy position. Here section 137 of the constitution the premier mandates to do so. However minor but critical and urgent repairs may still be a function of this department. But routine maintenance should also go to public works. (iv) There should be a direct link between the natural attractions of scholars, the curriculum and the potential career of the learner. Their interest should be identified quite early. Then they should be linked to potential funders on a group basis. (v) Teachers should be subjected to psychometric tests, at least bi-annually. They seem to have lots of personal challenges that tend to demoralise them. (vi) The depreciating socio-economic factors in society are the root cause of population migration from area to area. The department should keep a live barometer of these societal changes and prepare itself accordingly. (vii) Health, social and nutritional services should be totally outsourced to the relevant departments. This department should be a mere recipient of these services, instead of having to manage them. This will relieve the DG so he can focus on improving teaching and learning.
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14 Aug, 2019
Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution Vote: Office of the Premier
1. This is the engine of the provincial administration which carries the aspirations of the citizens of the Eastern Cape. It is supposed to be the centre of policy formulation, implementation and coordination. It has to ensure that social and economic practise of the provincial administration are effected. However, it faces the challenge of a subdued economy inter-sphere policy conflicts, rampant maladministration, inability of both the municipalities and the government departments to manage finances well. The fact that we have over 100 000 unemployed graduates confirms that our education curriculum is not informed by industry needs, and so the expenditure on such education is almost tantamount to being fruitless and it does not take the graduate anywhere. This assertion is further supported by the fact that, even after obtaining those tertiary qualifications, these graduates must still be further skilled. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) suggest that the office of the premier facilitates some kind of partnership between industry and the Education Department at a much lower level rather than wait until tertiary level. 2. The role of ECSECC has become diminished in the recent past. Given its strategic position in the economic development of the province, every effort should be made to strengthen it one more time. 3. The economic transformation trajectory must needs have a strong element of business ownership. No matter how much experience one has in operating someone else’s business, but to run your own is a totally different ball game altogether. This is why intergenerational farm labourers struggle to run the very farms they have previously worked on, once they own them. 4. This department should focus more in coordinating the work of other government departments and be less involved in implementing its own programmes, especially in construction. Who oversees them, other than the Legislature? 5. The 2016 survey reveals that unemployment is at 38% and food insecurity is at 28% and the geni coefficient is very sharp, a situation which persuades the Eastern Cape government to allocate over 75% of its budget to health and education collectively, yet individually these departments are not succeeding in resolving poverty and unemployment, let alone touch inequality. One of the reasons for this failure is that there is no synergy. The missing catalyst is obviously then, this budgetary trend is short termed reactionary and visionless. The UDM suggests a budgetary approach that will be in favour of economic development. People who have a healthy economic lifestyle are more self-reliant rather than government dependent. All the above listed social ills will be simultaneously addressed. For this to be realised in the medium-to-long-term, this department must clamp down on civil servants who continue not to come to work, yet continue to draw salaries. At 54% work attendance you will not even be able to take off. New labour policies supported by appropriate legislation, must be developed. Only then can this department turn the Eastern Cape into transformation mode, from a socio needs focus to an economic pursuits focus. 6. (i) The UDM has deliberately steered clear of dealing with the budgetary terms on a rand by rand approach when the amount is so small anyway. We have chosen to follow the scientific route of cause and effect, because this is the prime overarching department. (ii) A regular evaluation of the progress made on the economic front needs to be effected. Only then shall we know if we are progressing or not. Such evaluation should not be done internally but rather by an external party. 7. So, we say, think on these things and consider your verdict.
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13 Aug, 2019
Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution Vote: Social Development
Honourable Speaker and Deputy Speaker Honourable Premier and members of the executive Honourable Members of the Legislature Officials present here Distinguished Guests And visitors at the gallery be greeted in Jesus name The increase of the total budget for 2019/20 financial year is appreciated and will make a difference especially in Social Welfare Services, as most of our people, including youth, survive on this grant. Madam Speaker and Honourable Members, the issue of the serious shortage of social workers whilst there is high rate of unemployed social work graduates is becoming a crisis. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) request the department to prioritize the filling of the vacant post for social workers. How can there be a shortage of social workers and at the same time there is high rate of unemployed social work graduates, this government is really sick, wayenyanisile omnye utata xa wayesithi ugovernment wase Eastern Cape use ICU. Madam Speaker the UDM is concerned about the issue of OSD that the department did not budget for the OSD payments amounting to R51, 3 million hence the MEC committed to compensate all the qualifying OSD officials in this financial year yet there is no budget for that, with what? How will that be done? If there is no budget allocated for that, and you will find out that it takes a decade to pay those affected, this demoralising the morale of the workers. The UDM demands the department to come up with the solutions and speed-up payment of OSD qualifying officials. And in future there must be a budget allocation for such. Madam Speaker the UDM applauds the initiative by the department to strengthen the way it assesses the performance of NGOs and NPOs delivery services to the department, but we are worried about the limited budget for these organisations; how will the department expect these to perform and deliver without a budget. And these organisations suffered a lot with late payments or no payment at all. The Department was faced with number of challenges that led to 727 employees being displaced. How does this happen? Is it because of the nepotism? How can you expect one to perform his/her duties without the right qualifications? This promotes poor service delivery.
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13 Aug, 2019
Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution to the budget debate on economic development
1. Having tried to juxtapose the MEC‘s policy speech with his department’s operational plan driven by such a minute budget, I could only conclude that the Eastern Cape government is going nowhere. When you reduce, by as much as 25%, the budget of Treasury, what do you expect to achieve in the sickly fiscal environment? If the whole province projects a revenue of R6 billion but commits to just R1, 4 billion then psychologically, those tasked during operations with collecting the dream R6bn, will immediately drop their efforts by whopping 80%. Ndokhe ndibone xa kusenzeka umlingo. Poor fiscal management continues to kill our provinces political, social and economic dreams. One suspects that political instability within the ruling party plays a big role in the mismanagement of allocated funds, hence the recurrence of irregular wasteful and non- expenditure of budgets. 2. Treasury should incentivise and reward departments that show great strides in tight fiscal control. Not only had that but even challenge departments in the economic cluster to produce an X number of jobs for every X R3 spent. Treasury should actually have a special internal unit that focuses on two things: ? The constant link between departmental expenditure and jobs created and sustained. ? Fiscus spent which results in enterprise ownership by Eastern Cape citizens. The fiscus continues to be plundered by the people from outside the province. Our fiscus should be used to create equity for the citizens of this province. The development of the invoice-tracking mechanism is much appreciated. It cannot be that it is practically impossible to simply put a stop to civil servants who do business with the state. As things stand there are officials who make sure that their invoices are fast tracked for payment? Surely this can be stopped. We implore Treasury to ensure that there is consequence management for those who plunder state resources. The additional powers conferred on the Auditor General should be utilised not only to deter potential thieves but severely punish the devilish beneficiaries. 3. Despite the policy position declared by the National Minister of Finance that tax collection has to be increased, yet in the Eastern Cape the source and base of an increased tax revenue seems to have be given very shy attention. There are no bold steps within the Economic Cluster to increase the tax base. This assertion is based on the type of projected jobs. Labourers earn low wages; it is the middle and upper class as well as businesses that form a solid tax revenue base. The MEC for Finance in his budget speech puts that emphasis on infrastructure development and agricultural economy. We know the bulk of the infrastructure budget goes to contractors and the goods they procure. Less than 25% goes to professionals. So, we would need to make sure that both the supplies and contractors are locally based in order to drive that budget to local suppliers. Agriculture we all know that this sector contributes just around 2% to the GDP consequently its contribution to our tax base is understandably low. In order for it to improve its contribution to our tax base, the export market would need to be tapped into in, a big way at that. There you talking billions. Another potential revenue base is by creating, at municipal level, to an environment in which professionals like doctors’ consultants, teachers etc. would feel comfortable to live and work. But alas the conditions are just too atrocious in most of these municipalities. Hence the brain and fiscal emigration to other provinces, where there are better living conditions. 4. Did it occur to the executive of the Eastern Cape that you are sending a very negative message to investors, when you reduce the budget of such a strategic department by whole 25%? The UDM takes this opportunity to implore the powers that be to review this situation. Add to that the small change allocated to the department of economic development, then potential investors get a clear message of just, how not serious you are on the economy.
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13 Aug, 2019
Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution Vote 12: Treasury
1. Having tried to juxtapose the MEC‘s policy speech with his department’s operational plan driven by such a minute budget, I could only conclude that the Eastern Cape government is going nowhere. When you reduce, by as much as 25%, the budget of Treasury, what do you expect to achieve in the sickly fiscal environment? If the whole province projects a revenue of R6 billion but commits to just R1, 4 billion then psychologically, those tasked during operations with collecting the dream R6bn, will immediately drop their efforts by whopping 80%. Ndokhe ndibone xa kusenzeka umlingo. Poor fiscal management continues to kill our provinces political, social and economic dreams. One suspects that political instability within the ruling party plays a big role in the mismanagement of allocated funds, hence the recurrence of irregular wasteful and non- expenditure of budgets. 2. Treasury should incentivise and reward departments that show great strides in tight fiscal control. Not only had that but even challenge departments in the economic cluster to produce an X number of jobs for every X R3 spent. Treasury should actually have a special internal unit that focuses on two things: ? The constant link between departmental expenditure and jobs created and sustained. ? Fiscus spent which results in enterprise ownership by Eastern Cape citizens. The fiscus continues to be plundered by the people from outside the province. Our fiscus should be used to create equity for the citizens of this province. The development of the invoice-tracking mechanism is much appreciated. It cannot be that it is practically impossible to simply put a stop to civil servants who do business with the state. As things stand there are officials who make sure that their invoices are fast tracked for payment? Surely this can be stopped. We implore Treasury to ensure that there is consequence management for those who plunder state resources. The additional powers conferred on the Auditor General should be utilised not only to deter potential thieves but severely punish the devilish beneficiaries. 3. Despite the policy position declared by the National Minister of Finance that tax collection has to be increased, yet in the Eastern Cape the source and base of an increased tax revenue seems to have be given very shy attention. There are no bold steps within the Economic Cluster to increase the tax base. This assertion is based on the type of projected jobs. Labourers earn low wages; it is the middle and upper class as well as businesses that form a solid tax revenue base. The MEC for Finance in his budget speech puts that emphasis on infrastructure development and agricultural economy. We know the bulk of the infrastructure budget goes to contractors and the goods they procure. Less than 25% goes to professionals. So, we would need to make sure that both the supplies and contractors are locally based in order to drive that budget to local suppliers. Agriculture we all know that this sector contributes just around 2% to the GDP consequently its contribution to our tax base is understandably low. In order for it to improve its contribution to our tax base, the export market would need to be tapped into in, a big way at that. There you talking billions. Another potential revenue base is by creating, at municipal level, to an environment in which professionals like doctors’ consultants, teachers etc. would feel comfortable to live and work. But alas the conditions are just too atrocious in most of these municipalities. Hence the brain and fiscal emigration to other provinces, where there are better living conditions. 4. Did it occur to the executive of the Eastern Cape that you are sending a very negative message to investors, when you reduce the budget of such a strategic department by whole 25%? The UDM takes this opportunity to implore the powers that be to review this situation. Add to that the small change allocated to the department of economic development, then potential investors get a clear message of just, how not serious you are on the economy.
Admin
28 Jun, 2019
Response to the premier’s Eastern Cape SOPA on the 28th June 2019 delivered by the Honourable Mncedisi Filtane, UDM Member of the Eastern Cape Legislature
1. We would like to take this opportunity as the United Democratic Movement and formally congratulate you on your crowning as the Premier. However, William Shakespeare once scribed in Julius Caesar, if my memory serves me well: “Uneasy lies the head that wears the crown’’. You will be no exception to this notion. Let us dissect the beast you presented to us. 2. The route to solving most social challenges lies in an inclusive economy in which the majority of the Eastern Cape citizens wholesomely participate. There is a whole mile to meander in order to get there. Your speech hardly sounded like a starter’s gun. Consequently, we remain with more questions than answers, the reason being that you indicated the pointers but fell short of: • Telling us how to get there and, more importantly, • Exactly what fruits we shall harvest for our efforts, and when. No short-term, medium-term or long-term projections. You were generous with generality. Because of the dire situation engulfing the state of our economy, we expected a more radical approach to tackling the economic woes of the province. 3. Today’s policy buzzword in government corridors is a ‘’ transformed economy’’. Part of your preamble states that: “…we are here to outline our programme of action in the next five years’’. ‘That is why we expected more detail. 4. Some of the questions that arise are: (i) How much will preferred areas of investment contribute to the GDP of the province? (ii) How much ownership stake will be allocated to the previously disadvantaged to advance the cause of ownership? (iii) How much raw material, including for infrastructure development, will come from the Eastern Cape? Are you setting up factories for the manufacture of those materials? Here we wait to see an extension of the value chain, both vertically and horizontally. (iv) Exactly at what rate will your administration produce food within the province so that we greatly reduce the unhealthy importation of food? This is very sore point, Honourable Premier, when one considers the amount of land the Eastern Cape has. A lot of which is suitable for agricultural produce. How many will feed from 50,000 hectares? (v) You have listed tourism as one of your administration’s priorities, yet you have spent less than half a page talking about this sector. As a result, you have not addressed the very fundamentals of any economy, which is product development, referring only to the second last value step which is selling. “What will be sold, and produced by whom with what and where? The exception here is the waterfront in Port Elizabeth. (vi) Sport attracts lots of consumers yet you have said zero on it. Knowing that sport offers itself as a very viable option to intelligence driven economic opportunities, then we have to ask you why you did so much injustice to sport? Knowing that sport is also a catalyst for social cohesion, then why did you leave it out? This would have given the Eastern Cape citizens an opportunity to feel that those that want to make a living out of sport are foregrounded by the Mabuyane administration. You have missed out on a golden opportunity. The Eastern Cape has produced a number of rugby springboks, but the current administration has sent out a loud message saying “we care less about the legacy you have left behind. Mara why, why, why Honourable Premier. (vii) You painfully complain that it was the deliberate act of the apartheid regime not to invest in the economic infrastructure of our province to make us the labour basket of the country. But alas, all the proposed construction projects were neither for of specific employment numbers nor level of local ownership once in operation. If the focus of government remains anchored just on skills development only, then your administration will have created a perfect platform for prolonging the very apartheid strategy you rightly bemoaned, we want change. Change is what we want. Are you able to deliver drastic change? Siphendule Mhlekazi. (viii) So, you are planning to build a Smart City. Hmmm? Where are you going to get smart administrators and mayors from? When you allowed yourself to day-dream about a smart city, had you so soon forgotten about Mthatha’s rolling collapse with filthy streets, no water, no power and a recently sacked mayor of the ANC? Had you forgotten about the fact that most villages in Mnquma are accustomed to live without water, or were you actually dreaming about a “dark city” but because it was during the day you actually thought there was light in that city? (ix) Kha uqale ulungise I gravel road ezi zibulala imoto ezithutha abantu. (x) We welcome your admission of fifteen years of failure by three administrations, but now you want to pass the buck to civilians by establishing a Khawuleza Project Management Office within your office. Thereby sending a clear message to the current public servants to say ‘’I have no confidence in you’’, look I am superimposing another structure on you. Are these members any better qualified than your current staff compliment? (xi) One of the best ways if preparing a country for economic revival is to re-organise the fundamentals in the education sector. I just would not believe my own ears to hear you say that you want to equip children with skills that would make them highly competitive in the labour market. A flood of questions gushed to my mind as a seasoned development practitioner. (a) In whose forms will they be working? (b) Why not prepare them to be creators of wealth instead hewers of wood? (c) Why not prepare them to be knowledge producers, inventors, researchers, product creators in their own right? The list is long, but time is limited for me. (d) Why leave out men on projects? (e) The effect of climate change in development. (f) The fourth industrial revolution to be embraced with caution, there are too many unskilled citizens who must earn an income. It is already beginning to bite, estimated to take six million out of work. (g) Prevalent fraud in department like education. (h) Will you ensure the implementation of the amended Audit Act? (i) How many job submits must your administration organise in order for jobs to be actualised. Since 2005, this province has been holding these fruitless summits very regularly, but jobs dololo. Instead, more jobs were being shed by the previous economy. We suggest a different approach in fighting joblessness. (j) Your administration has virtually no local government as if the Auditor General’s report is anything to go by. I thank you
Admin
12 Apr, 2019
Bantu Holomisa speaks at a Unisa panel discussion on the 2019 general elections
• Our hosts today • Dr Somadoda Fikeni, our moderator • Those who represent the various departments that sponsored this panel discussion • My colleagues from other political parties • Academics and students • Ladies and gentlemen Thank you for affording me the opportunity to have a chat with you today. 1. The UDM’s road of success The United Democratic Movement (UDM) has since its inception batted on the wicket of the ethics of good governance. In fact, the UDM in part owes its beginning to that principled stance. My testimony at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, about corruption in the former Transkei, got me unceremoniously kicked out of the African National Congress, because I refused to recant. Soon after that, the UDM was born and we have not stopped fighting for what is good and right in this world: • We opposed the immoral floor-crossing legislation that was eventually scrapped. • We succeeded in having the Independent Electoral Commission’s former Chief Electoral Officer, Pansy Tlakula, resign because of an irregular lease agreement she organised. • We were part of the legal action taken to preserve and protect the former Public Protector Thuli Madonsela’s report on state capture. • The UDM was the catalyst that saw coalitions form after the 2016 elections. • We did our part in forcing the former president to vacate his office, specifically taking the matter of the secret ballot to the Constitutional Court and organising one of the biggest marches to the Union Buildings. • The UDM were there with our colleagues from other opposition parties when we asked the Constitutional Court to order parliament to consider the former president’s conduct and whether he is impeachable. • We have asked President Ramaphosa to intervene in the malfunctioning and corruption-ridden SETAs. Nothing has yet been done about it, but we won’t give up. • Various communities will attest to the fact that the UDM has intervened on their behalf to have government, at municipal, provincial and national levels, attend to their service delivery complaints. • Most recently, the UDM exposed alleged corruption at the Public Investment Corporation amounting to billions of rands. This directly led to the establishment of the Mpati Commission of Inquiry at which I am sure you saw me testify. Once again at our post guarding against corruption. These are the actions of a party that is opposed to pervasive corruption, maladministration and malfeasance in government. 2. Fighting government corruption It is a sad reality that South Africans have become jaded when they talk about government corruption. There is too much of it and it’s demoralising our nation. They only sit up and listen when “things get serious”, as we see with the current commissions of inquiry. Things are indeed very serious with billions of Rands at play. For the UDM, integrity, commitment and hard work are required from everyone in government, as well as those in the private sector. No quarter shall be given to those who fail. Rewarding party loyalty is an evil, that should become a thing of the past. The best quality must be ensured in all appointments, so that merit, responsibility and integrity is guaranteed, and excellence is rewarded. Specifically, the UDM believes that special courts must be established to investigate and prosecute the corrupt in the public and private sector. Also, each province must have an independent anti-corruption task team to determine the depth of corruption and to immediately act. 3. Safety and security For the UDM, the long-term solution to crime and violence lies in our people committing to a concerted effort to reform our society, so that we do not simply address the symptoms, but also the root causes. Although there are a number of initiatives that the UDM would introduce to bring about safety and security, I wish to highlight two specific strategies for the purpose of today’s discussion. a) As far as we are concerned, the recruitment processes of the police, defence and intelligence services must be revamped. The aim of such a programme will be to allow communities to participate in keeping their environments safe and secure. Individuals who are interested in a career in law enforcement will be trained and assigned to serve their communities. This will allow for the monitoring of crime, the gathering of intelligence and combating lawlessness, whilst also creating much needed jobs. b) The coordination between the ministries of justice, police services, correctional services, defence and national intelligence must be stepped up. The UDM proposes that a crime prevention ministry be established to coordinate the work of these departments. Specific objectives and deadlines must be set for the departments to achieve their goals. 4. Free education • The UDM supports fee-free tertiary education for students from poor and working-class families. Such an expanded programme can be justified economically as free education is a strategic economic driver, because it is an investment by the state in the creation of a larger tax base in the long run. However, once implemented under a UDM government, students’ progress shall be monitored and managed as an investment. • We also think that the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NFSAS) is a big flop. It is hamstrung by chronic maladministration, corruption and a jobs-for-pals leadership scheme. In addition, the way in which NSFAS is structured produces graduates who end up mired in debt. Because of our under-performing job market, they will remain indebted with no hope of repaying their loans. Of course, the biggest challenge at the other end of this education process is making sure that our graduates have jobs. 5. Job creation The UDM has always said that a massive initiative focussing on job creation through infrastructure maintenance and development is one of the routes to go. This planned sustainable development project must be driven through the department of public works, in collaboration with all other departments. Furthermore, the UDM’s response to the challenge of unemployment includes: • Identifying markets for small firms, through promoting domestic and foreign connections to adequately address both the supply and demand side of the economy. • Developing capacity in the areas of improved business and entrepreneurial skills. • Identifying loan and capital sources, as well as facilitating loans and investments in community businesses. • Investing in sector-based planning and implementation, including the creation of sector-specific banks to provide financial assistance to historically disadvantaged groups and individuals. 6. Xenophobia Xenophobia in South Africa is not a new thing and, as a matter of fact, it is getting worse by the day. There are multiple causes of xenophobia, but at the risk of over-simplifying the matter, the UDM is of the view that the root cause lies in the unregulated and unfair competition for the poor’s meagre resources. The dearth of jobs is, for instance, part of this dynamic and complex situation. On the one hand, undocumented immigrants are exploited, because they are desperate enough to work for low wages. And, on the other, there are no job opportunities for South Africans that pay a decent wage. To add to the complexity of the matter we have the issue of undocumented foreigners illegally occupying dwellings. The owners of such buildings, should be brought to book as they exploit undocumented immigrants and, by default, also deprive South Africans of safe havens. Like it or not, much of the blame is to be laid at government’s feet as the impact of its inadequate control over the arrival of illegal immigrants, and lack of resettlement mechanisms, are not addressed. A UDM government will handle illegal immigration in a humane and holistic manner, in line with our continental and international obligations. We also make a call on undocumented immigrants to come forward and be registered. Finally, we recognise that legal immigrants contribute immensely to our society and our economy. We are home to, for instance, some of the best educators and academics who impart knowledge and do important research and development. The UDM believes that xenophobia has no place in our society, but we must also be cognisant of our responsibilities to our own people. It is entirely possible for both these ambitions to work harmoniously. 7. An Economic Indaba with land at the apex of its work As we worked on establishing a new South Africa, land was placed on the backburner. Political emancipation was our primary goal at that time. Land, as a tool to achieve economic emancipation and make reparation, should have been addressed straight after liberation. Matters would look very different if the land issue had been addressed timeously. We certainly would have avoided the destructive tug-and-pull we now witness. When the National Assembly took a resolution on the expropriation of land without compensation, the UDM voted in favour of this resolution after it was amended. The UDM certainly did not vote for free-for-all land grabs and evictions. In this regard, the UDM has long promoted the view that the matter can only be effectively resolved at our proposed Economic Indaba, where all stakeholders can congregate to discuss South Africa’s macro economy, with land at the apex of the debate. There are a number of pertinent questions that should be answered before we make any rash decisions. Those are, amongst others, the following: • Who exactly (individuals, companies and/or government) will be affected and how? • How does food security and economic stability impact implementation i.e. does it prevent expropriation in specific circumstances, and what those would be? • How will government handle rapid urbanisation and an ever-increasing need to make land available in cities and the concomitant denuding of rural communities and local economies? • How will traditional leaders and rural communities be affected? • How will entities such as the Ingonyama Trust be impacted? 8. Closing With these few words I leave you and invite you to ask me any questions you wish me to answer. Thank you
Admin
07 Mar, 2019
UDM welcomes ATM’s youth Deputy President and his followers to the UDM in Johannesburg
• Our newly arrived young lions • Ladies and gentlemen 1. Welcome Today the United Democratic Movement (UDM) proudly accepts a group of young lions into the fold. Welcome! You will have to hit the ground running as elections are around the corner. As new members of the UDM you will be part of the drive to rid our country of one-party dominance. We have all witnessed how one-party dominance has brought South Africa to its knees. Corruption has permeated into all sectors of society. Recent revelations have verified that government monies have been channelled to the ruling party via front companies. In essence, the taxpayer has footed the bill for the ruling party to, amongst others, ferry people to its rallies. Bosasa CEO, Gavin Watson, does not fear arrest, because to arrest Watson is to arrest the ANC. Government institutions are led by ruling party deployees that are mandated to channel money to Luthuli House. We can abide by the fact that Nomvula Mokonyane and her ilk will never face the consequences of their actions, precisely because they are deployees of ruling party. 2. What does the UDM’s manifesto say about our youth It is a given that this country rests on the shoulders of young South Africans, yet they are side-lined from economic and other opportunities. But, there are other possibilities for the youth to be their own wealth creators. The UDM therefore subscribes to the belief that our youth should not only rely on the private sector or government to create job opportunities. This is why the UDM would implement the following policies once it is in government: • Identifying markets for small firms through promoting domestic and foreign connections to adequately address both the supply and demand side of the economy. • Developing capacity in the areas of improved business and entrepreneurial skills. • Identifying loan and capital sources, as well as facilitating loans and investments in community businesses. • Investing in sector-based planning and implementation, including the creation of sector-specific banks to provide financial assistance to young South Africans. Also, under a UDM government, funding will be made available for political parties represented in parliament to have leadership training programmes to teach our youth, amongst others, about their country, current affairs, the constitution, patriotism, human rights, the political landscape, a culture of ownership, as well as respect. 3. Your task as UDM members • When we leave here today, go to your communities and preach the gospel of the UDM. • Make people understand that we, as citizens, must save South Africa from the slippery slope of corruption. • Go from door-to-door and speak to our people of the new direction the UDM envisages for our country. • Explain to them that the UDM’s political philosophy is based on integrity, dignity and prosperity. Integrity amongst our ranks. Dignity for our people and, Prosperity for all South Africans. I thank you
