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Igniting entrepreneurship and creating wealth creators

Igniting entrepreneurship and creating wealth creators

Good morning and thank you for taking the time to join me on a Saturday morning to talk about entrepreneurship in South Africa. 1. Entrepreneurship in South Africa: a failure thus far 1.1. The ballgame for entrepreneurs was quite different in 1994, as the South African business landscape started to change. A few, some would call, lucky black souls who got their foot in the door, were brought on board in companies as BEE partners, they were nurtured and received 25% control in companies for their efforts. Others became directors, earning fees and were not interested in running businesses and no-one checked if any black South Africans were actually being empowered, and not only being enriched, and even then, it was doubtful whether this wealth was really shared amongst the many. 1.2. Government banks and investment bodies like the PIC, DBSA, IDC and so on, have become piggy banks for the elite and creates more instant multi-millionaires and billionaires, who don’t pay their loans back, than wealth-creators who generate job opportunities for others. 1.3. Tenderpreneurship unfortunately became a negative buzzword somewhere along the line. Of course, business should be done with government, but it became a dirty game of one-upmanship, greed and shoddy or failed deliverables. 1.4. In some instances, black South Africans are used by foreign nationals to score tenders and once you trace where these monies go, they leave our shores for good, which is also unacceptable. Another aspect of foreign competition on South African soil is that foreign entrepreneurs are often subsidised by their governments, for instance in the retail sector to obtain cheap stock, thus making it tough for our local entrepreneurs to compete. 1.5. Another aspect to consider is our economic policy. We had RDP, GEAR, AsgiSA, NGP, NDP and so on. This chopping and changing erodes investor confidence and drives out entrepreneurship. To compound matters, the tri-partite alliance’s differing stances on the economy further confuses policies. 1.6. Without belabouring it too much, the Coronavirus and lockdown, could not have hit us at a worse time and has set us back. 2. The UDM’s thoughts on entrepreneurship 2.1. There must be a paradigm shift in the way that we think of job creation and focus on the empowerment of our youth to be wealth creators, future employers, manufacturers and business owners. 2.2. In order to achieve this, the UDM thinks the following things must be in place: • A distinct national fund must be established to assist frustrated entrepreneurs to get the basic tools to start their businesses. When I say “tools”, I literally mean “tools”, like equipment and gear. The investment must be directly into the operation of those businesses. • Investment in sector-based planning and implementation, including the creation of sector-specific banks to provide financial assistance to historically disadvantaged groups and individuals. Such sector banks could assist the youth to start their own business in, for instance, the textile, IT, tourism, hospitality and agricultural industries. People might disagree with the UDM, but we think billions of Rands are wasted on the SETAs, whilst they could be transformed into such sector banks. • Markets for small firms must be identified through promoting domestic and foreign connections to adequately address both supply and demand. • A massive training programme should help entrepreneurs to build and manage their companies. • Loan opportunities and sources of capital should be identified, as well as facilitating loans and investments in community businesses. • More resources should be devoted to promote: “buying South African” as a tool to stimulate local wealth generation and job creation. 3. Closing 3.1. There is enough money available, but there must be enough political will to make the necessary changes. 3.2. We cannot wait for a minority of whites and a black elite to mass create work opportunities; it hasn’t happened in 26 years. I thank you.

Open Letter by UDEMWO to Minister of Women, Youth and Persons with Disabilities Mrs Maite Nkoana-Mashabane

Open Letter by UDEMWO to Minister of Women, Youth and Persons with Disabilities Mrs Maite Nkoana-Mashabane

Mrs Maite Nkoana-Mashabane Minister of Women, Youth and Persons with Disabilities Private Bag X931 Pretoria 0001 Dear Minister Nkoana-Mashabane ACTIONS SPEAK LOUDER THAN WORDS: YOU ARE LEAVING THE WOMEN OF THIS COUNTRY WITH THE IMPRESSION THAT YOU SIMPLY DO NOT CARE ABOUT THEM The time for annual talk shops, when it is Women’s Month in August, and in December, for Sixteen Days of Activism, is over. The same applies to the drawing of rosy pictures by the provincial representatives as was seen at the recent Women’s Parliament held on 28 August 2020. The United Democratic Movement Women’s Organisation (UDEMWO) has heard enough lip-service as women’s lives are ruined and lost, daily, and you appear to be nothing more than a minister that is there for window dressing. We want action and we want to see you taking that action. Gender-based violence (GBV) is real and claiming far too many women and children’s lives and we are left with the impression that you are not taking this matter very seriously. UDEMWO was totally flabbergasted at the fact that you chose to join this year’s Women’s Parliament virtually. What has happened to the Batho Pele principle that says: “Citizens should be treated with courtesy and consideration.” Seemingly, Minister, you have forgotten about this principle. This event happens only once a year and you could have taken the time from your “busy schedule” to show respect due to the women of South Africa and in particular to the victims of GBV. We understand that Covid-19 has meant that we must navigate uncharted waters, but travelling is possible now and your presence in the house would have made a difference. Worse still, you left the virtual platform just after your presentation, leaving many women hanging with several unanswered questions. This brings a new level to disrespect and is a total disregard of the Batho Pele principles. If President Cyril Ramaphosa attends Parliament for a mere question and answer session in person, as he recently did, what excuse could you have for not attending Women’s Parliament? Your department’s, and therefore your, mission is: “To provide strategic leadership, coordination and oversight to government departments and the country in mainstreaming empowerment programmes on women, youth and persons with disabilities”. Yet this seems to be a few words strung together with no personal or professional meaning to you. What are you in reality doing to fight the scourge of GBV; i.e. not riding on the coattails of the President and the Minister of Police? Simply delivering a Women’s Month speech, issuing a press release here and there, and attending press briefings cannot be the scope, and entire product, of your work. Minister, seemingly you do not have a solution for GBV, besides the so-called Thuthuzela Care Centres, which we do not even see in our communities, that only try to assist after the crime of rape has been committed. UDEMWO calls you to establish a mass programme that focusses on self-defence for women, so that they can fight for themselves when they are pushed into a tight corner by the opposite gender. Women die with protection orders in their hands and such a self defence programme could help to flatten the GBV curve. We are tired of being victims, it is time for us to be able to defend ourselves. The need of South African women is great, and the time for action is now, please help! Yours sincerely Ms Thandi Nontenja UDEMWO Secretary General

Women’s Day Celebrations vs GBV

Women’s Day Celebrations vs GBV

Once again, yesterday the nation saluted our foremothers of 1956, those courageous women who took the initiative and challenged the apartheid regime. We owe the freedom we claim to have today to those heroines. What is missing today is that calibre of women, who held the knife on the sharp side. The year 2020 sadly marks a gloomy picture in this history as we contend with the daily escalation of Gender Based Violence in our country. Gender Based Violence and femicide have taken root and threaten the very fabric of our diverse communities. Reports in media state that with the Covid19 pandemic, the numbers in GBV have increased drastically worse. The question is; why are our male counterparts taking out their frustrations on women? Did the women bring Covid19 in this country? Every parliamentary term, the ruling party appoints a Minister for women however the ministry of women seems to be voiceless. We don’t hear their inputs or condemnation of these heinous incidents. The ruling party prides itself on having a 50-50 representation of women in all their structures, including the Cabinet. Do these women have a voice or input on the formulation of policies and laws that govern this country and women in particular? It would seem the 50-50 represents 50% of spectators or rubber stampers. The missing voice of faith-based institutions is a matter of concern especially when one considers the role of the churches during the liberation struggle. Are the faith-based condoning what is happening at the moment? South Africa used to have formations like PWMSA and SAWID which were representative of various stakeholders. What happened to those formations? What is their role in the new dispensation? GBV is rampant in South Africa; raping and killing young and old on a daily basis. A day before this year’s Women’s Day, a mother, a sister, an aunt, a grandmother, a daughter, a mentor, was buried in Sterkspruit after being brutally killed for being accused with witchcraft. This is not an isolated incident. As a nation we have to commit to justice and gender transformation in all sectors of our society; we need to review our laws which seem to favour the perpetrators at the expense of the victims. South Africa needs to create an enabling environment for meaningful existence and equal opportunities for women. A gender equal society is possible. We must draw strength from the spirit of the generation that marched to Pretoria. UDEMWO calls on all women in South Africa to walk in the footsteps of those women, in fighting the scourge of GBV. We must always remember that those women came from all walks of life; there were no political, religious, race divisions. I would like to quote from Tata Mandela where he said “Freedom cannot be achieved unless the women have been emancipated from all forms of oppression.”

Bantu Holomisa on Socio-Economic Transformation and Inclusive Growth

Bantu Holomisa on Socio-Economic Transformation and Inclusive Growth

Speech by Bantu Holomisa, MP and UDM President on The Big Political Corner – Socio-Economic Transformation and Inclusive Growth at the Black Business Council Annual Policy Summit at Gallagher Estate in Midrand Let me start off by saying thank you to the Black Business Council for hosting this summit and complimenting it for having a good spread of contributors to the “big debate”, which is our economy. 1. Introduction Ladies and gentlemen, truth be told, during the struggle period the arts and law faculties of our universities were flooded by students from our disadvantaged communities. This happened because the focus at the time was to train scholars who were focussed on the liberation of our people. This was the right thing to do at that time. Unfortunately, while those classes were full, those in the economic sciences were bare. I witnessed this in 1979 when I enrolled for just such courses at the Umtata branch of the University of Fort Hare, where Professor Wiseman Nkuhlu, South Africa’s first black chartered accountant, lectured us. Hindsight being 20/20; looking at the success of, for example, Gloria Serobe who was my classmate and our highly successful businesswoman who obtained her BCom degree at the then University of Transkei during those years, we would have been speaking a totally different language today if there had been greater focus on economic sciences. This was part of the reason that I in 1998 partnered with Mr Matt Matthyser in a project called P-m=g2, where we developed supplementary study guides, providing high quality education in the subjects of English, physics, math and accounting. The aim was to give an edge to formerly disadvantaged students entering tertiary education, and for those who did not have the means to proceed, to have a proper grasp of the basics that would enable them to run their own businesses and their own private finances. Matt and I met with Ignatius Sehoole and Chantel Mulder of the South African Institute of Chartered Accountants (SAICA). We also lobbied various state departments and those in the corporate sector. Our efforts culminated in a programme, which is today called, Thuthuka and is run by SAICA. The aim having been to produce more black chartered accountants. Some of you might be aware that this project was launched in 2001 by Nelson Mandela in Umtata, and today I am proud that thousands of students have successfully graduated through the efforts of this programme, with many more to follow. Today Ignatius is the CEO of KPMG and we wish him well in turning that organisation around. I give this background, because once we attained political freedom in 1994, it was clear that our important institutions, government and the private sector would require trained and qualified professionals to run their business. The take-away from me making the point of an effective education system is that the successes of programmes like Thuthuka must be replicated en masse in, for example, the fields of agro-processing, steel and other manufacturing industries and tourism. It is not only important to create jobs, but also to send a skilled and qualified work force to fill those jobs. Not this mediocrity we have been subjected to. 2. A high-level snapshot of what we are facing Regarding the achievement of socio-economic transformation and inclusive growth, the United Democratic Movement (UDM) is of the view that government must do more, especially to address the backlogs and imbalances of the past. This would include the issues of education, land, economy and integrating the infrastructure of South Africa. Not only do we have to contend with the legacy of the past, but compounding our problems is a new triple crisis, which is: first, a fiscal crisis; second, an energy crisis; and third, the climate crisis that affects everyone, everywhere around the world. While the climate crisis is a global phenomenon, in which the developing world is a victim of the choices made by the Western powers of the industrial revolution and what followed it, the first two are own goals. The fiscal crisis and the energy crisis are clear failures of governance. On a side note and talking about a global phenomenon, the jury is still out on how great the effects of the Corona Virus will be on our economy in the end. That said, to position ourselves for the future, we urgently must fix the fiscal and energy problems over which we have control. For the economy to grow, we need a reliable supply of energy. If the government finds that it cannot maintain the social security safety needs, that it has created since 1994, and which the Constitution requires, then we will be in real trouble in terms of socio-economic risks and public order unrest. At some point, we need to take a serious look at our population growth, and the impact it has on our economy and the need to ensure a certain level of economic growth that keeps pace. This debate must take into consideration the burden on our limited resources and the pace of infrastructure development required. This dynamic should be considered in tandem with bulging immigration. Disrespect for the rule of law, as exhibited by our executive over the years, as well as institutionalised corruption have a direct bearing on South Africa’s downgrading on international ratings, which in turn negatively impacts investor confidence. Nobody doubts that over the last 25 years we have been consumers only. We need to find the ingredients to bake a bigger economic cake so that everyone not only gets a fair share, but that they also contribute to an inclusive, healthy, stable and growing economy. Also, in the past, companies like Anglo and other big conglomerates sustained government; albeit the Apartheid government. Too late did we realise that their campaigns for changes in foreign exchange policies would culminate in their listing outside South Africa. Thus, they sent the message that it is not good to invest here, and they also ended up spiting the new democratic government. Our focus from now on must be on how do we empower our own people to bake this larger economic cake I have mentioned. 3. A historical perspective on socio-economic transformation We must also look at which useful lessons history can teach us. A case in point of the “government must do more”-principle I mentioned earlier, is the international precedent of the European Recovery Programme of 1948, better known as the “Marshall Plan”. Closer to home, the Afrikaner government was deliberate in using state resources to successfully address Afrikaner poverty after the Anglo-Boer War. Some might consider state intervention as a taboo, but there is a lesson to be drawn from this part of the Afrikaner’s history i.e. how they purposefully managed to pull themselves up by their own socks and actively did something about their problems. 4. Policy certainty as a steppingstone for socio-economic growth The other important way in which we can position ourselves for the future is to be more decisive about where in our economy we want to welcome new private sector investment. Also, we cannot get away from the fact that policy uncertainty has for far too long caused South Africa much economic damage and has, in essence, halted socio-economic transformation and inclusive growth. First we had the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), then the Growth, Employment and Redistribution framework (GEAR), then we switched to the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa (AsgiSA), followed by the New Growth Path (NGP), then the National Development Plan 2030 and most recently, Radical Economic Transformation. This chopping and changing erodes investor confidence and drives out entrepreneurship. To compound matters, the tri-partite alliance’s differing stances on the economy further confuses policies. We urgently need to align policies with the needs of investors, and we need to provide clear policy certainty above all else. 5. Economic Indaba Regarding our macro-economic policy, after 25 years, there is still no consensus (not even within the tri-partite alliance) on how South Africa must transform its economy in a manner that creates wealth and improves the fortunes of the disadvantaged majority. This is indicative that something drastic must happen, and it must happen soon. Although we do not out of hand discard the current administration’s economic summits, the UDM strongly believes that a similar exercise as the Codesa talks needs to take place, but this time in the form of an Economic Indaba. Piecemeal conferences and summits will not do the job; it needs a concerted effort with all stakeholders gathering under one roof to hammer out South Africa’s economic policy. This Economic Indaba should emerge with consensus after which its decisions should directly go to parliament for ratification and implementation In this concerted manner, we are more likely to achieve policy certainty that will in turn ensure socio-economic transformation and inclusive growth in the near future. This proposed Economic Indaba is our best chance to find the right socio-economic solutions that will benefit all South Africans. I thank you.

Bantu Holomisa on South Africa today and how best to position ourselves for the future

Bantu Holomisa on South Africa today and how best to position ourselves for the future

Let me start off by saying a heartfelt “thank you” to the South African Ubuntu Foundation for giving me this opportunity to chat with you today. Ladies and gentlemen, South Africa faces a triple crisis. Not the conventional one of unemployment, poverty and inequality, though those underlying socio-economic conditions remain, scarring our land, and casting a long shadow over the post-1994 South Africa. No, a new triple crisis: first, a fiscal crisis; second, an energy crisis; and third, the climate crisis that affects everyone, everywhere around the world. While the climate crisis is a global phenomenon, in which the developing world is a victim of the choices made by the Western powers of the industrial revolution and what followed it, the first two are own goals. The fiscal crisis and the energy crisis are failures of governance. To position ourselves for the future, we first must fix these two problems. For the economy to grow, we need a reliable supply of energy. For the investors to invest, we need a reliable supply of energy. And to avoid a downgrade to full junk status, we need to stabilize the fiscus. In turn, that means addressing the size of the public sector wage bill. All eyes will be on Tito Mboweni next week when he delivers his budget speech. Will he be able to show sufficient progress since the mini-budget last October. I very much doubt it. The danger of the downgrade, is that it puts further pressure on the fiscus and then on the social wage. If the government finds that it cannot maintain the social security safety need that it has created since 1994, and which the Constitution requires, then we will be in real trouble in terms of socio-economic risks and public order unrest. But we are not there yet. And we must not be too pessimistic. This is a resilient country, as we have shown many times. Most recently, we showed it in our determination to defend the freedoms and rights enshrined in the Constitution. A rogue president was held to account and ultimately ousted from power. Our rule of law held the line; our judges proved their independence; and many of our institutions either resisted state capture or slowly being rebuilt. Although I credit our President with having made steady progress in his reform programme, I worry about the urgency and boldness of his decision-making. I am concerned that he does not understand the full gravity of the situation. Even more worryingly, I am worried that he is too concerned about appeasing his political enemies within the ruling party. That is a waste of time and energy. The Zuma cabal, the Fightback Faction – call them what you like – are a bunch of scoundrels. Their strategy is a scorched earth strategy. The worst things are, the worse it is for the president, and the better it is for them. They believe that they can defend their interests and avoid prosecution and jail. They must be proved wrong. Hence, although the link with the economy is vague and indirect, I realise that in order to position ourselves for the future, we need to show to ourselves and to the world that we are capable of bringing to account those who were responsible for state capture. And we must not make the mistake, state capture did not start in Zuma’s era, it was there long before that. Just look at the Arms Deal and Sarafina II scandals and Chancellor House in particular which was a vehicle to loot state resources with impunity. They must pay the price for their vandalism and their selfish disregard for public integrity. The other important way in which we can position ourselves for the future is to be more decisive about where in our economy we want to welcome in new private sector investment. It is clear now that the government has run out of ideas and run out of runway – certainly in terms of SAA, if you will forgive the pun – in terms of the contribution it can make to public investment and job creation. If anything, the state needs to make some tough decisions to prevent massive job losses and cut costs, because of the fiscal crisis. While the state has a developmental role to play, it also needs to reignite economic growth of new private investment. This is no time, then, for holding onto sacred ideological cows. We need to be pragmatic. We cannot deny the fact that the state has a critical role play in redressing the backlogs and imbalances of the past. There is once more a great opportunity to find common cause between the state, the people and the private sector. We need to align policies with the needs of investors, and we need to provide clear policy certainty above all else. The tensions at NEDLAC, between labour and big business, and the mistrust investors have around government’s connection with labour needs to be addressed. This could be attended to by including other social partners. Here again, there are concerns about the willingness and ability of the President and his cabinet to offer the certainty that is required. Too often they appear not to be singing from the same hymn sheet. The notes jar; there is a discordant sound when, for example, Minister of Minerals and Energy Gwede Mantashe, speaks on the subject of opening up the energy sector to private investment. Why is this? Is it really ideological wariness or is the hesitation due to something else? Is he trying, for example, to protect coal interests? Or his apparent reserve about renewable energy more to do with a concern that foreign renewable energy companies will prove to be resistant to attempts to create rent-seeking opportunities for the tender-preneur community? We need the president to lead. His job is to ensure that his cabinet is aligned and speaks with one voice, unequivocally obedient to the strategies he outlined in SONA last week. To do so, he will have to abandon the pretence that the ANC can be re-united. That ship has sailed – long ago. It is divided and factionalised. He is on a complete hiding to nothing if he invests too much political capital in trying to keep everyone inside the ANC happy. So, he must decide where his real priority lies. There can be only one choice: the country. But I wonder whether he is capable of making that tough choice. Lastly, we must play to our strengths. This is a country that is rich in talent, has plentiful local capital markets and well-run companies as well as some well-run public institutions. As I have said, it has an independent judicial branch of government. And it has an effective, free media and a robust civil society. We must work together to harness these talents. We can no longer expect government to do everything, still less the ANC. We must take our futures into our own hands, forging partnerships across sectors and society and the economy. We must do what we do best as South Africans – be creative and resilient, and thereby avoid the precipice. The responsibility for those of us who are elected to serve in parliament is to look beyond the walls of parliament and to help cultivate those creative partnerships. As we build our ability to build and sustain coalitions in party politics, so too we must build and sustain extra parliamentary coalitions – between political leaders, community leaders, NGOs and thinktanks, and, yes, business. That is the sort of social compact that we need. If we do so well, then we will position ourselves effectively. We will be able to articulate exactly what it is that we need our government to do, and then the government will have no choice but to respond positively. This requires a sense of strategic leadership and vision. Those of us with power and privilege and wealth will need to continue to make sacrifices in service of this goal. Because we must remember that the great majority of South Africans struggle to live a decent life and to feed their children. We owe to them to create the conditions, the partnerships, the policies, and the good governance needed to grow the economy and create employment. Nobody doubts that over the last 25 years we have been consumers, we need to find the ingredients to bake a bigger economic cake so that everyone not only gets a fair share, but that they also contribute to a healthy, stable and growing economy. I thank you.

Speech by Bantu Holomisa at the farewell function for Major General Mlindeni Sibango

Speech by Bantu Holomisa at the farewell function for Major General Mlindeni Sibango

Ladies and gentlemen Thank you for allowing me this opportunity to say a few words at this farewell function for Major General Mlindeni Sibango; a brother in arms and a long-time friend. On behalf of General Sibango I wish to thank the South African National Defence Force for giving him the opportunity to serve this Country. He certainly distinguished himself and made us proud. I have known General Sibango since the years of the then Transkei Defence Force (TDF) as he rose through the ranks. He was one of the former commanders in the TDF that I had encouraged to study and do military courses. In fact, he was one of the strategic individuals that were chosen for training in India after Chris Hani, General Mgwebi and my trip to India to arrange training for both TDF and uMkhonto we Sizwe cadres. General Sibango was always a willing and able student and his achievement of a master’s degree at Wits bears testimony to that. His long-time career, and his leadership and participation in preparing our troops for deployment in peace-keeping missions on the Continent shows a man who “knew his stuff”. In fact, I would call General Sibango a “mobile archive” of military knowledge and we cannot allow his skill and experience to go to waste just because he’s reached retirement age. Given his background and knowledge, it’s people like him who should be recruited by the state for diplomatic missions, because they know the field and, above all, are disciplined. In the same vein, outgoing officers such as General Sibango should seriously consider establishing an independent institution to train future leaders and managers for the military, civil service and private sector. I cannot think of a better course developer, role-model and lecturer than General Sibango who could impart discipline, wisdom and knowledge to young South Africans. General Sibango, you have dedicated your life to South Africa and her people. We thank you for that. From one retired general to another, my friend, I say to you: “Welcome to the Club!” I thank you.

Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Bongani Mahlati, MPL’s contribution the Vote on Public Works

Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Bongani Mahlati, MPL’s contribution the Vote on Public Works

Honourable Speaker and Deputy Speaker Honourable Premier and members of the executive Honourable Members of the Legislature Officials present here Distinguish Guests And visitors at the gallery be greeted in Jesus naame Madam Speaker the United Democratic Movement (UDM) welcomes the report, however Honourable Speaker, government must find a comprehensive approach on how to improve and monitor the irregular expenditure that has been increasing over the past years in this department. I am concerned about how this has happened whereas there is a committee that was monitoring the work of the department. Why this matter had been escalated for a long time, and nothing drastically has happened. We are convinced, as the UDM, that something drastically must happen, and government must take steps against those people affected and come up with a clear plan and strategies of how to curb this challenge. “Noko, noko, ingathi kukhona okutshaya amanzi la” Madam Speaker, the speech of the MEC mentions of the recruitment and training of only a hundred learners in National Youth Service. Taking the level of unemployment, the shortage of skilled youth in the Eastern Cape, I think this is a drop in the ocean. I am of the view that it also needs monitoring since the African National Congress has the history of employing their card carrier members. I don’t think this hundred will be even enough for my ward, let alone a region. Remember our youth is our future, we need to invest more to them. The UDM condemns the neglect of government properties. Most government buildings are dilapidated, unsafe and unfit for use thus putting our people at risk. The department must come up with the plan and strategies of how are they will maintain the standard of our buildings. The department must decrease in utilising private companies and nayo leyo inento eshaya amanzi apha kubasebenzi bedepartment. The UDM supports the budget. I thank you

Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution to the debate on violence against women and femicide

Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution to the debate on violence against women and femicide

Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution to the debate on violence against women and femicide on 16 August 2019 A very emotional issue indeed. The United Democratic Movement supports the support given by this House to fighting violence against women. Accordingly, we propose that the Zizipho Apleni be invited to come and address this house. We shall have made a powerful statement to our women that we are wholly against their abuse women by men. Not all men ill-treat woman, but men need to get together and maybe form a men’s parliament where they can freely deliberate on issues of this nature and others. The idea is to adopt a holistic approach to all issues. I had the opportunity to see and experience first-hand, the power and brilliance of women in my very first five years of work. My attitude about the digits and intelligence of women has never changed. Women should be encouraged to just walk away from a relationship if it goes to sour. The justice system alone won’t help as it is just too soft. Rather a social change is needed.

Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution Vote: transport

Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution Vote: transport

1. Transportation plays a very critical role in the economy and livelihoods in our province. It’s all about moving goods and passengers. 2. The hot and cold relationship that this department has with the taxi industry remains, not just a matter of ongoing concern, but a risk to the above-mentioned scenario. Finally, a lasting solution needs to be found. 3. The atrocious conditions of the majority of road networks, mainly in the rural areas, makes it least interesting and attractive to venture out there for any purpose at all. Yet we are in a predominately rural province. This inhibits the development and growth of the rural economies. These conditions have a direct and significant impact on the drive towards urbanisation. The consequence of which is the burdening of local government with early arrivals of urban dwellers. 4. As a member of the economic cluster, the department is expected to play a significant role in the creation of both work and business opportunities. However, the MEC sends contradicting messages in her policy speech. On page 4, she starts off by pencilling: “We will implement a procurement strategy that seeks to contribute to SMME and Local Economic Development”. Then four paragraphs further down, she laments the fact that road infrastructure is driven, in the main, by external service providers instead of the department’s internal teams. “We want to ensure that external service providers complement our internal teams instead of the current scenario where they do the bulk of our work”. Asazi ke ukuba masise eyiphi Komkhulu. Then she goes on to pain the Eastern Cape economy by telling us that she has splurged R252 million on one or a same suppliers of plant items. Had that budget been spent on actual operations, so many of local entrepreneurs would have benefited. As a result, so much of our taxes are going to be tied up in depreciating machinery which must be maintained. whereas this would have been the responsibility of the private sector. 5. The much-anticipated roads masterplan has yet to be presented to the committee. Consequently, there is just no indication of the direction which this department is going. No details are being availed at all about the roads which are going to be improved. This feud situation lends itself very much vulnerable for the mishandling of funds. 6. There are no new road-making methodologies being explored yet some have been available from as far back as 2006. 7. Further signs of a confused department are in programme for transport regulation. A whopping R2,5 million has been set aside for road safety prayers, but the budget for the Law Enforcement function has been reduced by 9.2%. It looks like this department is more ready for prayers, which lend no technical expertise on traffic management. To put an icing on the ongoing confusion there is a budget of R50 m for no specific activity. Cash is just being splashed about. Hayi kumnandi Kwa Transport VHAA!!!

Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution Vote: Education

Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution Vote: Education

1. The MEC’s commitment to further improve the matric results is most appreciated. The United Democratic Movement commits to support all efforts that will take our Eastern Cape learners to greater heights. However, education always exists in a world in transition. Accordingly teaching methods and curricula have got to constantly change to adapt to the changing environment both inside the classroom as well as in the outside world. 2. Let’s look at the past, present and the future, there are critical factors here: (i) The purpose of education (ii) The curriculum (iii) The teacher (iv) The classroom (v) The community environment which the learning and teaching takes place (vi) The workplace 3. (i) All the above are driven by two things, namely: • The brain, which produces systems and • The budget, which pays for goods and services. (ii)(a) The brain gets sharper with more use and the budget gets diminished with more use. 4. Let’s look at how best to optimise the budget in order to address the core functions of this department, which are teaching and learning. Here the guiding principles should be that you can’t do it alone. (i) Welcome to the science laboratory where we are going to • Mix • Synthesise • Filter and • Crystalize (ii) When you do that within the lab (i.e. the brain) each one of the original products (ideas) loses some of its originality in order to accommodate the necessary partner (i.e. a different and new idea). Philosophical rigidity is not going to help us here. (iii) Such a process has taken place in the right room temperature, crystal clear ideas will be the outcome. 5. Here are some suggestions which hopefully, will clear the congestion (of activities) in this department. (i) (a) The MEC for Education is loaded with many functions which are no more than merely supporters of the core functions of the department. (b) These are: feeding scheme, infrastructure, social services, and security. (ii) The legislative committee researcher has identified self-provision of infrastructure as a huge drawback and time consumer in this department. Even the DG Department volunteered a statement and said on the evening of the 16th July: ‘’I must confess that I spend most of my time on infrastructure issues’’ This was during committee proceedings. (iii) The results of the synthesis here is that the premier is called upon, suggestively though to re-assign the infrastructure function to public works. This will be in accordance with the latest National policy position. Here section 137 of the constitution the premier mandates to do so. However minor but critical and urgent repairs may still be a function of this department. But routine maintenance should also go to public works. (iv) There should be a direct link between the natural attractions of scholars, the curriculum and the potential career of the learner. Their interest should be identified quite early. Then they should be linked to potential funders on a group basis. (v) Teachers should be subjected to psychometric tests, at least bi-annually. They seem to have lots of personal challenges that tend to demoralise them. (vi) The depreciating socio-economic factors in society are the root cause of population migration from area to area. The department should keep a live barometer of these societal changes and prepare itself accordingly. (vii) Health, social and nutritional services should be totally outsourced to the relevant departments. This department should be a mere recipient of these services, instead of having to manage them. This will relieve the DG so he can focus on improving teaching and learning.

Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution Vote: Office of the Premier

Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution Vote: Office of the Premier

1. This is the engine of the provincial administration which carries the aspirations of the citizens of the Eastern Cape. It is supposed to be the centre of policy formulation, implementation and coordination. It has to ensure that social and economic practise of the provincial administration are effected. However, it faces the challenge of a subdued economy inter-sphere policy conflicts, rampant maladministration, inability of both the municipalities and the government departments to manage finances well. The fact that we have over 100 000 unemployed graduates confirms that our education curriculum is not informed by industry needs, and so the expenditure on such education is almost tantamount to being fruitless and it does not take the graduate anywhere. This assertion is further supported by the fact that, even after obtaining those tertiary qualifications, these graduates must still be further skilled. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) suggest that the office of the premier facilitates some kind of partnership between industry and the Education Department at a much lower level rather than wait until tertiary level. 2. The role of ECSECC has become diminished in the recent past. Given its strategic position in the economic development of the province, every effort should be made to strengthen it one more time. 3. The economic transformation trajectory must needs have a strong element of business ownership. No matter how much experience one has in operating someone else’s business, but to run your own is a totally different ball game altogether. This is why intergenerational farm labourers struggle to run the very farms they have previously worked on, once they own them. 4. This department should focus more in coordinating the work of other government departments and be less involved in implementing its own programmes, especially in construction. Who oversees them, other than the Legislature? 5. The 2016 survey reveals that unemployment is at 38% and food insecurity is at 28% and the geni coefficient is very sharp, a situation which persuades the Eastern Cape government to allocate over 75% of its budget to health and education collectively, yet individually these departments are not succeeding in resolving poverty and unemployment, let alone touch inequality. One of the reasons for this failure is that there is no synergy. The missing catalyst is obviously then, this budgetary trend is short termed reactionary and visionless. The UDM suggests a budgetary approach that will be in favour of economic development. People who have a healthy economic lifestyle are more self-reliant rather than government dependent. All the above listed social ills will be simultaneously addressed. For this to be realised in the medium-to-long-term, this department must clamp down on civil servants who continue not to come to work, yet continue to draw salaries. At 54% work attendance you will not even be able to take off. New labour policies supported by appropriate legislation, must be developed. Only then can this department turn the Eastern Cape into transformation mode, from a socio needs focus to an economic pursuits focus. 6. (i) The UDM has deliberately steered clear of dealing with the budgetary terms on a rand by rand approach when the amount is so small anyway. We have chosen to follow the scientific route of cause and effect, because this is the prime overarching department. (ii) A regular evaluation of the progress made on the economic front needs to be effected. Only then shall we know if we are progressing or not. Such evaluation should not be done internally but rather by an external party. 7. So, we say, think on these things and consider your verdict.

Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution Vote: Social Development

Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution Vote: Social Development

Honourable Speaker and Deputy Speaker Honourable Premier and members of the executive Honourable Members of the Legislature Officials present here Distinguished Guests And visitors at the gallery be greeted in Jesus name The increase of the total budget for 2019/20 financial year is appreciated and will make a difference especially in Social Welfare Services, as most of our people, including youth, survive on this grant. Madam Speaker and Honourable Members, the issue of the serious shortage of social workers whilst there is high rate of unemployed social work graduates is becoming a crisis. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) request the department to prioritize the filling of the vacant post for social workers. How can there be a shortage of social workers and at the same time there is high rate of unemployed social work graduates, this government is really sick, wayenyanisile omnye utata xa wayesithi ugovernment wase Eastern Cape use ICU. Madam Speaker the UDM is concerned about the issue of OSD that the department did not budget for the OSD payments amounting to R51, 3 million hence the MEC committed to compensate all the qualifying OSD officials in this financial year yet there is no budget for that, with what? How will that be done? If there is no budget allocated for that, and you will find out that it takes a decade to pay those affected, this demoralising the morale of the workers. The UDM demands the department to come up with the solutions and speed-up payment of OSD qualifying officials. And in future there must be a budget allocation for such. Madam Speaker the UDM applauds the initiative by the department to strengthen the way it assesses the performance of NGOs and NPOs delivery services to the department, but we are worried about the limited budget for these organisations; how will the department expect these to perform and deliver without a budget. And these organisations suffered a lot with late payments or no payment at all. The Department was faced with number of challenges that led to 727 employees being displaced. How does this happen? Is it because of the nepotism? How can you expect one to perform his/her duties without the right qualifications? This promotes poor service delivery.

Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution to the budget debate on economic development

Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution to the budget debate on economic development

1. Having tried to juxtapose the MEC‘s policy speech with his department’s operational plan driven by such a minute budget, I could only conclude that the Eastern Cape government is going nowhere. When you reduce, by as much as 25%, the budget of Treasury, what do you expect to achieve in the sickly fiscal environment? If the whole province projects a revenue of R6 billion but commits to just R1, 4 billion then psychologically, those tasked during operations with collecting the dream R6bn, will immediately drop their efforts by whopping 80%. Ndokhe ndibone xa kusenzeka umlingo. Poor fiscal management continues to kill our provinces political, social and economic dreams. One suspects that political instability within the ruling party plays a big role in the mismanagement of allocated funds, hence the recurrence of irregular wasteful and non- expenditure of budgets. 2. Treasury should incentivise and reward departments that show great strides in tight fiscal control. Not only had that but even challenge departments in the economic cluster to produce an X number of jobs for every X R3 spent. Treasury should actually have a special internal unit that focuses on two things: ? The constant link between departmental expenditure and jobs created and sustained. ? Fiscus spent which results in enterprise ownership by Eastern Cape citizens. The fiscus continues to be plundered by the people from outside the province. Our fiscus should be used to create equity for the citizens of this province. The development of the invoice-tracking mechanism is much appreciated. It cannot be that it is practically impossible to simply put a stop to civil servants who do business with the state. As things stand there are officials who make sure that their invoices are fast tracked for payment? Surely this can be stopped. We implore Treasury to ensure that there is consequence management for those who plunder state resources. The additional powers conferred on the Auditor General should be utilised not only to deter potential thieves but severely punish the devilish beneficiaries. 3. Despite the policy position declared by the National Minister of Finance that tax collection has to be increased, yet in the Eastern Cape the source and base of an increased tax revenue seems to have be given very shy attention. There are no bold steps within the Economic Cluster to increase the tax base. This assertion is based on the type of projected jobs. Labourers earn low wages; it is the middle and upper class as well as businesses that form a solid tax revenue base. The MEC for Finance in his budget speech puts that emphasis on infrastructure development and agricultural economy. We know the bulk of the infrastructure budget goes to contractors and the goods they procure. Less than 25% goes to professionals. So, we would need to make sure that both the supplies and contractors are locally based in order to drive that budget to local suppliers. Agriculture we all know that this sector contributes just around 2% to the GDP consequently its contribution to our tax base is understandably low. In order for it to improve its contribution to our tax base, the export market would need to be tapped into in, a big way at that. There you talking billions. Another potential revenue base is by creating, at municipal level, to an environment in which professionals like doctors’ consultants, teachers etc. would feel comfortable to live and work. But alas the conditions are just too atrocious in most of these municipalities. Hence the brain and fiscal emigration to other provinces, where there are better living conditions. 4. Did it occur to the executive of the Eastern Cape that you are sending a very negative message to investors, when you reduce the budget of such a strategic department by whole 25%? The UDM takes this opportunity to implore the powers that be to review this situation. Add to that the small change allocated to the department of economic development, then potential investors get a clear message of just, how not serious you are on the economy.

Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution Vote 12: Treasury

Eastern Cape Legislature: Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MPL’s contribution Vote 12: Treasury

1. Having tried to juxtapose the MEC‘s policy speech with his department’s operational plan driven by such a minute budget, I could only conclude that the Eastern Cape government is going nowhere. When you reduce, by as much as 25%, the budget of Treasury, what do you expect to achieve in the sickly fiscal environment? If the whole province projects a revenue of R6 billion but commits to just R1, 4 billion then psychologically, those tasked during operations with collecting the dream R6bn, will immediately drop their efforts by whopping 80%. Ndokhe ndibone xa kusenzeka umlingo. Poor fiscal management continues to kill our provinces political, social and economic dreams. One suspects that political instability within the ruling party plays a big role in the mismanagement of allocated funds, hence the recurrence of irregular wasteful and non- expenditure of budgets. 2. Treasury should incentivise and reward departments that show great strides in tight fiscal control. Not only had that but even challenge departments in the economic cluster to produce an X number of jobs for every X R3 spent. Treasury should actually have a special internal unit that focuses on two things: ? The constant link between departmental expenditure and jobs created and sustained. ? Fiscus spent which results in enterprise ownership by Eastern Cape citizens. The fiscus continues to be plundered by the people from outside the province. Our fiscus should be used to create equity for the citizens of this province. The development of the invoice-tracking mechanism is much appreciated. It cannot be that it is practically impossible to simply put a stop to civil servants who do business with the state. As things stand there are officials who make sure that their invoices are fast tracked for payment? Surely this can be stopped. We implore Treasury to ensure that there is consequence management for those who plunder state resources. The additional powers conferred on the Auditor General should be utilised not only to deter potential thieves but severely punish the devilish beneficiaries. 3. Despite the policy position declared by the National Minister of Finance that tax collection has to be increased, yet in the Eastern Cape the source and base of an increased tax revenue seems to have be given very shy attention. There are no bold steps within the Economic Cluster to increase the tax base. This assertion is based on the type of projected jobs. Labourers earn low wages; it is the middle and upper class as well as businesses that form a solid tax revenue base. The MEC for Finance in his budget speech puts that emphasis on infrastructure development and agricultural economy. We know the bulk of the infrastructure budget goes to contractors and the goods they procure. Less than 25% goes to professionals. So, we would need to make sure that both the supplies and contractors are locally based in order to drive that budget to local suppliers. Agriculture we all know that this sector contributes just around 2% to the GDP consequently its contribution to our tax base is understandably low. In order for it to improve its contribution to our tax base, the export market would need to be tapped into in, a big way at that. There you talking billions. Another potential revenue base is by creating, at municipal level, to an environment in which professionals like doctors’ consultants, teachers etc. would feel comfortable to live and work. But alas the conditions are just too atrocious in most of these municipalities. Hence the brain and fiscal emigration to other provinces, where there are better living conditions. 4. Did it occur to the executive of the Eastern Cape that you are sending a very negative message to investors, when you reduce the budget of such a strategic department by whole 25%? The UDM takes this opportunity to implore the powers that be to review this situation. Add to that the small change allocated to the department of economic development, then potential investors get a clear message of just, how not serious you are on the economy.

Response to the premier’s Eastern Cape SOPA on the 28th June 2019 delivered by the Honourable Mncedisi Filtane, UDM Member of the Eastern Cape Legislature

Response to the premier’s Eastern Cape SOPA on the 28th June 2019 delivered by the Honourable Mncedisi Filtane, UDM Member of the Eastern Cape Legislature

1. We would like to take this opportunity as the United Democratic Movement and formally congratulate you on your crowning as the Premier. However, William Shakespeare once scribed in Julius Caesar, if my memory serves me well: “Uneasy lies the head that wears the crown’’. You will be no exception to this notion. Let us dissect the beast you presented to us. 2. The route to solving most social challenges lies in an inclusive economy in which the majority of the Eastern Cape citizens wholesomely participate. There is a whole mile to meander in order to get there. Your speech hardly sounded like a starter’s gun. Consequently, we remain with more questions than answers, the reason being that you indicated the pointers but fell short of: • Telling us how to get there and, more importantly, • Exactly what fruits we shall harvest for our efforts, and when. No short-term, medium-term or long-term projections. You were generous with generality. Because of the dire situation engulfing the state of our economy, we expected a more radical approach to tackling the economic woes of the province. 3. Today’s policy buzzword in government corridors is a ‘’ transformed economy’’. Part of your preamble states that: “…we are here to outline our programme of action in the next five years’’. ‘That is why we expected more detail. 4. Some of the questions that arise are: (i) How much will preferred areas of investment contribute to the GDP of the province? (ii) How much ownership stake will be allocated to the previously disadvantaged to advance the cause of ownership? (iii) How much raw material, including for infrastructure development, will come from the Eastern Cape? Are you setting up factories for the manufacture of those materials? Here we wait to see an extension of the value chain, both vertically and horizontally. (iv) Exactly at what rate will your administration produce food within the province so that we greatly reduce the unhealthy importation of food? This is very sore point, Honourable Premier, when one considers the amount of land the Eastern Cape has. A lot of which is suitable for agricultural produce. How many will feed from 50,000 hectares? (v) You have listed tourism as one of your administration’s priorities, yet you have spent less than half a page talking about this sector. As a result, you have not addressed the very fundamentals of any economy, which is product development, referring only to the second last value step which is selling. “What will be sold, and produced by whom with what and where? The exception here is the waterfront in Port Elizabeth. (vi) Sport attracts lots of consumers yet you have said zero on it. Knowing that sport offers itself as a very viable option to intelligence driven economic opportunities, then we have to ask you why you did so much injustice to sport? Knowing that sport is also a catalyst for social cohesion, then why did you leave it out? This would have given the Eastern Cape citizens an opportunity to feel that those that want to make a living out of sport are foregrounded by the Mabuyane administration. You have missed out on a golden opportunity. The Eastern Cape has produced a number of rugby springboks, but the current administration has sent out a loud message saying “we care less about the legacy you have left behind. Mara why, why, why Honourable Premier. (vii) You painfully complain that it was the deliberate act of the apartheid regime not to invest in the economic infrastructure of our province to make us the labour basket of the country. But alas, all the proposed construction projects were neither for of specific employment numbers nor level of local ownership once in operation. If the focus of government remains anchored just on skills development only, then your administration will have created a perfect platform for prolonging the very apartheid strategy you rightly bemoaned, we want change. Change is what we want. Are you able to deliver drastic change? Siphendule Mhlekazi. (viii) So, you are planning to build a Smart City. Hmmm? Where are you going to get smart administrators and mayors from? When you allowed yourself to day-dream about a smart city, had you so soon forgotten about Mthatha’s rolling collapse with filthy streets, no water, no power and a recently sacked mayor of the ANC? Had you forgotten about the fact that most villages in Mnquma are accustomed to live without water, or were you actually dreaming about a “dark city” but because it was during the day you actually thought there was light in that city? (ix) Kha uqale ulungise I gravel road ezi zibulala imoto ezithutha abantu. (x) We welcome your admission of fifteen years of failure by three administrations, but now you want to pass the buck to civilians by establishing a Khawuleza Project Management Office within your office. Thereby sending a clear message to the current public servants to say ‘’I have no confidence in you’’, look I am superimposing another structure on you. Are these members any better qualified than your current staff compliment? (xi) One of the best ways if preparing a country for economic revival is to re-organise the fundamentals in the education sector. I just would not believe my own ears to hear you say that you want to equip children with skills that would make them highly competitive in the labour market. A flood of questions gushed to my mind as a seasoned development practitioner. (a) In whose forms will they be working? (b) Why not prepare them to be creators of wealth instead hewers of wood? (c) Why not prepare them to be knowledge producers, inventors, researchers, product creators in their own right? The list is long, but time is limited for me. (d) Why leave out men on projects? (e) The effect of climate change in development. (f) The fourth industrial revolution to be embraced with caution, there are too many unskilled citizens who must earn an income. It is already beginning to bite, estimated to take six million out of work. (g) Prevalent fraud in department like education. (h) Will you ensure the implementation of the amended Audit Act? (i) How many job submits must your administration organise in order for jobs to be actualised. Since 2005, this province has been holding these fruitless summits very regularly, but jobs dololo. Instead, more jobs were being shed by the previous economy. We suggest a different approach in fighting joblessness. (j) Your administration has virtually no local government as if the Auditor General’s report is anything to go by. I thank you

Bantu Holomisa speaks at a Unisa panel discussion on the 2019 general elections

Bantu Holomisa speaks at a Unisa panel discussion on the 2019 general elections

• Our hosts today • Dr Somadoda Fikeni, our moderator • Those who represent the various departments that sponsored this panel discussion • My colleagues from other political parties • Academics and students • Ladies and gentlemen Thank you for affording me the opportunity to have a chat with you today. 1. The UDM’s road of success The United Democratic Movement (UDM) has since its inception batted on the wicket of the ethics of good governance. In fact, the UDM in part owes its beginning to that principled stance. My testimony at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, about corruption in the former Transkei, got me unceremoniously kicked out of the African National Congress, because I refused to recant. Soon after that, the UDM was born and we have not stopped fighting for what is good and right in this world: • We opposed the immoral floor-crossing legislation that was eventually scrapped. • We succeeded in having the Independent Electoral Commission’s former Chief Electoral Officer, Pansy Tlakula, resign because of an irregular lease agreement she organised. • We were part of the legal action taken to preserve and protect the former Public Protector Thuli Madonsela’s report on state capture. • The UDM was the catalyst that saw coalitions form after the 2016 elections. • We did our part in forcing the former president to vacate his office, specifically taking the matter of the secret ballot to the Constitutional Court and organising one of the biggest marches to the Union Buildings. • The UDM were there with our colleagues from other opposition parties when we asked the Constitutional Court to order parliament to consider the former president’s conduct and whether he is impeachable. • We have asked President Ramaphosa to intervene in the malfunctioning and corruption-ridden SETAs. Nothing has yet been done about it, but we won’t give up. • Various communities will attest to the fact that the UDM has intervened on their behalf to have government, at municipal, provincial and national levels, attend to their service delivery complaints. • Most recently, the UDM exposed alleged corruption at the Public Investment Corporation amounting to billions of rands. This directly led to the establishment of the Mpati Commission of Inquiry at which I am sure you saw me testify. Once again at our post guarding against corruption. These are the actions of a party that is opposed to pervasive corruption, maladministration and malfeasance in government. 2. Fighting government corruption It is a sad reality that South Africans have become jaded when they talk about government corruption. There is too much of it and it’s demoralising our nation. They only sit up and listen when “things get serious”, as we see with the current commissions of inquiry. Things are indeed very serious with billions of Rands at play. For the UDM, integrity, commitment and hard work are required from everyone in government, as well as those in the private sector. No quarter shall be given to those who fail. Rewarding party loyalty is an evil, that should become a thing of the past. The best quality must be ensured in all appointments, so that merit, responsibility and integrity is guaranteed, and excellence is rewarded. Specifically, the UDM believes that special courts must be established to investigate and prosecute the corrupt in the public and private sector. Also, each province must have an independent anti-corruption task team to determine the depth of corruption and to immediately act. 3. Safety and security For the UDM, the long-term solution to crime and violence lies in our people committing to a concerted effort to reform our society, so that we do not simply address the symptoms, but also the root causes. Although there are a number of initiatives that the UDM would introduce to bring about safety and security, I wish to highlight two specific strategies for the purpose of today’s discussion. a) As far as we are concerned, the recruitment processes of the police, defence and intelligence services must be revamped. The aim of such a programme will be to allow communities to participate in keeping their environments safe and secure. Individuals who are interested in a career in law enforcement will be trained and assigned to serve their communities. This will allow for the monitoring of crime, the gathering of intelligence and combating lawlessness, whilst also creating much needed jobs. b) The coordination between the ministries of justice, police services, correctional services, defence and national intelligence must be stepped up. The UDM proposes that a crime prevention ministry be established to coordinate the work of these departments. Specific objectives and deadlines must be set for the departments to achieve their goals. 4. Free education • The UDM supports fee-free tertiary education for students from poor and working-class families. Such an expanded programme can be justified economically as free education is a strategic economic driver, because it is an investment by the state in the creation of a larger tax base in the long run. However, once implemented under a UDM government, students’ progress shall be monitored and managed as an investment. • We also think that the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NFSAS) is a big flop. It is hamstrung by chronic maladministration, corruption and a jobs-for-pals leadership scheme. In addition, the way in which NSFAS is structured produces graduates who end up mired in debt. Because of our under-performing job market, they will remain indebted with no hope of repaying their loans. Of course, the biggest challenge at the other end of this education process is making sure that our graduates have jobs. 5. Job creation The UDM has always said that a massive initiative focussing on job creation through infrastructure maintenance and development is one of the routes to go. This planned sustainable development project must be driven through the department of public works, in collaboration with all other departments. Furthermore, the UDM’s response to the challenge of unemployment includes: • Identifying markets for small firms, through promoting domestic and foreign connections to adequately address both the supply and demand side of the economy. • Developing capacity in the areas of improved business and entrepreneurial skills. • Identifying loan and capital sources, as well as facilitating loans and investments in community businesses. • Investing in sector-based planning and implementation, including the creation of sector-specific banks to provide financial assistance to historically disadvantaged groups and individuals. 6. Xenophobia Xenophobia in South Africa is not a new thing and, as a matter of fact, it is getting worse by the day. There are multiple causes of xenophobia, but at the risk of over-simplifying the matter, the UDM is of the view that the root cause lies in the unregulated and unfair competition for the poor’s meagre resources. The dearth of jobs is, for instance, part of this dynamic and complex situation. On the one hand, undocumented immigrants are exploited, because they are desperate enough to work for low wages. And, on the other, there are no job opportunities for South Africans that pay a decent wage. To add to the complexity of the matter we have the issue of undocumented foreigners illegally occupying dwellings. The owners of such buildings, should be brought to book as they exploit undocumented immigrants and, by default, also deprive South Africans of safe havens. Like it or not, much of the blame is to be laid at government’s feet as the impact of its inadequate control over the arrival of illegal immigrants, and lack of resettlement mechanisms, are not addressed. A UDM government will handle illegal immigration in a humane and holistic manner, in line with our continental and international obligations. We also make a call on undocumented immigrants to come forward and be registered. Finally, we recognise that legal immigrants contribute immensely to our society and our economy. We are home to, for instance, some of the best educators and academics who impart knowledge and do important research and development. The UDM believes that xenophobia has no place in our society, but we must also be cognisant of our responsibilities to our own people. It is entirely possible for both these ambitions to work harmoniously. 7. An Economic Indaba with land at the apex of its work As we worked on establishing a new South Africa, land was placed on the backburner. Political emancipation was our primary goal at that time. Land, as a tool to achieve economic emancipation and make reparation, should have been addressed straight after liberation. Matters would look very different if the land issue had been addressed timeously. We certainly would have avoided the destructive tug-and-pull we now witness. When the National Assembly took a resolution on the expropriation of land without compensation, the UDM voted in favour of this resolution after it was amended. The UDM certainly did not vote for free-for-all land grabs and evictions. In this regard, the UDM has long promoted the view that the matter can only be effectively resolved at our proposed Economic Indaba, where all stakeholders can congregate to discuss South Africa’s macro economy, with land at the apex of the debate. There are a number of pertinent questions that should be answered before we make any rash decisions. Those are, amongst others, the following: • Who exactly (individuals, companies and/or government) will be affected and how? • How does food security and economic stability impact implementation i.e. does it prevent expropriation in specific circumstances, and what those would be? • How will government handle rapid urbanisation and an ever-increasing need to make land available in cities and the concomitant denuding of rural communities and local economies? • How will traditional leaders and rural communities be affected? • How will entities such as the Ingonyama Trust be impacted? 8. Closing With these few words I leave you and invite you to ask me any questions you wish me to answer. Thank you

UDM welcomes ATM’s youth Deputy President and his followers to the UDM in Johannesburg

UDM welcomes ATM’s youth Deputy President and his followers to the UDM in Johannesburg

• Our newly arrived young lions • Ladies and gentlemen 1. Welcome Today the United Democratic Movement (UDM) proudly accepts a group of young lions into the fold. Welcome! You will have to hit the ground running as elections are around the corner. As new members of the UDM you will be part of the drive to rid our country of one-party dominance. We have all witnessed how one-party dominance has brought South Africa to its knees. Corruption has permeated into all sectors of society. Recent revelations have verified that government monies have been channelled to the ruling party via front companies. In essence, the taxpayer has footed the bill for the ruling party to, amongst others, ferry people to its rallies. Bosasa CEO, Gavin Watson, does not fear arrest, because to arrest Watson is to arrest the ANC. Government institutions are led by ruling party deployees that are mandated to channel money to Luthuli House. We can abide by the fact that Nomvula Mokonyane and her ilk will never face the consequences of their actions, precisely because they are deployees of ruling party. 2. What does the UDM’s manifesto say about our youth It is a given that this country rests on the shoulders of young South Africans, yet they are side-lined from economic and other opportunities. But, there are other possibilities for the youth to be their own wealth creators. The UDM therefore subscribes to the belief that our youth should not only rely on the private sector or government to create job opportunities. This is why the UDM would implement the following policies once it is in government: • Identifying markets for small firms through promoting domestic and foreign connections to adequately address both the supply and demand side of the economy. • Developing capacity in the areas of improved business and entrepreneurial skills. • Identifying loan and capital sources, as well as facilitating loans and investments in community businesses. • Investing in sector-based planning and implementation, including the creation of sector-specific banks to provide financial assistance to young South Africans. Also, under a UDM government, funding will be made available for political parties represented in parliament to have leadership training programmes to teach our youth, amongst others, about their country, current affairs, the constitution, patriotism, human rights, the political landscape, a culture of ownership, as well as respect. 3. Your task as UDM members • When we leave here today, go to your communities and preach the gospel of the UDM. • Make people understand that we, as citizens, must save South Africa from the slippery slope of corruption. • Go from door-to-door and speak to our people of the new direction the UDM envisages for our country. • Explain to them that the UDM’s political philosophy is based on integrity, dignity and prosperity. Integrity amongst our ranks. Dignity for our people and, Prosperity for all South Africans. I thank you

Bantu Holomisa’s keynote address at the launch of the UDM’s manifesto

Bantu Holomisa’s keynote address at the launch of the UDM’s manifesto

• Deputy President of the UDM; • UDM National Office Bearers; • Members of our National Executive Committee; • The party’s provincial leadership; • The Nelson Mandela Bay Executive Mayor and the people of this metro who are our hosts; • Members and supporters of the UDM; • Fellow South Africans; Introduction Good day to you all, including those who are watching from home; welcome to the unveiling of the United Democratic Movement’s (UDM) 2019 manifesto. As the UDM enters its third decade as a party, our message is clear: we are ready to lead and, we are ready to govern! Our manifesto is available for all to read, but I want to highlight a number of salient points. This election is all about trust. We have a president who pleads with you to trust him; and this despite his party. Why? Because he knows that his party – the ANC – is not worthy of your trust. We all know what damage it has done, be it to our economy, our safety, our education and health systems, and so the list goes on. How can it be trusted when it stood meekly by, as Jacob Zuma and his cronies looted the state and stole your hard-earned taxes and deprived you of economic opportunity. We now know the cost of state capture. Billions of Rand have been stolen and many state institutions and agencies have been weakened. As a direct result of state capture, for example, PRASA has been disabled. What that means, is that the railway system is disrupted. Notwithstanding the fact that billions of rands of tax-payers’ hard-earned cash are used to rescue the ailing railway system. In practical terms it is even harder for those people who are lucky enough to have jobs to get to work on time. To cite another example, Eskom also is a victim of state capture. As we speak, we are unsure whether this rally will complete its business. There is the likelihood of being visited by an uninvited guest, who brought darkness: load shedding. Small businesses, which are the backbone of our economy, are most affected and cannot run their enterprises, because of this uncertainty. This situation is diametrically opposed to what the ruling party has been telling South Africans. We were told that the change of leadership will bring efficiency. We were told that load shedding is a thing of the past and that the future is bright. Like PRASA, Eskom is no longer able to perform the public service it should. Eskom comes up with a new excuse from the already used ones, such as the shortage diesel and coal. Now we are told that the Hitachi and Chancellor House project i.e. the Medupi and Kusile power stations, which they built, are the reasons for this load shedding. As we all know, Chancellor House is the ANC’s front company and it is therefore prudent that the ruling party must take full responsibility for plunging South Africa into darkness. We all suffer as a result. This kind of institutionalised corruption must be exposed for what it is, without fear nor favour. So, I ask you: how can South Africans trust the ANC? The reason we now know more details about state capture, thus far, is because of the revelations at the Zondo Commission of Inquiry. The Zondo commission exists, because the Public Protector recommended that it be appointed; and the courts agreed. The rule of law prevailed, despite the onslaught of Zuma and his party. We went to the Constitutional Court with three other opposition parties and succeeded in having the Public Protector’s State Capture report published. We can be proud of the role we played in protecting the rule of law. The UDM’s track record speaks for itself, to mention but a few: • No-one will question that the UDM has consistently batted on the wicket of anti-corruption and the promotion of the ethics of good governance. We have always called a spade a spade, to the annoyance of many. • We fought the immoral floor-crossing legislation and were vindicated when it was eventually removed from the country’s statute books. • The UDM took the matter of the irregular lease agreement of the Independent Electoral Commission’s offices to the Public Protector, after which Advocate Tlakula was forced to resign. • Post 2016 Local Government Elections, the UDM was the catalyst in establishing coalition governments in several metropolitan municipalities. • We coordinated the biggest march to the Union Buildings, which called for the former president to vacate his office. • The UDM was at the lead when some opposition parties took the matter of the secret ballot on the no-confidence motion in the former president to the constitutional court. We succeeded in forcing the speaker of the national assembly to pronounce on how the balloting would take place. • Since 1999, the UDM has steadily campaigned to have party funding legislation put in place, which has recently been signed into law. • Most recently, the UDM exposed alleged corruption at the Public Investment Corporation amounting to billions of Rands. We called for the chief executive officer to pack his bags and leave, which has happened. We have further asked the president to institute a commission of inquiry, which he has done. • Various communities will attest to the fact that the UDM has intervened on their behalf to have government, at municipal, provincial and national levels, attend to their service delivery complaints. This has been our mission since the Mandela, the Mbeki, the Zuma and now the Ramaphosa administrations. • We have further written numerous letters to government to intervene in the malfunctioning SETAs, on behalf of the employees and needy pupils who are affected by the SETA’s inefficiency and corruption. This is part of our proud track-record of more than the twenty years – that we are a party stands up for what is right and is not afraid to speak the truth to power! We have defended the constitution and we will continue to do so. President Ramaphosa may be a decent man, but he is just one man. It is said that people must vote for the ANC in order to allow President Ramaphosa to continue in office. But there is no guarantee that the ANC will allow him to do so. There is nothing to stop the ANC from deciding to remove Ramaphosa just as they recalled Thabo Mbeki and replaced him with a person facing over 800 criminal charges. Today we hear noises from the ANC that the past nine years have been disastrous under the Zuma administration. Yet the current crew was the very one who said that he did nothing wrong. They even invented a slogan that read: “We have a good story to tell”. I ask the question again: CAN WE TRUST THEM, given that the same organisation was at pains to defend Zuma and was hellbent on discrediting the Public Protector and the judiciary. Had it not been for the insistence of opposition parties and some civil society organisations, Cyril Ramaphosa would not have occupied an office at the Union Buildings. We should not be lulled into thinking that the leopard has changed its spots. To prove that, it is the same organisation who has asked Zuma to campaign for them and thus continue to undermine the rule of law. The voters of this country will not have their intelligence insulted and take a risk to trust them again. They realise that the ANC is a damaged organisation riddled with deadly division, dangerously unstable, and unfit to lead our great country. That is why the president did not even mention his party once during the State of the Nation Address. Not once! He knows that the ANC is a liability. He wants to draw the spotlight of the election on him. But our electoral system means that you can’t have Ramaphosa without the ANC! Which makes the UDM’s suggestion that the president of the country should be directly elected by voters, as in other democracies. And so, my message is this: South Africa is not the ANC. And these days, nor can it be said that the ANC is South Africa. It has lost touch with ordinary South Africans. It has lost its moral compass. It has betrayed its history. It has betrayed South Africa. The misuse of resources permeates both the public and private sectors. Where government is concerned, this mismanagement pervades all three tiers of government. When the UDM comes to power, one of the first things we shall invest in is professionalizing the civil service in order to deliver quality services. The appointment of DGs will be the sole responsibility of the department of public services in consultation with the presidency to avoid the current situation where ministers appoint their friends and thus perpetuates corruption. Another area in which we will invest, is the training of the personnel of the bodies responsible for our safety and security i.e. the police, intelligence and military. Their state of readiness must always be guaranteed so that they may execute their mandate. The people of this country deserve better and they yearn for a better alternative. They deserve a party that will put them first. Allow me to talk about the economic needs of South Africa. South Africa has fast diminishing hopes of being able to respond to the triple threat of acute poverty, ever-rising unemployment and deepening inequality. The UDM’s manifesto puts the economic needs of people at the centre of its plan for government. South Africa needs an inspiring and shared economic vision of where we are going in the next ten to twenty years. Looking back, the Codesa negotiations only focused on political freedom and consequently economic policy formulation has been left to individual ministers to the detriment of the development of a comprehensive and coherent economic plan. This approach to policy formulation is not sustainable, because as soon as changes occur in government, a new administration tends to disown previously adopted policies. Yet, the same political party has sponsored those ever-changing policies. To compound matters, the tri-partite alliance’s differing stances on the economy further confuses policies with the National Development Plan being the white elephant in the room. Although we do not out of hand discard the current administration’s economic summits, the UDM strongly believes that a similar exercise as the Codesa talks needs to take place, but this time in the form of an Economic Indaba. This forum should gather to address the backlogs and imbalances of the past, and examine international precedents such as the European Recovery Programme of 1948, also known as the “Marshall Plan”. Closer to home, the Afrikaner government was deliberate in using state resources to successfully address Afrikaner poverty. Piecemeal conferences and summits will not do the job; it needs a concerted effort with all stakeholders gathered under one roof to hammer out South Africa’s macro-economic policy. Even the governing tri-partite alliance have differed fundamentally from each other. These differences have raised tensions at Nedlac level. This is one institution that needs to be completely overhauled, given that there are new strong unions in this country such as SAFTU. South Africa’s economic growth could be realised if we all work together and communicate one message to would-be investors, both local and abroad. Health care The quality of healthcare infrastructure and maintenance are often below standard. Hygiene at many clinics is at unacceptable levels and must be addressed immediately. It remains a sad fact that many South Africans must travel huge distances to the nearest clinic or hospital. Therefore, health infrastructure and services need to be provided closer to the poor. A UDM government will commit itself to healthcare that is linked to other social cluster portfolios, recognising the role of social welfare, water and sanitation, basic life skills and awareness to improve the basic health of the nation. Education One of the UDM’s main priorities is to invest resources in schools, where it is sorely needed. We can never advance as a nation if we do not educate our young. It is the most serious structural constraint that the economy faces. Hence, a UDM government will prioritise the building, fixing and upgrading of school infrastructure. A UDM government will also make additional funding available to ensure that every school has the required learning materials and resources, and ensure that it is delivered on time. There are major discrepancies at state schools when one talks resource spending and infrastructure. Some have the necessary tools to fulfil their obligations to our children and others lack even the bare necessities. President Ramaphosa announced that advanced technology would be used to enhance teaching, but one cannot imagine a situation where a child works with a tablet at a mud school, who has no electricity to even charge the battery. We will establish a permanent commission on education whose primary responsibilities will be to establish and build upon basic educational policy pillars as well as ensuring that there is stability in the curriculum to give our learners the best opportunity to succeed in their studies. The UDM will reopen teacher training colleges and impose national standards for teachers and ensure that they have the necessary resources to provide the highest level of professionalism possible. School inspectors will be brought back to deal with erratic attendance by pupils, teacher laziness and to ensure that the administrative tasks are attended to. Safety and security The safety and security of our country and her people leave much to be desired. The criminal justice system has collapsed. When we hear about the information revealed in, for instance, the Zondo commission, one wonders if our security bodies are fast asleep as this happened under their watch. Under a UDM government, it will take steps to professionalise the criminal justice system. We will also lobby SADC countries to seriously consider establishing an apparatus to respond to cross-border-crime and terrorism, as well as the gathering of intelligence. Public transport There is an over-reliance, coupled with lack of maintenance of our road infrastructure, which has led to its rapid decay. A UDM government will return the units which used to maintain our roads, and not solely to rely on the current tender system that poorly pays EWP employees. A UDM government will further explore the possibility of having an intercity highspeed rail put in place, which could present the nation with the following advantages: a) The reduction of accidents and fatalities on our roads. b) Greater access to specialised services, e.g. courts, legislatures, hospitals and healthcare specialists, universities, etc. c) Roads that are taxed less by heavy vehicles that damage road surfaces which in turn cost a lot of money to maintain. d) The reduced dependence on road transport will have the spin-off of speeding up our economy. Such a profound transformation of our public transport system would be possible via the refurbishment and adaptation of existing railway lines and building additional capacity where needed. Specific UDM proposals Our manifesto is comprehensive and covers other areas that are important for a dignified and prosperous life, but I want to focus on a few areas where we offer distinctive approaches: Job creation The unemployment crisis in South Africa has many causes that underscore the need for a comprehensive strategy. As one solution, a UDM government will launch a massive initiative focussing on job creation through infrastructure maintenance and development. There is a big chunk of unskilled labour which could be absorbed in working in such programmes. They could, for instance, work on the upkeep of government buildings, construction and maintenance of dams and cleaning silted rivers. They could also be tasked to play a meaningful role in restoring eco-systems and biodiversity by fencing off land for agrarian and grazing purposes. Others could be skilled to take care of waste management. The UDM also believes that, for the development of the South African and African economies, it makes sense to gradually cease the mass export of raw materials so that jobs are created locally through homegrown processing and manufacturing. There must be a paradigm shift in the way that we think of job creation and focus on the empowerment of our youth to be wealth creators, future employers, manufacturers and business owners. In order to achieve this, the UDM will do the following: • Establish a distinct national fund, to assist frustrated entrepreneurs in getting the basic tools to start their businesses. • Invest in sector-based planning and implementation, including the creation of sector-specific banks to provide financial assistance to historically disadvantaged groups and individuals. Such sector banks could assist the youth to start their own business in, for instance, the textile, IT, tourism, hospitality, agriculture industries. Billions of rands are wasted on SETAs, whilst they could be transformed into such sector banks. • Remove the bottlenecks on the registration of companies by introducing an online application system to expedite registration. • Identify markets for small firms through promoting domestic and foreign connections to adequately address both supply and demand. • Embark on massive training programme of entrepreneurs to build and manage their companies. • Identify loan and capital sources, as well as facilitating loans and investments in community businesses. • Devote more resources to promote “buying South African” as a tool to stimulate local wealth generation and job creation. Land economy We support land reform and land redistribution – it is vital for our agrarian and rural economies, but also vital for restoring the dignity of our people, recognising the injustices of the past. But the issue is complex and must be understood as such: there are no easy answers and we must work to find consensus on a solution to benefit the landless. So, we need to build a strong, resilient consensus about how to tackle it. In the proposed amendment of the constitution, government could be empowered so that it may expropriate land without compensation, but subject to the development of comprehensive legislation. Such legislation must answer the following: • Who exactly (individuals, companies and/or government) will be affected and how? • How does food security and economic stability impact implementation i.e. does it prevent expropriation in specific circumstances, and what those would be? • How will government handle rapid urbanisation and an ever-increasing need to make land available in cities which denudes rural communities and local economies? • How will traditional leaders and rural communities be affected? • How will entities such as traditional trusts be impacted? • What will be the effect on the land tenure system particularly in rural areas? • What would the position be on the sale of, in main, urban land to foreigners? • How will the issuing of title deeds be sped up so that entrepreneurs may use them as collateral to secure capital for start-ups? Sustainable development: the environment Protecting the environment and our national resources are often placed on the backburner since the consequences of abuse are not immediately appreciable. People find an issue such as the depletion of the ozone layer an abstract concept that does not directly affect them. Many South Africans do not concern themselves with the environment, because of the notion that “it’s someone else’s problem” and therefore do not take responsibility for their own actions. Climate change got just one meagre line in President Ramaphosa’s recent State of the Nation Address. That is a serious abrogation of responsibility. A UDM government will not make this mistake. It will take responsibility. It will join the dots between climate change and environmental degradation to poverty and human development and economic policy. For development, to be both just and sustainable, it must recognise the inter-connectedness of the environmental, social and economic dimension of the crisis we face. High levels of poverty contribute to the damage of our environment. For example, the need to stay warm in the winter is a primary goal for rural and township communities, whilst the negative impact of wood collection on the environment may not be understood. A UDM government will implement a “Marshall Plan” to save our natural heritage that shall identify, build and reward individuals, institutions and community-based organisations to rescue and conserve our environment. We will introduce “green battalions” to counter, amongst others, soil erosion, over-grazing, deforestation and to also protect biodiversity, especially in rural South Africa. This country has failed dismally to manage waste. It is worse in the townships, informal settlements, towns and rural areas. South Africa is a tourism mecca in her own right, and something must be done to address waste management. Under a UDM government, conservation and socio-economic development shall be linked by allowing communities to have sustainable access to the life-supporting and income-earning potential of nature reserves and conservation areas. The UDM believes that, through the implementation of bio-diversity programmes thousands of jobs can be created, because we believe that it is possible to generate jobs and business opportunities whilst being environmentally responsible. We will implement tax incentives to encourage the private sector to invest in the development of technologies for conservation and sustainable use of bio-diversity programmes. This sets us apart from all the other political parties in South Africa. We offer a realistic as well as visionary alternative approach to our sustainable development challenge. Hence, a UDM government will also roll out an information campaign to teach the uninformed of the impacts of their actions on the environment and why it matters to their future prosperity as individuals and as communities. What is noticeable in all the towns and cities is that you hardly see trucks collecting garbage, and residents just find an empty space to dump their waste. A UDM government will embark on a country-wide clean-up campaign. We will provide the necessary tools to keep our country clean and, in the process, create jobs, as well as opportunities for small businesses to flourish. We will consolidate the massive number of environmental laws and regulations into one concise and effective law. Once in power, a UDM government will be active in the enforcement of environmental law with individuals or organisations that contravene it to suffer severe penalties. Budgets should be adjusted to make waste management a primary goal. The UDM’s position on coalition government I also want to touch on the issue of possible coalition governments after this year’s elections. If it should deliver no outright winner, as forecast by political analysts, the question of coalitions arises. In this regard, the UDM is of the view that any coalition government should be regulated so that the principle of serving the people is not suppressed by wanton political intimidation and playing the numbers-game that typifies the present local government dispensation. Hence it is important that coalition partners iron out their relationships directly after elections and publish their compacts so that voters clearly understand how that coalition will work and to have a set of standards to measure any coalition government’s performance. Role of faith-based organisations Religious values and practices are deeply entwined in the fabric of our daily lives, which means that faith-based organisations play a very important role in providing moral leadership and guidance. We, as a nation, have lost our moral compass as is evidenced by the crime and corruption that have become a permanent feature of our lives. During the apartheid years, the work of faith-based organisations formed a vital part of overthrowing that discriminatory regime. It could however be argued that, in the South Africa of today, they play a less critical part in leading our people on the path of decency, honesty and goodness. The UDM therefore calls on all faith-based organisations to again be the voice of reason for a nation in moral dire straits. Closure It is not rocket science to see that the gap between the haves and the have-nots is rapidly widening. As South Africans we need to address the backlogs and imbalances of the past. Our policies must be in line with our constitution which seeks to improve the quality of life for all South Africans. Once this has happened the gap between black and white. This is the consistent, principled approach to politics and policy that the UDM offers. We are ready to lead, and we are ready to govern! We offer a political home for all South Africans, united in the spirit of South Africanism by our common passion for our country, mobilising the creative power inherent in our rich diversity, towards our transformation into a prosperous and winning nation. The UDM has demonstrated integrity amongst all our members and leadership. Our three guiding pillars, integrity, dignity and prosperity, feed our minds and our actions as a modern political party that firmly stands against corruption and the exploitation of South Africans; especially the poor who cannot weather the effects of the ruling party’s dishonest, bungling government and don’t care attitude. For the past two decades the UDM has left no stone unturned in our fight to have corruption eradicated wherever we found it. We will continue that fight by ensuring effective procedures and establishing special courts and implemented to investigate and prosecute those in the public and private sector involved in corruption. We will continue that fight. And we will not rest until the dignity of our people is restored and everyone has the opportunity to live a prosperous and flourishing life. Thank you.

The UDM’s reaction to #SONA2019

The UDM’s reaction to #SONA2019

• Honourable Speaker and chairperson of the NCOP • Mister President • Honourable Members South Africa needs key interventions in order to eradicate poverty, place more citizens in jobs, in particular young people, whilst closing the gap between the haves and the have nots. Firstly, we need massive investment in the maintenance and development of a well-coordinated and integrated socio-economic infrastructure that is driven by government. Reading the City Press report recently on the state of the Mahikeng’s socio-economic infrastructure is further confirmation that the country cannot wait for another year without this massive investment into the infrastructure development. Mr President, we invite you to visit places like Ikhwezi township, Norwood and Northcrest suburbs in Mthatha, to witness the reality of a road infrastructure that is non-existent. Like in many other parts of the country, these potholes have caused damage to private property such as motor vehicles. This is not only limited to the infrastructure that does not exist, but it includes that which has been upgraded but not maintained properly. A classic example of this is the Mthatha airport which was upgraded in 2013, yet it had to be closed due to poor maintenance. Instead of correcting this anomaly, government is busy fighting with itself on the so-called authority and responsibility. I have no expectation of any leadership to be provided by the current serving Minister of Transport given that in November 2018, he was made aware about this but he ignored the warnings. For that reason, I suggest that you ask the South African Air Force (SAAF) who have specialists on Aviation to assist with the Mthatha Airport whilst we are waiting for the sleeping Minister. This Aviation intervention is urgent Mr President, because the ongoing closure of that Airport is negatively affecting the economy of that part of the country. Many projects announced and started by this government are never get finished. There was a project to connect water from Mthatha Dam to the surrounding villages up to Coffee Bay. This project was stopped for almost three -and-half years, and we are told that there is no money to complete the project. What happened Mr President, is it this lack of proper planning or another day of looting. In a village near Burgersfort, in Limpopo, more than 72 RDP houses have been left unfinished since 2014. This is the same municipality that is alleged to have illegally deposited R200 million into the VBS Bank which has since been found to be a source of funding bottomless pockets of politicians from the ruling party. Again, another example of daylight looting from the poor. Mr President, the challenges facing the higher education sector are to governing party’s lack of proper planning for the roll out of fee free higher education in South Africa. This crisis management style of leadership has to be a thing of the past. In some health institutions instead of getting medication you are greeted and kept company by monkeys, this is the case at the Durban’s RK Khan Hospital. Despite the government’s knowledge of the infrastructure challenges in the health sector, there is no convincing strategy to address these problems. The current load shedding by Eskom is contrary to the pronouncement and commitments made by government recently. We were told, that load shedding is the thing of the past, yet Eskom is currently on stage three or four. Eskom comes up with a new excuse from the known diesel and coal. Now we are told that the project of Hitachi and Chancellor House in Medupi and Kusile which they built are the reasons for this load shedding. Chancellor House is the ANC fundraising front, it is therefore prudent that your party must take full responsibility for turning South Africa into darkness. It is also clear that the ever-increasing electricity tariffs are as a result of decisions of companies that are syphoning millions from the tax payers to the governing party. We welcome the reconfiguration of the intelligence service as it is a long overdue decision. It has been delayed because of the abuse of its mandate and resources. I thank you

UDM welcomes, Ms Sindi Mashinini-Maphumulo, former NFP deputy-president, to the fold

UDM welcomes, Ms Sindi Mashinini-Maphumulo, former NFP deputy-president, to the fold

Address by Mr BH Holomisa, MP and UDM President in welcoming of new members to the United Democratic Movement on 1 February 2019 in Durban • Chairperson • UDM leadership, and • Most importantly, our guests; • Members of the UDM Your joining the United Democratic Movement (UDM) is a vital step to realise our dream for the socio-economic development of KwaZulu-Natal (KZN). As KZN has the second largest number of voters, this presents the best opportunity for the people of this province to shape their future through participation in the political environment, government and legislative processes. This province accurately reflects the socio-economic challenges our country faces today. On the 18th of January, thousands of unemployed nurses marched to the provincial department of health demanding jobs to fill the 40,000 vacancies in South Africa. To make matters worse, the eThekwini Municipality has fruitlessly and wastefully spent your money to the tune of no less than R29 million. On top of this, the same municipality has failed to take reasonable steps to prevent irregular expenditure that amounted to more than R700 million as the auditor general has found. We welcome you into the fold, and together we must immediately start work towards achieving the following goals: 1. Step-up the ongoing campaign to remove the looters who continue to steal from you through Bosasa, the Guptas, VBS Bank and others to come. 2. We must enter every door in this province and explain to the more than five million voters why they must vote UDM in the next election. 3. We must go out and create hope for the people of KZN and convince them that the UDM is the only party that can uplift them from the misery the governing thieves have dumped them into. 4. On 16 February, you will be in Port Elizabeth with your fellow members to launch the UDM manifesto. This is where we will together present the UDM’s solutions to South African problems. 5. Spread the word of the UDM manifesto and get people to watch the launch on television if they are unable attend. Let us make the 16th of February the UDM’s day for all households to come together and identify with the bright future we promote. The UDM has made a significant contribution in shaping the direction that the country should take, and with you joining these efforts, we can fulfil our dream of a winning nation. With you, we are certain of realising a country that is free from looters, thieves and corruption. You have made the right decision to be associated with a party that our first secretary general, Sifiso Nkabinde, who hailed from this beautiful green province, strongly believed in. You are creating hope for the nation; you represent the good that South Africa is. Thank you

Holomisa at the 5th RENAPRI stakeholder conference: speaking notes on Unlocking the economic potential of land through good governance

Holomisa at the 5th RENAPRI stakeholder conference: speaking notes on Unlocking the economic potential of land through good governance

Speaking Notes by Mr BH Holomisa, (MP) and UDM President 5th RENAPRI STAKEHOLDER CONFERENCE: Unlocking the economic potential of land through good governance 28 – 29 November 2018, Zanzibar, Tanzania • Chairperson • Fellow panellists • Ladies and gentlemen 1. Land itself at the crux of the matter: the South African example As many of you will be aware, we in South Africa are in the middle of a heated national debate on land and the expropriation thereof without compensation. This debate is of course rooted in South Africa’s deeply divisive past; the reverberations of which we still feel today. Twenty-four years into our democracy and the emotions still run high on both sides i.e. those who held the land under colonial rule and the apartheid regime versus those who were deprived of their land sometimes using violence and/or abusing the law. I specifically launch from this point in my argument, precisely because having the conversation around the concepts of “land governance”, “economic transformation” and “agricultural transformation” is moot if one does not address property ownership and land tenure. Because those in South Africa who are debating the issue of land are pulling in opposite directions, it is clear that the matter of land ownership in my country will not be sorted out that easily. My political party, the United Democratic Movement, is of the view that the only way to find a meeting of the minds regarding land issues in South Africa, is for all stakeholders to gather under one roof and to have a constructive debate in order to find long lasting, sustainable solutions that will benefit all. In the end failure to resolve land issues increasingly becomes a barrier to achieving other development objectives, to fight poverty and inequality, and to promote sustainable inclusive growth. It is however true that the discourse on land in its manifestations is not merely about land as a physical item, but it is also about the reconstruction of society, inclusive economic growth and development, social development and power relations. 2. Land tenure and infrastructure development Land tenure and deeds of ownership is a key to giving people access to finance. This means that people are directly empowered to enter the formal finance and banking sector and obtain credit with their property serving as collateral. It is however vital to recognise that gaining access to land for collateral must first be preceded by infrastructure development or upgrading, since the lack or disrepair of infrastructure (especially in rural areas) negatively affects the value of the land. 3. Land tenure and rights under customary law and practice One example we will undoubtedly share, in terms of land tenure on the continent, is that much land is held under customary law and practice where land allocation and use are managed by customary traditions. Much of the agricultural activity in those areas is around subsistence farming, rather than having commercially viable enterprises that have higher productive profit-making farming, which will in turn create jobs and promote economic transformation in rural communities. Therefore, one of the primary concerns of any government should be rural revitalisation. For any individual emerging farmer, or a group of farmers, access to infrastructure and agricultural tools is vital. The creation of the necessary infrastructure will also generate jobs in rural communities and encourage the growth of more employment-creating agricultural-related enterprises. It is easy to see how these kinds of activities will incentivise rural communities to consider commercial farming over subsistence farming. 4. Land tenure; emerging versus commercial farmers In South Africa the disparity between emerging farmers and commercial farmers makes for a situation where the emerging farmer simply cannot compete with large scale farmers. The big farming concerns have easy access to financial resources and the tools of their trade. This will never change if the land tenure question is not addressed comprehensively. 5. Land tenure; the rights of women In particular, customary law and practices severely limit women’s rights to land and property. It has been argued that the agricultural sector in rural communities is underperforming in part because women, who are often a crucial resource in agriculture and the rural economy, face constraints that reduce their productivity. One of those constraints is land which means they tend to have less access to credit and insurance. However, many studies indicate that women would be able to achieve the same yields as men if they had equal access to land, production resources and services. In terms of government’s role in the matter, improving transformation, removing infrastructure constraints, and encouraging rural women’s participation in farmers’ organisations and cooperatives can help. 6. Tenure and government’s role • The sale of suitable state land to encourage local ownership for emerging and small commercial farmers to create jobs will enhance rural revitalisation. • A government must also make use of the opportunity where farmers are willing to sell their land to facilitate access for emerging farmers. • There is also an onus on government to acquire, or assist communities to acquire, land for development and agricultural enterprise. • Government must assist those accessing agricultural land in communal areas to make better productive use of their land. • Any government must have a comprehensive database for land use, planning and the efficient and sustainable use of agricultural resources throughout a country. The intention is to ensure that agricultural and other developments are sustainable and environmentally responsible, as well as ensuring that viable farmer settlement occurs. • Government must also ensure closer cooperation between its various departments involved in agricultural business. 7. Anticipating how the land issue will play out over the next 5 to 10 years I think that it will take longer than the next 5 to 10 years to make any long-term progress in settling the land issue in Sub-Saharan Africa. The wounds of the past are still fresh in many minds and to untangle the web that was spun during colonialism will take time. That said, I don’t think that it’s insurmountable, if enough pressure is brought to bear by communities, agriculturalists, non-profits, governments and conferences of this nature, changes will happen. Thank you