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18 Feb, 2026
A call for constitutional refinement of the Hate Speech Act prior to commencement
Mr MC Ramaphosa President of the Republic of South Africa Private Bag X1000 Pretoria 0001 Dear Mister President A call for constitutional refinement of the Hate Speech Act prior to commencement 1. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) writes to you with deep respect for the constitutional office you hold, and with equal seriousness regarding the constitutional implications of the Prevention ofa Hate Crimes and Combating of Hate Speech Act, 2023 (‘the Act’). 2. We had intended to address this matter more fully during the SONA 2026 debate yesterday. However, due to the limited time allocated in the House, the UDM was unable to place our detailed constitutional concerns on record. 3. Given the significance of this legislation and its far-reaching implications, we believe the matter warrants fuller public and parliamentary engagement. It is for this reason that we now write to you directly, to place these concerns before the Head of State and to respectfully seek your consideration. 4. The UDM supports without reservation the protection of human dignity and equality, and a firm response to genuine hatred, incitement to violence, and discrimination. South Africa’s painful history demands vigilance against racism, xenophobia, and all forms of dehumanisation. However, in seeking to protect dignity, the State must take equal care not to erode the foundational freedoms that define our constitutional democracy. 5. It is our considered view that the Act, in its current form, goes beyond what section 16(2)(c) of the Constitution permits. South Africa already possesses effective legal mechanisms to address genuine hate speech and incitement, including common law offences and civil remedies under the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act (PEPUDA), as affirmed and clarified by the Constitutional Court. The introduction of broad criminal sanctions, including imprisonment, therefore represents a significant and unnecessary expansion of state power over expression. 6. Of particular concern is the reliance on concepts that are either undefined or insufficiently defined in a criminal statute. The Act refers to hatred, emotional harm, social harm described as undermining social cohesion, and economic harm without providing the precision required for criminal liability. It further expands protected grounds to include gender identity, gender expression, and sex characteristics without statutory definitions, despite these being contested and evolving concepts in public discourse. In criminal law, vagueness is not a minor technical flaw. Citizens must be able to know clearly and predictably where the line between lawful expression and criminal conduct is drawn. 7. The implications for freedom of religion are especially serious. Faith-based organisations across the country have expressed anxiety that sincerely held religious beliefs, particularly on contested moral and social questions, may expose religious leaders and communities to prosecution or vexatious complaints. Religious freedom is not merely the freedom to believe privately. It includes the freedom to teach, preach, and publicly articulate doctrine without fear of criminal sanction. The current religious exemption clause is widely regarded within civil society as weak and circular, offering little practical protection against overreach. 8. Civil society organisations, including faith-based bodies representing diverse traditions, have consistently emphasised that international law does not require automatic criminalisation of hate speech in the expansive form adopted by the Act. The United Nations Rabat Plan of Action underscores that criminal sanctions should be a measure of last resort and subject to a high threshold. Many within civil society believe the present Act lowers that threshold in a manner that risks a chilling effect on lawful religious, moral, and public discourse. 9. The UDM does not seek to weaken protections against genuine hatred or incitement. Rather, we seek to ensure that dignity and equality are defended in a manner that is constitutionally sound, proportionate, and precise. Equality cannot be advanced by eroding freedom of expression and freedom of religion. Our constitutional order requires that these rights exist in principled balance. 10. We therefore respectfully urge that the Act be subjected to urgent constitutional review and aligned appropriately before it is brought into operation. While the Act has been assented to and promulgated, it has not yet been brought into operation, and this presents a narrow but important window of opportunity for corrective legislative alignment before constitutional uncertainty hardens into litigation. 11. Specifically, we call for alignment of the definition of hate speech with section 16(2)(c) of the Constitution, the provision of clear statutory definitions of hatred and harm with an appropriately high criminal threshold, the removal or tightening of vague and undefined concepts, and the strengthening of the religious exemption clause to ensure meaningful protection for bona fide religious expression. 12. In the spirit of cooperative governance and constructive constitutionalism, the UDM is also preparing a Private Member’s Bill to assist Parliament in addressing the identified defects. Our intention is not to dilute protections against genuine hatred or incitement, but to ensure that the legislation reflects a principled and constitutionally sound balance between dignity, equality, freedom of expression and freedom of religion. 13. Your Excellency, South Africa’s democracy was built on the protection of both dignity and liberty. We trust that under your leadership, legislation that touches so directly on the freedoms of conscience, religion, belief, and expression will be carefully refined to withstand constitutional scrutiny and to preserve the delicate equilibrium upon which our democratic order rests. 14. We remain committed to constructive engagement in this regard. Yours sincerely Deputy Minister Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement Copied to: • Mr Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP, UDM Deputy President and Leader in Parliament • Freedom of Religion South Africa (FOR SA)
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17 Feb, 2026
State of the Nation Address 2026 debate by Bantu Holomisa
Speech for Deputy Minister Bantu Holomisa, MP and President of the United Democratic Movement at the State of the Nation Address 2026 debate CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY Honourable Speaker Honourable Members The Government of National Unity (GNU) will not be judged by the promises tabled during the opening of Parliament, but by whether that skeletal plan is implemented with urgency, discipline and measurable results. South Africans have heard plans before. What they demand now is execution. 1. Security is the foundation of development The State of the Nation Address (SONA) emphasised economic recovery and energy stability, but sustainable growth also depends on protecting our environment and critical infrastructure from vandalism, illegal mining and sabotage that damage ecosystems and investor confidence. We are strengthening enforcement, deploying coordinated security and accelerating prosecutions because environmental protection, stability and growth are inseparable. The GNU further recognises that development cannot flourish without security. We therefore welcome: • The deployment of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) in support of South African Police Service (SAPS) in crime epicentres such as the Cape Flats and the broader Western Cape, and areas such as Randfontein in Gauteng. • The elevation of the security cluster as a national priority. • The use of Artificial Intelligence-driven systems for predictive policing and intelligence coordination. In line with the orders issued by the Commander-in-Chief, President Ramaphosa, I confirm that the Department of Defence is seized with operational requirements to support stabilisation interventions in consultation with the security cluster. This is just phase one of restoring normality. 2. Crime and consequences: the era of impunity is over Mqwathi, mandikuqinisekise amasela ixesha lawo liphelile. Yekani ii Law Enforcement Agencies zenze umsebenzi wazo, singaphazanyiswa. The honeymoon is over. Corruption and maladministration have not merely touched the state, they have engulfed it, reaching even into our law enforcement agencies. The rot did not spare the Department of Defence either. That is why we acknowledge the President’s decision to sign the proclamation authorising the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) to investigate these matters and more. Accountability cannot be selective. It must be decisive and it must reach everywhere. At a briefing to the Portfolio Committee and Joint Standing Committee on Defence, the SIU, the Military Police, and the Hawks assured us that we have recovered over R1.6 billion linked to corruption and mismanagement within Defence. This is just a start of restoring the image of our defence force. That is consequence management in action. If Special Courts could be established by the Department of Justice in partnership with the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), this will assist to accelerate the resolution of all pending military cases. Crime and corruption embarrass this country. They damage investor confidence. They weaken sovereignty. We have no choice but to confronting them head-on. 3. No country survives without law No country can function if its laws are optional, and anyone who comes to this country legally must be prepared to abide by the law or they will be shipped out. Fellow South Africans, you deserve a state that works, systems that speak to each other, and early warning mechanisms that stop crime before it spreads. Without accurate Financial Intelligence Centre Act (FICA) registration, South African Revenue Service (SARS) cannot collect revenue from all traders operating in our economy. Furthermore, law enforcement cannot properly trace or dismantle criminal syndicates operating in the underworld. South Africa urgently needs a coordinated security response plan with time frames and the strengthening of the NPA as to be functional. South Africa’s liberation history teaches us solidarity. But protection must be credible and enforceable. If a person is granted asylum yet voluntarily returns to the very country they claim to be fleeing during holiday season, that status must be reviewed. You cannot be in danger today and on holiday tomorrow. Accountability is not hostility. It is fairness. It is security. It is sovereignty. 4. The Public Investment Corporation Mr President, in 2023 you called on the Minister of Finance to address the pension queries of former civil servants. The affected community is still waiting for feedback and progress reports. People are dying while the system drags its feet, and each day of delay is a day of injustice. It is even more painful to see that the funds meant to secure these pensions are being looted by the elite through the Isibaya Fund at the Public Investment Corporation. Resources meant for ordinary South Africa are being diverted to enrich a few, deepening inequality and betraying public trust. How we wish that money could instead be invested in South Africa’s infrastructure, generating real returns for the country and creating jobs. This is a guaranteed investment in the nation, not in private greed. The people deserve accountability and action, not corruption. 5. Skills development: from training to productivity We welcome the review of the Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs) as a corrective measure to ensure that skills funding delivers measurable results. Within Defence, the South African National Service Institute (SANSI) recently passed out over 500 young people. Mr President, do consider ring-fencing and redirecting SETA funding towards: • Funding into structured, outcome-based programmes such as SANSI. • Standardised study guides in mathematics, languages, accounting and entrepreneurship. • Mandatory practical and technical skill components. In 2001, Matt Matthys, Chantal Mulder, the President South African Institute of Chartered Accountants (SAICA), Ignatius Sehoole, and I spearheaded the Thuthuka Project, providing English, Mathematics, and Accounting study guides for Grades 9 to 12. Today, that project has produced over 2,000 Black Chartered Accountants. We may need to have a tailor-made, or similar setup into skills development. 6. Prevention of Hate Crimes and Combating of Hate Speech Act The Prevention of Hate Crimes and Combating of Hate Speech Act, though intended to protect dignity and equality, goes beyond what our Constitution permits and places freedom of religion at risk. It criminalises expression using vague and undefined concepts and expands protected grounds without legal certainty. In a constitutional democracy, believers must be free to express their faith without fear of prosecution. Equality must never be advanced by eroding religious freedom. We therefore urge that the Act be constitutionally aligned through appropriate amendments before it comes into operation. 7. Conclusion: restoring dignity, restoring the state No country survives without law. No economy grows without stability. No democracy thrives without accountability. South Africans want safety, fairness, opportunity and a state that works. Through decisive, coordinated action on security reform, border integrity, infrastructure protection, skills development and consequence management, we will deliver. Judge us not by our words, but by the order we restore, the stability we secure and the future we build together. I thank you.
Admin
13 Feb, 2026
Tragic death of Bernard Isaacs Primary School 5-year-old: protecting our youngest learners
Statement by Zandile Phiri, Acting Secretary General of the United Democratic Movement It is with profound sadness that United Democratic Movement (UDM) reflects on the tragic circumstances surrounding the death of a five-year-old learner at Bernard Isaacs Primary School in Coronationville, Johannesburg. Parents entrust schools with the care and protection of their children every single day. That trust must never be compromised. The loss of a child in a school environment is not only a family tragedy, but also a national concern. We note that the Gauteng Department of Education has appointed an independent law firm to investigate this matter. The process must be thorough, transparent and credible. The family deserves clear answers. The community deserves clarity; and where accountability is required, it must follow without delay. Tragically, this is not an isolated incident. Earlier this year, an eight-year-old learner at Klapmuts Primary School in the Western Cape died during school hours under circumstances that required police investigation. In 2025, another eight-year-old learner at Alberview Primary School in Gauteng died after sustaining injuries while playing at school, prompting an independent departmental inquiry. When incidents of this nature occur repeatedly across provinces, they demand more than case-by-case responses. They demand systemic intervention. The UDM therefore calls on the Minister of Basic Education Siviwe Gwarube and her department to initiate a nationwide review of school safety protocols. This must include: 1. A comprehensive audit of supervision policies during school hours and school events. 2. A review of infrastructure safety, including classrooms, playgrounds and sanitation facilities. 3. Clear national minimum standards for emergency response procedures at schools. 4. Mandatory reporting and transparency frameworks when serious incidents occur. 5. Immediate psychosocial support mechanisms for learners, staff and families affected by school tragedies. The safety of children cannot depend solely on provincial capacity or individual school management. National leadership must set clear standards, enforce compliance, and ensure that preventative measures are implemented uniformly across the country. Schools must remain safe spaces for learning, not sites of preventable tragedy. If gaps exist, they must be closed. If policies are inadequate, they must be strengthened. If oversight is weak, it must be reinforced. Our thoughts remain with the family of the young learner and all families who continue to seek answers in similar cases. We owe it to them, and to every child in South Africa, to move from reaction to prevention.
Admin
13 Feb, 2026
SONA2026: vision has been declared. Delivery will decide
Statement by Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP, UDM Deputy President and Leader in Parliament The 2026 State of the Nation Address was characteristically vision driven, aspirational and wide ranging. President Cyril Ramaphosa once again laid out an ambitious reform agenda across the economy, crime prevention, local government, infrastructure, agriculture, public service reform and social protection. The difficulty, however, has never been the quality of the vision. The difficulty has consistently been implementation. South Africa has heard many turning point speeches over the past decade. Each one has identified the correct problems. Each one has proposed the appropriate frameworks. Yet departments have repeatedly failed in execution, coordination and accountability. That is the central concern the United Democratic Movement (UDM) raises in response to this address. On the economy, President Ramaphosa points to improved macroeconomic indicators, investment commitments and infrastructure allocations. These are welcome developments. However, macro stability does not automatically translate into employment at scale. The UDM will be watching closely whether infrastructure projects move beyond announcement phases and whether small and medium enterprises actually experience reduced red tape and improved access to markets and finance. The same applies to energy reform and logistics recovery. Structural reform is necessary, but tariff stability, grid expansion and port efficiency must now be visible in declining costs and increased competitiveness. South Africans cannot live on reform processes. They must feel outcomes. The President’s firm stance against organised crime is appropriate. Organised syndicates, illicit trade, illegal mining and gang violence are undermining the state and terrorising communities. The deployment of the South African National Defence Force to support the police is a serious step and reflects the gravity of the situation. However, such deployments must be carefully managed and time bound. UDM President General Bantu Holomisa, MP has however cautioned that when the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) is deployed internally, public cooperation is essential. Communities must cooperate fully and ensure that firearms are not drawn against soldiers. Escalation will only result in tragedy. At the same time, deployment must not become a substitute for fixing weaknesses within South African Police Services (SAPS) and the criminal justice system. Long term safety depends on professional policing, intelligence coordination and successful prosecutions. On the water crisis and local government reform, the President Ramaphosa has correctly identified systemic failure, poor planning and patronage as root causes. The establishment of a National Water Crisis Committee and the threat of personal liability for municipal managers signal seriousness. But here too, the UDM’s concern is implementation. We have seen interventions before. The question is whether dysfunctional municipalities will actually be stabilised, whether revenue will be ring fenced for infrastructure maintenance and whether political interference in appointments will truly end. The response to foot and mouth disease and the commitment to vaccinate the national herd is necessary. Yet this outbreak again highlights a pattern of reactive governance rather than anticipatory planning. Biosecurity must become a permanent strategic priority, not an emergency response after damage has been done. Smaller and communal farmers must not be left exposed while policy is refined. On youth employment and skills reform, the structural overhaul of the training system is overdue. However, public employment programmes must evolve into real economic pathways. Too many young people cycle through short term opportunities without progression into permanent work. The continuation and redesign of the Social Relief of Distress grant is understandable in the current economic climate. But redesign must be credible, administratively stable and clearly linked to economic participation. Dependency without opportunity cannot be the long-term model. President Ramaphosa speaks of professionalising the public service and insulating appointments from political interference. The UDM strongly supports this. Yet the country will judge reform by whether unqualified individuals are removed from critical posts and whether disciplinary processes are finalised swiftly. Announcing professionalisation is not the same as enforcing it. In many respects, the 2026 State of the Nation Address identifies the right priorities. The risk lies in whether line departments possess the capacity, discipline and coordination to deliver at the speed required. Vision without execution deepens public frustration. The UDM therefore approaches this address with cautious scrutiny. We will support reforms that strengthen the state, protect communities and grow the economy. But we will equally insist on measurable timelines, transparent reporting and consequence management where departments fail. In many respects, the 2026 State of the Nation Address identifies the correct priorities. The risk lies in whether line departments possess the capacity, discipline and coordination to deliver at the speed required. Vision without execution deepens public frustration. The UDM therefore approaches this address with cautious scrutiny. We will support reforms that strengthen the state, protect communities and grow the economy. But we will equally insist on measurable timelines, transparent reporting and consequence management where departments fail. The true test of this vision will begin in the upcoming Budget Votes and departmental budget speeches. It is there that priorities must be matched with credible allocations, implementation frameworks and performance targets. It is there that we will see whether this is a speech of intention or a programme of action. South Africans are not asking for inspiration alone. They are asking for implementation. 2026 must not become another year of plans layered upon plans. It must become the year where delivery finally catches up with vision.
Admin
12 Feb, 2026
Force on campus: SAPS and private security move on NMU students in a crisis that was foreseeable
Statement by Zandile Phiri, Acting Secretary General of the United Democratic Movement The United Democratic Movement (UDM) is deeply concerned by developments at Nelson Mandela University, where both private security personnel and members of the South African Police Service have reportedly been deployed to disperse protesting students using water cannons, stun grenades and paintball rounds. The videos circulating on social media are alarming. The sight of private security advancing in formation, supported by SAPS, creates the perception of a militarised response in what should be a space of learning and engagement. Two issues must be addressed clearly. First, the role of private security. Private security companies are contracted to protect property and maintain campus safety. They are not public order policing units. If private contractors were authorised to deploy crowd control weaponry, serious questions arise about oversight, rules of engagement and accountability. Who authorised their mandate? What protocols governed their conduct? Were they acting independently, or under instruction from management or SAPS? Second, the involvement of SAPS. The police carry a constitutional responsibility to maintain public order. However, the threshold for deploying stun grenades and water cannons against students must be exceptionally high. What was the threat assessment? Were lives at immediate risk? Were alternative de-escalation measures attempted before force was used? The UDM has repeatedly warned that the risk of unrest during registration periods remains high due to perennial and unresolved challenges, including accommodation shortages, funding delays and administrative bottlenecks. These pressures build year after year. When they are not addressed proactively and transparently, the likelihood of confrontation increases significantly. What we are witnessing now is not an isolated event but part of a pattern that should have been anticipated and mitigated through better planning and engagement. The combination of private security and state policing in a campus protest environment risks blurring lines of authority and responsibility. When force is used, clarity on command structures and accountability becomes essential. If criminal acts were committed, they must be dealt with lawfully. But the public is entitled to know what specific conduct justified a response of this magnitude. Transparency is not optional in circumstances where young people may have been placed at risk. The UDM calls for: 1. A joint public briefing by university management and SAPS explaining the chain of command, the authorisation process and the justification for the level of force deployed. 2. Confirmation of injuries, if any, and details of medical and psychological support offered to affected students. 3. A clear outline of the protocols governing private security involvement in crowd control situations on campuses. 4. Immediate re-establishment of structured dialogue between management and recognised student leadership. We also call on students to remain calm, to act responsibly and to ensure that their protests remain peaceful and within the bounds of the law. Legitimate grievances must not be undermined by actions that place lives at risk or damage property. Reasoned engagement strengthens the cause. Escalation weakens it. South Africa’s higher education institutions are already navigating deep systemic pressures. Escalation through visible force risks entrenching mistrust and instability. Our campuses must remain spaces of safety, dialogue and democratic engagement. Accountability from both private security contractors and law enforcement authorities is now essential to restore calm and public confidence.
Admin
11 Feb, 2026
UDM Johannesburg demands accountability over R1 million ‘ghost wall’ payment
Statement by Yongama Zigebe, Councillor in the City of Johannesburg for the United Democratic Movement and Chairperson of the S79 Committee on Gender, Youth and People with Disabilities The United Democratic Movement (UDM) in the City Johannesburg notes with serious concern the reports that a City of Johannesburg entity allegedly paid approximately R1 million for a wall that was never built at the Moffat View Old Age Home. According to media reports, the payment was authorised despite the work not being completed, with photographic evidence allegedly not reflecting the actual site. This matter, involving the Johannesburg Social Housing Company, strikes at the heart of governance, financial oversight and ethical leadership within the City’s entities. Whether the funds were later recovered or not, the fact that such a payment could be processed raises fundamental questions about internal controls, verification systems and consequence management. Johannesburg residents are battling deteriorating infrastructure, housing backlogs, unsafe buildings and declining service delivery. At a time when every rand must stretch to serve the poor and vulnerable, allegations of payments for work that never materialised are not just irregularities, they are betrayals of public trust. We note that internal investigations and forensic processes have reportedly been initiated. However, the UDM in the City Johannesburg insists that transparency must accompany these processes. The people of Johannesburg deserve clear answers: 1. Who authorised the payment and on what verification basis? 2. What due diligence was conducted before disbursement? 3. Were supply chain processes followed? 4. What disciplinary steps have been taken against implicated officials? 5. How will the City strengthen controls to prevent recurrence? The UDM in the City Johannesburg further calls on the City Council and the relevant oversight committees to exercise their constitutional responsibilities without fear or favour. If wrongdoing is established, there must be visible and swift consequences. Accountability cannot depend on media exposure. This incident once again underscores the urgent need to professionalise municipal administration, depoliticise appointments in city entities, and ensure that senior positions are filled on merit and integrity, not networks and patronage. Johannesburg cannot afford “ghost projects” while communities live without basic infrastructure. Every cent mismanaged is a cent stolen from residents who rely on the City for housing, safety and dignity. The UDM in the City Johannesburg will continue to monitor this matter closely and will push for full disclosure and corrective action. Clean governance is not optional. It is the minimum standard our people deserve.
Admin
11 Feb, 2026
Johannesburg water crisis exposes a city run without foresight
Statement by Yongama Zigebe, Councillor in the City of Johannesburg for the United Democratic Movement and Chairperson of the S79 Committee on Gender, Youth and People with Disabilities The United Democratic Movement (UDM) in the City Johannesburg notes with grave concern the protest by residents in Parktown West following more than twenty days without water. When a historically well-resourced suburb such as Parktown is forced into open protest over basic services, it signals not an isolated disruption but a systemic failure across the City of Johannesburg. If residents in Parktown are now pushed to the brink, one must pause and ask how communities in Alexandra, Soweto, Orange Farm, Eldorado Park, Riverlea and other working-class areas are coping. Many of these communities have endured intermittent supply, pressure reductions and prolonged outages for years. They do not have the financial cushion to hire private tankers, install storage systems, or absorb inflated municipal bills. For poorer residents, a water outage is not an inconvenience. It is a daily assault on dignity, health and survival. The crisis unfolding in Parktown is therefore not about geography. It is about governance. Johannesburg’s water challenges are rooted in years of inadequate planning, delayed infrastructure maintenance and reactive management instead of strategic investment. Our reservoirs and reticulation networks are aging; this is not breaking news. Demand has grown with urban expansion. Preventative maintenance has been deferred. Communication with residents remains inconsistent and often opaque. Instead of long-term infrastructure renewal and capacity planning, the city has relied on pressure management and emergency measures that treat symptoms while the underlying system continues to weaken. Water is not a luxury service. It is a constitutional right and the foundation of public health, economic activity and human dignity. When supply collapses for weeks in one part of the city, the ripple effects are felt across households, schools, clinics and businesses. When communication fails, trust collapses alongside it. The UDM in the City Johannesburg calls on the City council and management to present a transparent, citywide water recovery plan with clear timelines, infrastructure investment commitments and measurable targets. Residents deserve honest explanations, not shifting blame between entities. The City must strengthen coordination with bulk suppliers, accelerate infrastructure upgrades, address leak management aggressively and ensure equitable distribution across all regions. The current situation reflects a failure of foresight. A city of Johannesburg’s size and economic significance cannot operate on crisis mode governance. Proper planning, disciplined maintenance schedules and capital investment are not optional. They are the minimum requirements of responsible administration. Parktown’s protest should serve as a wakeup call. If communities across the socioeconomic spectrum are now united by water insecurity, then the problem is not localised. It is structural. Johannesburg must choose between continued decline through neglect or renewal through decisive leadership. The UDM in the City Johannesburg stands firmly for the latter.
Admin
11 Feb, 2026
FMD is not a photo opportunity: farmers need solutions, not political point-scoring
Statement by Zandile Phiri, Acting Secretary General of the United Democratic Movement The United Democratic Movement (UDM) condemns the emerging political row over who deserves credit for South Africa’s renewed local production of the Foot and Mouth Disease vaccine. At a time when thousands of farmers are facing income collapse, livestock losses and prolonged movement bans, it is deeply inappropriate for political parties to reduce a national agricultural crisis to a contest over headlines. This outbreak is not about party branding. It is about farmers who have been unable to sell cattle for months. It is about rural families who cannot pay school fees. It is about auction houses losing jobs. It is about rising beef and milk prices affecting ordinary households. It is about cultural and economic systems in rural communities being placed under severe strain. It is also, critically, about smaller and communal farmers who simply cannot absorb the financial shock while political point scoring continues. Unlike large commercial operations, small scale farmers do not have reserves to cushion prolonged movement bans. When cattle cannot be sold, income stops immediately. There is no fallback. There is no diversification. For many households, livestock is the only reliable asset. Every week of delay deepens debt, weakens herds and pushes families closer to crisis. The production of locally manufactured vaccines after more than two decades is a positive development. It should be welcomed. However, the question South Africans are asking is not who stands in front of the cameras. The question is why the country allowed itself to become so dependent on external supply for over 20 years. Why were biosecurity weaknesses not addressed earlier. Why was vaccine manufacturing capacity not rebuilt proactively. Why was this level of outbreak not anticipated and prevented through stronger surveillance, traceability and veterinary capacity. These are governance questions, not partisan ones. South Africa has experienced previous outbreaks in 2000 and 2010. The risks associated with cross border movement, buffalo reservoirs and livestock traceability have long been known. The scale of the current crisis suggests that systemic vulnerabilities were allowed to persist. Political energy would be better directed toward correcting those structural weaknesses rather than arguing over retrospective credit. The UDM calls for the following urgent measures: 1. Full transparency on vaccine production volumes and distribution timelines. 2. A clear national vaccination rollout plan with measurable targets. 3. Stronger enforcement of livestock movement controls, supported by community engagement rather than coercion alone. 4. Inclusion of private veterinarians and agricultural bodies to accelerate implementation where capacity is stretched. 5. Clear communication channels for farmers so that misinformation and uncertainty do not undermine compliance. 6. Consideration of temporary financial relief mechanisms for severely affected small scale and communal farmers. This crisis requires unity of purpose. It requires coordination between national and provincial governments. It requires collaboration with organised agriculture, communal farmers and traditional leaders. It requires urgency. Farmers do not care which party claims a breakthrough. Smaller farmers in particular cannot take the financial hit while this situation drags on. They care whether vaccines reach their herds in time. They care whether auctions reopen. They care whether their livelihoods survive. The UDM urges all political actors to lower the temperature of partisan conflict and focus on delivery. The fight against Foot and Mouth Disease must be guided by competence, transparency and speed, not political theatre. In a Government of National Unity, political sensitivity should compel all partners to prioritise collective responsibility and delivery over partisan credit, especially in moments of national crisis affecting livelihoods and food security. South Africa’s agricultural stability and rural economy depend on it.
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