UDM News & Events Calendar - United Democratic Movement

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08 Aug, 2001

Contribution: UN Conference on Racism – Is South Africa winning the battle?

INTRODUCTION The United Democratic Movement (UDM), while recognising the global character of racism, will nevertheless confine itself to dealing with the scourge here on the home turf. Racism still permeates the entire social fabric of South Africa. Its origins are in the nature and course of our history. The encroachment of a relatively advanced technology in the hands of racially and culturally different people on a people with an inferior technology and of a different cultural identity resulted in economic disparities along racial and cultural divisions. The colonisers subjugated the indigenous peoples who did not have the technological know-how to resist the invaders and imposed their political and economic will on them. During a period of over 350 years economic divisions crystallised and assumed a racial character. Every effort was made by successive governments to exploit the racial issue in order to create a permanent caste/ class structure that benefited the dominant White race at the expense of the indigenous Black peoples. The latter were systemically reduced to a social position of servitude and penury. MANDELA’S LEADERSHIP It took the unique leadership skills of Nelson Mandela and his colleagues to negotiate a peaceful transition from an institutionalised racist society to a democratic one based on the most enlightened constitution in the world. The wisdom, statesmanship and skill with which the transition from Apartheid to democracy was made stunned the world by creating such a miracle of peaceful change in a situation that could have been a bloody catastrophe because of the latent racial animosities inherent in our brutal and hateful past. This unique historical feat generated such euphoria in our new democracy that we have tended to take our past for granted and believed that racism would suddenly disappear at the flick of a magic wand. It would not be, ours is a deeply divided society. All the elements of our history have conspired to reinforce a wide social chasm between sections of our nation that will require the type of wisdom and skills, the temperament and accommodation that characterised our historic CODESA negotiations, in order to bridge it and enable the weavings of a coherent and harmonious society in our nation. However, our achievement was made possible by the compromises reached at CODESA, which guaranteed the integrity of existing property relations and therefore the preservation of a status-quo (at least for the present) that would leave the White minority an economically and socially dominant class. It was hoped that the new democratic order would have removed the racial barriers that prevented social and economic advancement of the disadvantaged Black majority. REVERSE RACISM The advent of democracy and the social and political opportunities created by this dispensation for blacks have ushered in a new milieu and terrain within which our racist legacy manifests itself. Policies and strategies advanced by the state for the transformation of our society, re-ordering of historical imbalances evokes protest of “reverse racism”, and discrimination against the former privileged white minorities. This section of our society still enjoys economic privileges and their loss of political power tends to crystallise white economic exclusivity which todate has incorporated a token of black elite and rented black surrogates while retaining the basic class/race structure of white economic domination over a largely impoverished and increasingly unemployable and least educated black mass who vent their frustration and disillusion at unfulfilled expectations in crime, emasculating and energy dissipating internecine conflicts. These complaints are exacerbated by the present government who practises chronism and nepotism when appointing people in various positions. At the same time, there is a tendency by the government to shun responsibility and apportion blame for failure to a historical past. There is a growing perception that the black leadership has not begun to grapple with the nation building challenges head-on. It is believed that our psyche is still trapped in the past in which we lament our historical misfortunes rather, than turn these into strength with which to conquer the future for posterity. We are therefore faced with a situation where there are subjective perceptions about race on both sides of the social divide. What we need is an objective appraisal of our society, which will place it in its historical perspective, that approach will distinguish those structural features of society which nurture racism and devise ways of removing them. It is universally agreed that race was exploited to engineer an oppressive social order which resulted in acute socio-economic disparities between black and white in South Africa. Nothing short of an economic revolution will rid us of racism. A radical economic transformation has to occur within acceptable time-frames that can avert the type of a social explosion that the CODESA negotiations succeeded in avoiding. The creation of our economic egalitarian society cannot be left to the vagaries of the market forces only that are inherent in government’s GEAR policy. Nor can we tolerate the ANC, COSATU and SACP Alliance political massage and collective posturing by them, while the country ‘s economy is sliding. NEW ECONOMIC REVOLUTION We need a creative state intervention, which recognises that artificially created impediments to social advancement of the disadvantaged majority are removed and a programme of accelerated wealth and land redistribution is implemented without delay. None of the current economic strategies of para-statal’s privatisation and selective black empowerment can achieve that objective. A transformed economic order will give impetus to other social and educational programmes that are designed to truly integrate our society and create a new democratic South African ethos. We should not forget that we emerged from a regime that was characterised by state intervention in the economy. It is not practical to make a right-about-turn and plunge into a Western-type free market economy and in the process render a whole nation unemployed. We should look at a middle course that will cautiously transform our production relations, in a manner that will incorporate a social programme that brings relief to the millions who are beginning to believe that they lived better under apartheid where the state was not shy to intervene albeit under the separate development policies. The present economic policy is incomprehensible when implemented by a Black former deliberation movement government. It is difficult to understand why a government which has been carried to power on the crest of the wave of mass support should be shy to intervene constructively in economic reconstruction on behalf of the very disadvantaged people who put them in power. In 1948 the Nationalists did it for their own people. For example, the membership of COSATU alone at that time was close to three (3) million, today it is estimated at 1,3 million (take note of the fact that we had economic sanctions during this period). If unemployment is this country’s public enemy number one (No 1), then our strategies must be geared towards elimination of unemployment and creation of sustainable quality jobs. There is also a need to balance the interest of the employed and the “majority” unemployed. Since its transition to democracy, South Africa is undergoing a path-breaking struggle to achieve structural reforms. Evidently, academic economic analysis and debate needs to move on to the development of a detailed and far-reaching policy agenda capable of tackling the inheritance of apartheid and radical enough to turn around the South African economy and society. It is not enough to draw on international evidence only without addressing the peculiarities of the South African situation. For this country, we still need a regulated, state-led growth and development strategy that offers the possibility for economic change sufficiently deep and sustainable to address the problems of poverty and inequality, and to strengthen democracy. It is too early and immoral for government to throw the fate of South Africans to the performance of the market forces without any form of government intervention. Instead, the present economic policy has opened floodgates for over R50 billion to leave the country without prospect of getting them back. Although the partnership between business, labour and government is often emphasised it is clear that there is confusion about the political basis of economic policies. Government must accept its responsibility in social and welfare spheres even in the context of economic strategies based on GEAR. Ideologically, the widespread acceptance of economic orthodoxy, from stabilisation to trade liberalisation and privatisation has been the key reason for lack of progress in the delivery of social and physical infrastructure. POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION We would like to note that there is a strong opinion that the transformation process cannot be confined to the economic sphere only and that in the political arena transformation is also needed. South Africa has a painful history in which racial divisions and social inequalities have co-incided with party political formations. The resultant antagonisms and mutual suspicions will continue to mar our society for sometime yet, because they cannot be easily wished away by the constitution that highlights the non-racialism and unity in diversity. Today, South Africans are still voting along racial lines, e.g. Blacks vote for Black political parties and Whites vote for White political parties. Proponents of this view suggest that such a transformation will culminate into the emergency of two major political parties in the centre stage of national politics in our society. Experiences in established democracies elsewhere give credence to this view. Britain, France and USA are examples that come to our mind. The economic and political stability of these countries is common knowledge. We are convinced as a party that such a process will need the support of and acceptance by the majority citizens of this country. Such support will not only give legitimacy to these developments but most importantly will prevent them from degenerating into tendencies wherein appeals to racist and narrow class interests are utilised as a vehicle for the mobilisation of followers in pursuit of short term gains. The 1994, 1999 and 2000 election campaign by some political parties is a living testimony A two party system that is anchored on a commitment to the transformation of our society provides the best prospect for democratic consolidation in South Africa. Our analysis of the changing socio-political order in South Africa indicates that there will be discernible political shifts along interest group divides distinguished by common concerns and aspirations and not along racial lines as we witness today. This process will move towards the crystallisation of two major political streams, which express the ethos of the beneficiaries of the established order, on the one hand, and the aspirations of the emerging major social groupings that are marginalized on the other hand. This will necessitate the emergence of two political formations representing these interest groups. I once said that, the tremors of social change have dislodged people, and groups from familiar traditional positions. Five years ago on one in his wildest dreams could have visualised top Afrikaner academics, businessmen, the likes of Derrick Coetzee (who murdered ANC’s Mxenge in Durban), Chris Fismer and Pik Botha campaigning for the African National Congress, their erstwhile mortal foes, urging their Afrikaner volk to take the great trek into the ANC. We encourage these trends, because they defuse racial political polarisation. NARROWING OF THE GAP After seven years of democracy the rich become richer and the poor regressed to unparalleled levels of poverty. Consequently the racial divide has been consolidated and entrenched the racial antipathies because of the suffering that has ensued. The diminishing of resources occasioned by the economic policies pursued by the government has inflamed xenophobia among South Africans who feel threatened by the flood of migrants and refugees who have swarmed our borders in search of better opportunities. The historical inequalities are exacerbated by lack of access to capital by the majority. Past apartheid policies confined 80% of the population to 13% of the land surface of South Africa. They could not acquire title deeds on that little land in which they were crowded, save a few from the homelands. As a result, seven years after Uhuru celebration of 1994, Blacks in the main do not have the collateral with which to borrow from the commercial banks. These same institutions have demonstrated a marked resistance to liberalise their lending policies in a way that can facilitate greater black economic empowerment. This situation is aggravated by the present government’s housing policy in terms of which people still do not have title deeds to the residential units being built. It is difficult even to talk of a housing policy where people are allotted poor quality rooms euphemistically described to as houses. Even, had these units been freeholds they would not qualify as security to obtain bank loans. There are growing perceptions, that the CODESA compromises can no longer be ignored or sustained as they continue to haunt us. A democratic order cannot endure on the foundations of a society with social and economic disparities. The preponderance of education, and technological skills among a privileged minority and the absence of these among a disadvantaged majority ensure the perpetuation of the racial-cultural divide and economic inequalities that have been handed down by history. The Ministry of Education is not helping the situation by closing down Black teacher training institutions and tertiary institutions while preserving the historical White institutions, which have been the bastions of White privilege and continue to treat Black students with patronage and condescension. Instead of spending scores of billions of rands on armaments during peace time, the government should be strengthening the former Black Colleges they are now closing, and building more among the disadvantaged communities. Government should be financing educational programs that will empower our Black youth with technological skills such as information technology, science and mathematics and mastery of the language of international communication. It baulks imagination, that at a time when there is so much to be done to correct these historical imbalances, we have a government which retrenches teachers and closes down black teacher training institutions and universities in a country with approximately 80% illiteracy. The UK, the founder of South Africa’s literary tradition, a first world developed country, which has long overcome illiteracy, is currently recruiting teachers and medical personnel from South Africa. The South African government on the other hand would rather import teachers and doctors from Cuba than employ its own. Government should be spending more money on job creation (infrastructural programmes), accelerating the transfer of land from the landed minority gently to the landless who have been systematically dispossessed by colonial and apartheid regimes. There need to be a commitment by South Africans who currently enjoy the monopoly of skills and wealth to be willing to take significant steps, of their own free will to reverse the situation of social and economic disequillibrium. Reconciliation is a two way reciprocal process. We must all be prepared to part with something and give to our fellow countrymen that do not have. Equally the disadvantaged must also have the responsibility and generosity of spirit to work harmoniously with their erstwhile privileged fellow countrymen to build a better society for posterity. Government has a central role to play in the transformation of our society into one in which all share its resources and work with comparable commitment to build a secure future. Our empowerment policies have been gravely flawed. Government has not restructured public enterprises in such a way that the primary beneficiaries are the poor and unemployed. Instead they have enriched offshore companies and their own party cronies and relatives. They must rearrange their order of priorities so as to place the interests of the poor and disadvantaged at the top. The reordering of priorities is reinsurance against land invasions resulting from homelessness. It will inhibit chronic industrial stoppages, rampant unemployment and retrenchments, escalating crime and xenophobia. ETHNICITY, DISCRIMINATION AND CORRUPTION Our patriotic duty requires that we spell out the truth and not delude ourselves into thinking that all is well when the contrary is the case. Ordinary South Africans are experiencing more hardships now than before. More people are walking the streets without the prospects of getting employment. Vast expenditure on overseas trips by the President, his cabinet, nine Premiers, countless MECs and their senior officials and advisors, purporting to attract foreign direct investment has not been matched by foreign investments’ inflows into the country. Economists recently expressed their concern at the lack-lustre performance of our economy as a result of decline in investor confidence and sluggish growth. The government is insensitive to workers opposition to the kind of restructuring of state enterprises that has been embarked upon, which renders tens of thousands of workers jobless. This pattern of total disregard for the interest of our people is also reflected in the developments, which followed the Defence Review of 1998. That Review’s budget was estimated at R9.7 billion and was subsequently approved by parliament up to 2005/6. The aim of the Defence Review was to reduce personnel costs through demobilisation in order to free funds for capital expenditure. The R30 billion budget, which has now escalated to R51 billion, has not been authorized by parliament. The investigating agencies will have failed in their task if they do not establish the source and reason for the departure from the original mandate. That original budget had taken into account the socio-economic demands of our society, hence the conservative figure. President Mbeki has echoed these social considerations in his discourse on the AIDS pandemic debate. How do we explain this surreptitious escalation of the arms budget to R51 billion when these socio-economic conditions have not changed? There is no sign of the promised massive employment creation, instead we read in the media how MPs, ex-minister of Defence and some military personnel in the command structure of the SANDF, being unable to account how did they end up owning mansions, flashy cars and even shares worth R40 million by an individual etc. etc. All these “sweets” being paid for by companies who won tenders in the arms deal. On the other hand, the victims of racist apartheid regime are struggling to make the ends meet. This looting spree of our resources is no different from the strategy used by our former oppressors. Even former President Mandela has publicly complained about corruption in our government today “little did I know that some of our comrades are also corrupt”. South Africa, because of its history provides a fertile environment for the proliferation of discriminatory tendencies and ethnicist perceptions. In the struggle days, martyrs who fell were never characterised as African, White, Coloured or Indian. They were freedom fighters who had paid the supreme sacrifice. Today there are perceptions of “Xhosa-Nostra”, “Indian hegemony” etc, etc in certain state departments. These are unhealthy sentiments, which have been thrown up by a less than fair culture of allocation of resources, which has tended to accentuate the latent ethnic prejudices of our past history. Deployment into lucrative positions in state enterprises and the private sector has been the exclusive preserve of the ruling party favourites. One of the mechanisms of dealing with these realities and perceptions is a robust and deployment of competent South Africans from across the political divide. Companies are reluctant to contribute donations to opposition parties out of fear of losing state tenders if such donations come to the knowledge of the ruling party. Discrimination breeds more discrimination until it becomes a vicious circle. We must all take stock of our attitudes and conduct in the public and private domain. Work-seekers who do not carry ANC membership cards have little chance of getting employment at employment bureaus. Government contracts are awarded on a preferential basis to ANC supporters e.g. subcontractors in R51 billion Arms Deal. There are numerous complaints from NGOs and old age pensioners who have been discriminated against on the basis of political affiliation or sympathies. We must not bury our heads in the sand by pretending that these inimical attitudes and behavioural patterns do not exist. Let us face them squarely and admit them where they surface in order to deal with them. On the other hand people should not shield their inadequacies behind accusations of racism and ethnicity It will be seen from the above that racism and discrimination has a material basis. People do not simply become racists because they are bad people. It has evolved from a socio-historical process that sought to structure a society that would benefit a few at the expense of many. Government, business, education and all other stakeholders must join hands to structure a social environment in which democratic values can thrive and brotherly love and mutual support flourish in order to build a greater nation for our future generations. Thank you!

Admin

22 Mar, 1999

UDM Manifesto Launch Election 1999 “The future hope for all South Africans”

Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP in Johannesburg, Gauteng It is most appropriate that the release today of our manifesto coincides with the weekend of our National Youth Conference, because we are charting a future, which will be led by the youth. Our objectives therefore address the needs of the future which belongs to them. We are grateful to our youth movement for inviting us to share ideas with them and keep us relevant to their needs and aspirations. In our manifesto we address the historical imbalances which are the heritage of this century. It is up to us to ensure that we do not enter the new millennium with the baggage and legacy of conflict, corruption, greed and selfishness of the 20th century. We must begin a fresh and promising era. This is the challenge facing us all. On the 2nd of June 1999, South Africans will be voting in the last South African elections this century. These elections are of a tremendous significance to the people of South Africa who will be choosing which political party has the most relevant vision and best capacity to lead the country into the next millennium. The main challenge of this year’s election is to give hope to millions of disillusioned South Africans who have seen most of the promises made by incumbent government evaporate before their eyes. South Africans demand an apology from the ANC government for failing them. Further, the choice which will be made on 2nd June 1999 will be about building a government that is clean, accountable and who cares for the people. It will also be about a government which will make South Africa a competent nation that enjoys the support of its citizens and the respect of other nations. As UDM we must give leadership and clarity to a people whose material well-being has degenerated to unparalleled levels even under apartheid. We must restore faith in governance by reversing the process of disempowerment. Our poor working people have been systematically edged out of employment with no prospects of alternative employment for them. Millions of the unemployed, whose ranks are annually swelled by school leavers and more retrenchments, stare a bleak future in the eye. The 1994 elections in our country provided a historic framework for the transition from apartheid oppression towards an era of democracy and prosperity. The transition was conceived in various phases with each phase costing the lives of many South Africans as they, in different ways, struggled to develop a common vision and purpose in the search for a democratic society. Unfortunately, for South African people, the reality in our country indicate that the ANC-led government neither has the will nor the ability to govern. This reality is seen in the escalation of unemployment, crime, interest rates, corruption and the general state of institutional decay in all spheres of government. We in the UDM must arrest this downward spiral which is turning state departments and corporations into a playground for ANC deployed members, who line their pockets by driving other black and white South Africans into the streets in the name of down-sizing and rationalisation. The UDM will substitute a new economic philosophy for ANC’s GEAR. The ANC’s policies are impervious to the needs of the disadvantaged who are bewildered by the disregard of their needs by a government they voted into power. The poor have paid the capital price to ensure the success of a struggle they waged in the fore-front when those who now enjoy the fruits of their labour were touring the capitals of the world. Our manifesto is a statement of intent, which provides a framework for a ten-year period within which we would govern when elected to government. The manifesto seeks to address the glaring national grievances and provides alternatives and solutions in the future as the way forward. Inspired by our unifying love for our country and respect of her people for each other we will address these grievances. It is only by means of genuine co-operation and partnership that we, South Africans, will be empowered to ensure a better quality of life and individual freedom for every citizen, family and community. This will be based on good governance and civil order. One of the most serious flaws in the economic policy of the present government has been a blind leap onto a band-wagon of globalisation without taking the necessary measures to protect local emerging industries and markets which have become the dumping ground for cheap foreign goods. The demise of local industries as a result of unfair competition resulting from inferior technology of the sanctions era has resulted in massive job losses and stifling of economic growth. Our manifesto recognises that globalisation is a reality, but argues for a balanced global strategy that does not reduce South Africa into a satellite economy. An UDM government will develop an economic policy that will enable our economy to withstand the external shocks that have rocked the Asian tigers and other emerging markets. To that end the UDM has adopted a policy of enterprise development to empower South Africans to create wealth and thereby narrowing the gap between the have’s and the have-nots. However, globalisation accounts for only part of our economic woes. Lack of investor confidence has been occasioned by lawlessness and escalating crime. Rightly or wrongly there is a growing perception that the relocating and delisting of mining giants like Anglo-American is linked to the deteriorating law and order and lack of confidence in the future of South Africa. We need to arrest this process and restore confidence. In this regard, the UDM will adopt realistic and committed strategies to stop the rampant crime wave and to transform the penal code into an effective mechanism for punishing wrong doers. In line with our philosophy of an integrated approach, we propose a single Ministry of Civil Order. This Ministry of Civil Order will combine the current ministries of Justice, Safety and Security, Correctional Services, National Intelligence and Defence into one, effective mechanism to combat crime and restore civil order in South Africa. In doing so we shall instil pride and commitment in our law enforcement agencies to ensure their loyalty and dedication to their job of protecting the public and divest them of the feeling of despair and disillusionment at the hands of a government which treats them with contempt. We will give the people an opportunity to decide whether the life of a murderer is more valuable than that of its victim, by holding a referendum on the death penalty. The UDM recognises that while students in centres of learning must be given a hearing and allowed to make a meaningful contribution to the learning process, their primary responsibility to themselves and their parents who pay their fees is to restore the culture of learning. Learn in the process and equip them to salvage the disadvantaged from the throes of perpetual enslavement. The students of today and in the future must take a leadership position in society which only skills can assure. Conversely, we will not countenance lawlessness, anarchy and disrespect for authority law and order. Ladies and Gentlemen, the foreign policy of the UDM will determinedly work towards reclaiming the international opportunities squandered under most favourable circumstances. We will play a leading role internationally by assiduously co-operating with other states, the U.N., the O.A.U. and the Non-aligned Movement to protect and promote human rights and democracy on a universal basis. The UDM believe that South Africa’s role on our continent and in our region can be meaningful without being hegemonic and coercive in our approach. For that to be a reality we need a foreign policy that reflects the wishes of our people and the wisdom of our parliament so that we are not accused of following destabilisation policies of the apartheid era. Therefore in our region, the UDM government will play a significant role through co-operation and consultation in all forms of interactions including trade, investments security and other forms of partnerships in order to bring shared development and happiness to the many disadvantaged in our region and continent who have yet to realise the material benefits of political liberation. As far as the elections are concerned, we are fully prepared for a hostile winter election. The ANC, by its own admission, is mobilising its forces to stop the growth of the UDM all over South Africa. We are hardly surprised that no other party has been targeted, like ours, because scientific forecasts indicate that the UDM is the fastest growing party in South Africa. The UDM is the only party that can erode the power base of the ANC. It is up to the UDM and all its supporters that all the checks and balances as enshrined in our constitution are guaranteed. As long as South Africa is being seen by the international world as drifting towards a one-party state, investor confidence will elude us. It is for this reason that we are calling for a more objective and non-partisan election monitoring mechanisms. To this end I have recommended to the I.E.C. Commissioners to convene a summit of all the leaders of the registered political parties to clear some concerns related to the levelling of the political playing field. However, it is to the credit of our leaders at all levels that our membership growth patterns reflect that we have support in all South African communities irrespective of colour, race or class. This is testimony to our total break with the past and the acceptance of the UDM as a political home for all South Africans. The UDM has a message for all South Africans. Our lack of resources should not constrain the distribution of this manifesto. We appeal to all South Africans to make this document accessible to all voters. This will enable them to make informed decisions when they vote. We have moved from the past and converged on a common course to a shared future. Any suggestions, as have been made, that we are a marriage of convenience or a home of outcasts is devoid of truth. We have severed all links with the past. We are a party of the future. We are a party of hope. Those who think otherwise are themselves extinct dinosaurs. In summary, the UDM believes in alternative, independent and competitive politics and responsible government; UDM believes in empowering all South Africans; UDM offers hope; this is our challenge. If you want to preserve South Africa’s beautiful land and cultural diversity; If you are concerned with the ANC’s economic dependence on outside forces and jobless growth; If you are aggrieved by the escalating crime; If you are concerned by the deteriorating health and educational standards in state hospitals, clinics and schools; If you are concerned with the uncontrolled influx of illegal aliens into South Africa, who deprive South Africans of employment opportunities; If you are concerned about our neglected senior citizens and handicapped; If you are concerned with the misuse of government resources, bribery and corruption, theft and fraud in the government departments; If you are concerned with the low morale of our law enforcement agencies. THEN VOTE UDM!!!!!! Thank you

Admin

19 Mar, 1999

Indictment of Allan Boesak

Statement by Bantu Holomisa UDM President There are few things more distressing in this world than witnessing a hero’s fall into disgrace, particularly when that fall is brought about by the hero himself. Many South African’s are suffering from a harsh sense of disillusionment today. After all, Allan Boesak was a world-renowned clergyman and a champion of human rights who showed tremendous courage in our struggle against apartheid. When a man who fought such a dignified and noble fight succumbs so easily and unabashedly to greed, mendacity and hypocrisy, those who had respected him are left feeling cheated, foolish, and, perhaps, a little cynical. The UDM only hopes that this shameful incident will serve as a wake-up call to South Africa. It is no secret that thousands of rands mysteriously disappear every year from the people’s coffers, and yet it is very rare that someone is actually held responsible for this money. It is time that we demand accountability and transparency from our leaders. We have come too far and suffered too much to allow ourselves to be exploited now. There is no longer any room for corruption in South Africa. The UDM applauds the Cape High Court for acting on its conviction in such a controversial and high profile case. Government must know that corruption will no longer be tolerated, and the ANC, in particular, must rid itself of crooked politicians and officials at the national and provincial level. Until this happens, the slogan, “A Better Future For All”, will continue to be quite a good joke.”

Admin

09 Mar, 1999

Murder of UDM members in the Western Cape

Statement by the National Deputy Secretary The UDM is deeply disturbed by the killing of three of its members in the Western Cape, during the past 24 hours. The President of the UDM together with all UDM leaders and members of the party would like to express its deepest sympathy to the families of the deceased, the wounded and the community. The political intolerance that is demonstrated through these kind of brutal actions is unacceptable in a young, fragile developing democracy like our own. The systematic killings of UDM leaders remind one of the assassinations of IFP leaders in KwaZulu Natal before the 1994 elections. All political parties and role players in democracy must condemn political connected incidents such as these in the strongest possible terms. The ANC as governing party must be careful to point fingers and allocate blame like they did yesterday morning after the killing of an ANC councillor. All political parties, including the governing party, should display maturity and responsibility in dealing with such sensitive matters. By making wild and unsubstantiated allegations, the lives of innocent people are put in danger. The UDM is perturbed by the threat that these type of actions so early in the campaign holds for the possibility of running free and democratic elections. The UDM calls on all political parties, the Independent Electoral Commission and institutions of civil society, committed to democracy, to speak out against these kinds of actions. The UDM asks that you add your voice to ours in calling for an independent investigation into these and other related incidents. Every victim is a reminder of our failure as democrats to act decisively with these matters, failing our responsibility to develop and protect democracy in South Africa. The UDM will work tirelessly in achieving free democratic activity in our country. We will not fail the electorate. Tomorrow, Wednesday 10 March, the President of the UDM, Bantu Holomisa will visit the families of the victims and address the community. He will meet with the police investigating these brutal killings and will raise with them the community and our concern of bias actions by the police.

Admin

03 Mar, 1999

UDM’s response to election announcement

Statement by Bantu Holomisa UDM President The UDM welcomes the announcement of the election date. It gives certainty, allows for proper planning, and gives parties time to inform the electorate about their policies. We hope the elections will be free and fair and that tolerance will be practiced, in the run up to the elections, on Election Day and after the results have been made public. The UDM calls on the IEC to stick to their timetable to ensure that the elections are run properly. All role players, (i.e.) political parties, IEC, Government, and the media should go into the election realising our democracy is still young and fragile and must be handled with care. The elections and the run up to the elections will contribute to the development of our young democracy.

Admin

03 Mar, 1999

Independent commission of inquiry: KwaZulu-Natal

Statement by Bantu Holomisa UDM President The announcement by Minister for Safety and Security that he is requesting Minister of Justice, Dullah Omar to appoint an Independent judicial Commission of Inquiry into the violence in KZN is welcomed by the UDM. Since July 1998, the UDM has been calling for an Independent Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the root causes of the violence in KZN. The life of the late Secretary General of the UDM, Sifiso Nkabinde and many other innocent victims could have been saved did the ANC then adhered to this call. Though it is late in the day, we are glad that reason at last prevails in the governing party regarding this very sad situation. The scope of work of this commission should not be limited to come up with preventative measures. It should definitely investigate and provide answers to the question of who were behind this spiral of violence. We need to have a full picture of the situation in KZN in order to understand it completely. Preventative measures will not succeed unless the perpetrators of these horrendous crimes and their ruthless masters are brought to book. Not investigating the past cycle of violence and who were behind it raises questions about who it is that government would like to protect?

Admin

25 Feb, 1999

Statement by Sipo Mzimela upon expulsion from the IFP

As you already know, yesterday I was expelled from the IFP and all its organs with immediate effect. My expulsion was prompted by my insistence that party matters must be handled in free and open discussion. The IFP culture is one of blindly following whatever Chief Gatsha Buthelezi says. The so-called disciplinary hearing lasted approximately 30 minutes. My accusers were not the normal disciplinary committee. They were a specially assembled panel of seven Buthelezi henchmen who made up their minds to expel me before the hearing. As a result I saw no reason to contest their decision. There are some who feel I should have rejoined the ANC. Such a step would prove untenable since the IFP will most likely become a surrogate of the ANC after the elections. After due consultation with my family, friends, and advisors I have decided to join the United Democratic Movement, convinced that this is the party that represents a NEW BEGINNING. The majority of South Africans still need to be liberated from various forms of oppression – violence, intolerance, poverty, ignorance, etc. South Africa needs a new value system to guide her into the 21st century and beyond. In my view, the UDM is well placed to create and lead the new South Africa.

Admin

25 Feb, 1999

NIA involvement in PAGAD

Statement by Bantu Holomisa UDM President The revelations of the involvement of a NIA agent in PAGAD is shocking and alarming. It requires immediate explanation and independent investigation. The sudden rush by government to come up with laws against urban terrorism becomes under these circumstances very suspicious. From this incident, it appears as if NIA as a security arm of government is actually sponsors of incidents of urban terrorism. The question that needs answering, if one looks at the bigger picture is in whose interest is NIA working? Did they have prior knowledge of attacks of urban terror? Did they know about the threats against the lives of police personnel? In the fight against crime we should have one law enforcement agency and that agency should be working in the interest of South Africa as a whole and not in the interest of one group. Allegations of drug trafficking by certain members of government has been leveled – and inconceivable in the light of NIA involvement with PAGAD one can not but wonder who is threatened and who is protected. Under the ANC government the line between personal interest and the interest of the state and its people, became blurred. Is there any difference between the previous government’s third force activities and what is happening now? The ANC government must come clean on this issue and the only way is through an independent and transparent commission of inquiry.

+27 (0)12 321 0010

info@udm.org.za

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