Address by Mr B Holomisa, MP (UDM President) at the Civil Military Relations Conference 2016,CSIR International Convention Centre, Pretoria on 27 and 28 October 2016 · Programme Director, · Chairperson of the Defence Force Service Commission, Professor Van Harte, · Colleagues, · Ladies and Gentlemen 1. Introduction Allow me to join the Chairperson of the Defence Force Service Commission in thanking the sponsors who made this event possible. As I was seated here yesterday, I was reminded of the time in 2009, when our soldiers marched on the Union Buildings. I was called on the day and requested by the President (through the then Minister of Defence, Ms Lindiwe Sisulu) to join other South Africans in trying to solve the problems raised by the aggrieved soldiers. We have travelled a long distance since then. A special word of thanks to our main sponsor, Saab, a Swedish company. As we all know Sweden played a leading role in supporting the struggle to liberate the country. 2.Apartheid and the military of yesteryear Before the dawn of our new democracy, the Apartheid government had readily, and unscrupulously, used its armed forces to implement its schemes against the liberation movements, anti-apartheid activists and the homelands that collaborated with the liberation movements. Heart wrenching testimony at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) revealed that their missions included train massacres, hostel and township violence, the permanent isolation of freedom fighters and the murder of “enemies of the state” such as the Cradock Four. I have personal experience of this and you can Google how many people from the South African security forces of the previous government, testified at the TRC about plots to assassinate me. 3.Civilian oversight in the reconstitution and management of the military after 1994 The amalgamation of the South African Defence Force, the Bantustan security forces, as well as the armed wings of the African National Congress, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania and the Inkatha Freedom Party, was challenging in itself. But, because of the Apartheid stigma attached to the military, and other paramilitary organisations, the new government placed disproportionate emphasis on civilian oversight. South Africa ended up with several statutory bodies that form part of civilian oversight, such as: 1. the Ministry of Defence and Military Veterans, 2. the Portfolio Committee on Defence and Military Veterans, 3. the Joint Standing Committee on Defence, 4. the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence, 5. our Commander in Chief, the President, 6. Parliament itself, 7. the Defence Force Service Commission (DFSC), 8. the Military Ombud, and then of course 9. the media. We all agree that civilian oversight is essential, but it cannot be at the expense of the safety of South Africa’s borders and our citizens. Indeed, all the aforementioned bodies, must at all times ensure that the SANDF is in a constant state of readiness. This principle is internationally applied. For us, the question should be: is it necessary for an out-and-out civilian to function as the military’s accounting officer as an additional step to safeguard civilian oversight? There are several examples, in other countries, where this works well, but this is because of their culture of conscription. This means that the managers at the helm of the armed forces are steeped in military strategy and administration. This is enforced by the relevant lawmakers who are also products of the practice of conscription. In my view, this arrangement does not work in South Africa. Simple things like, delays in approving requisitions, disagreements on what the necessities are and a Secretary for Defence (SecDef) who is constantly abroad, adversely impacts on the SANDF’s capacity to fulfil its mandate. As a result of delays, and a lack of decisive leadership at SecDef-level, much needed funds are sometimes returned to National Treasury. When we moved around the military bases across the country, as part of our work as the DFSC, we engaged with SANDF personnel. They made it abundantly clear that there is too much bureaucracy involved and that it is in conflict with military culture. Given this situation, Parliament may have to review this area and perhaps consider making the Chief of the SANDF its accounting officer. This will eliminate the situation where Minster has to waste her time to mediate between the SecDef and the SANDF Chief, as she alluded to yesterday. 4. Parliament’s role in civilian oversight All state institutions are accountable to Parliament and it is therefore incumbent upon it to ensure that the SANDF operates within the law and does abuse its power. Parliament’s oversight work, however, does not start and end with legislation, it also includes the actual exercise of its influence on the organs of state that fall within this portfolio. It further includes monitoring, investigation and making recommendations on how defence challenges could be addressed. 5.Consultation with Parliament Parliament must demand to be kept abreast of South Africa’s involvement in United Nations and the African Union’s peacekeeping efforts, as well as involvement in conflict situations before troops are deployed. However, instead of being briefed in the House, we read of military deployments in the papers and then, after the fact, Parliamentarians would get the information in annual reports. This is not good enough. To make matters worse, there are plenty examples where Parliament only gets roped in once things have gone wrong. This happened, for example, when the South African government, in 2013, assisted François Bozizé in the Central African Republic and thirteen of our paratroopers were killed in Bangui. For Parliament to fulfil its oversight mandate, it is important that it has timeous and sufficient information. This demands transparency on the part of the Department of Defence, the Minister and the military’s top brass. Side-lining Parliament is dangerous and it makes accountability impossible. 6.The Arms Deal: As a striking example of the lack of consultation There is a strong impression that the Executive runs roughshod over Parliament. For instance, in 1999, the Department of Finance warned the responsible Cabinet Sub-Committee about the risks involved in the Arms Deal. Yet, they went ahead with the deal, in spite of this sound advice. Parliament was never asked to sanction the deal. It had only exercised its oversight function in relation to the charges of corruption and conflicts of interest around the transactions. Aside from the obvious problems, one also has to consider the ArmsDeal’s shopping list, which consisted of boats, submarines, helicopters and fighter aircraft. These are the tools of the navy and the airforce. Why did the army, which operates on land, not get apparatus such as armoured trucks, personnel carriers and so forth? Because of this ill-advised arms purchase, and constant budget cuts over the years, the army has backlogs in maintaining and updating their prime mission equipment. On a side note: not only are South Africans still servicing the R70billiondebt, but we must also pay for the costs of the SeritiCommission of Inquiry that amounted to almost R140million. 7.Dissatisfaction within the SANDF Tension between defence management and military unions must be speedily alleviated. Parliament, as part of its oversight function, has a responsibility to harmonise these relationships. Parliamentarians should also be concerned that, on the one hand, troops complain about commanders and, on the other hand, commanders complain about the lack of disciple within the ranks. The conditions of employment of our servicemen and women are not up to scratch. There is a constant stream of complaints about the state of their equipment and poor training. Parliament has a role to play in addressing these matters. 8.The SANDF’s budget There is, what has been described as, a persistent disconnect between the defence mandate, government’s expectations and the allocation of resources. In addition, the Executive and National Treasury should not willy-nilly cut the military budget without applying their minds, because it appears as if there is a lack of understanding of what our defence priorities are. When statements are made such as: the staff complement of the SANDF should be reduced by 10,000 members, one cannot help but wonder on what research such decisions are based. Despite socio-economic conditions, South Africa should earmark at least 2% of its GDP to the defence budget. This is in line with international standards. If the question is asked: “Where should the money come from?”, we just have to think of the fact that government departments wasted R35,2billion (in the 2015/16 financial year) on consultants, travel, catering and entertainment. The call by the Minister of Finance for financial discipline should be heeded and wasteful government spending must be stopped. Political decision-makers should open their ears and listen when our military commanders warn that South Africa’s defence budget is insufficient. Parliament has a role to play in ensuring that the budget is adequate so that our defence requirements are accommodated. 9.Who should champion the SANDF’s cause? Given Parliament’s oversight role, our Members of Parliament (MPs) are the logical people to fulfil this important function. The Portfolio Committee on Defence and Military Veterans should be more assertive in championing the cause of our servicemen and women. In general, Parliamentarians must familiarise themselves with the challenges that the SANDF face by visiting our military bases. I think they will be shocked to see the state of disrepair of infrastructure and equipment; even looking at simple things such as the habitability of barracks. MPs must also acquaint themselves with the work of the Defence Force Service Commission, so that they can exert pressure on the Minister and the Department of Defence and Military Veterans, to implement the recommendations of the Commission. 10.Conclusion If we are to succeed in bridging the gap and advance civil military relations, in a manner that deepens democracy, we require a collective effort with an unwavering commitment to our country and her people. Thank you
Councils disruptions: UDM condemns ANC barbaric acts The United Democratic Movement (UDM) condemns in the strongest terms, the ANC’s barbaric acts in councils designed to introduce administration by the African National Congress government. This destabilization Programme is clear – ANC just cannot accept the recent elections results. So ungovernability – is their motto. ANC’s programme is clear if one were to consider that the destabilisation happened in three Metros that the ruling party lost during the local government elections that is; Greater Johannesburg, Tshwane and the Nelson Mandela Metro. This is unfortunate since the ANC is supposed to be the custodians of our democracy. We cannot allow aligned unions to the ANC to be part of the destabilisation and threat to the newly installed metro administration as we have witnessed in Tshwane yesterday. The ANC leadership must take responsibility of what has occurred in these metros and as UDM, we expect the ANC to apologise to the South Africans and such acts are putting our democracy at risk. We call for punitive actions to be taken against the ruling party’s councillors who are culprits. It time that ANC accepts the defeat and move on. Statement issued by: Mr Bongani Msomi UDM Secretary General
Honourable Baleka Mbete, MP Speaker of the National Assembly PO Box 15 Cape Town 8000 Dear Madam Speaker #FeesMustFall: REQUEST FOR URGENT DEPLOYMENT OF MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT TO INTERVENE AND ASSIST IN FINDING SOLUTIONS A precedent was created last year, during the terrible xenophobic attacks where we, as the Parliament of the People, were dispatched to calm the situation and try to find solutions to the problems we faced as a nation. Whilst the United Democratic Movement (UDM) supports the principle of free education, the #FeesMustFall campaign, in its current form, is out of control. The fact that the academic year has been interrupted and the destruction of learning infrastructure, personal injury, arson and vandalism is unacceptable. The UDM believes that the current state of affairs at our tertiary institutions warrants urgent attention and that we do everything in our power to try to find a speedy and lasting solution. We have a responsibility as leaders in our communities to see if we cannot find independent persons to mediate between students, institutional representatives and government stakeholders. While we understand the heavy workload of Parliamentarians ahead of the Medium-term Budget Policy Statement later this month, we request that Members of Parliament be sent to our communities and the affected institutions to speak to the citizens of our country and the disillusioned students. We all have a responsibility to build a South Africa in which we all look forward to the sunrise of our tomorrow. Your sincerely, Mr Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP UDM Chief Whip
We have been watching one after the other Zuma-scandal hitting South Africa. The United Democratic Movement believes that the proximity of the Zuma and Gupta families is creating uncertainty – with even cabinet ministers not singing from the same hymnbook. It is clear that Mr Zuma is no longer in control and the nation is on autopilot. The African National Congress must wake up and ask Mr Zuma to step down; or they must recall him immediately. Statement issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) is shocked and disappointed by the state of affairs within the Gauteng Human Settlements Department, where more than R900 million is being withdrawn by Treasury, after the Department had apparently, amongst other things, failed to and/or unlawfully spent the budget. The withdrawal of the funds, meant for the creation of sustainable and integrated human settlement, clearly shows that the Department is incapable of delivery to our suffering people. Housing is one of the key factors that impact on the dignity of our people and their quality of life, but we have servants in the government sector who don’t take their mandate seriously and spend money unlawfully. As a result of these kinds of failures the public has, out of desperation, taken to the streets in protest to demand houses. UDM calls for the Department to be placed under administration and that Treasury should conduct an investigation into the matter. Those who are found to be on the wrong side of the law must be brought to book. Statement issued by: Ms Thandi Nontenja UDM National Treasurer
The United Democratic Movement Women’s Organisation (UDEMWO) would like to convey a message of condolences to the family and friends of Fezekile Ntsukela Kuzwayo better known as Khwezi. We as UDEMWO are saddened by her sudden departure. Khwezi fought a good fight and she displayed a true example of imbokodo especially during her dark hour when those she trusted took advantage of her. She was amongst the few fearless women of our time. Her sudden passing leaves us with many questions than answers. As UDEMWO, we feel that Khwezi has not been celebrated and the hand of justice has failed her dismally during her rape trial against President Jacob Zuma. UDEMWO is surprised by the contradictory conduct shown by the ANC Women’s League towards Khwezi that is now calling her a hero. The treatment and the abuse she endured are beyond imagination but she pressed on. The treatment against Khwezi gives a clear indication that women in this country are taken for granted and it saddens us as women. We hope that her courage will be an example to other women. She may have passed on but her spirit leaves on. Statement issued by Mrs Thandi Nontenja UDEMWO Secretary General
Thank you for affording the United Democratic Movement (UDM) the opportunity to participate in this meeting and contribute to a discussion that will hopefully find lasting solutions to the current impasse at our higher education institutions. 1. Introduction During the first democratic elections in South Africa in 1994, I was privileged to be chosen as part of the Top 8 persons who campaigned for the African National Congress (ANC). We crossed the length and breadth of the Country and I personally addressed over a 105 rallies in our villages, towns and cities from January to April that year. At all of these electioneering events, the issue of free education took centre stage. Based on this election promise, amongst others, the ANC was voted into power and thus given a mandate to fulfil the election promises it made. When the ANC made its assurances in 1994, it did not qualify its promise of free education by saying it would only include a certain group of people. No, it was free education for all. Sadly, 22 years after the fact, young South Africans still do not have access to free education. Instead we see our youth violently protesting the state of affairs at a cost of around R600 million to the public purse thus far. Although the UDM condemns the damage to public and private property in no uncertain terms, we cannot help but have some sympathy with our students’ plight. The ANC has been in power for more than two decades and has yet to fulfil the mandate given to it by the people. To further confuse matters, the security cluster chooses to mislead the nation and hide behind conspiracy theories; alleging that a “third force” is at work. The UDM rejects these excuses outright. 2. The Fees Must Fall campaign and the work of the Fees Commission As a result of the ANC’s empty promises, we are now facing a very dangerous situation where our children have taken matters into their own hands. It is worthwhile to note that, during the past century, it has been students who affected change in their countries – the protest action of students in Egypt, in the past few years, is a good example. In response to the Fees Must Fall campaign, President Zuma instituted a commission of inquiry into the broader issues affecting the funding of higher education i.e. the Fees Commission. However, instead of waiting for the outcome of the Commission’s investigation, the Minister of Higher Education and Training, Mr Blade Nzimande, has now announced interim measures, effectively suggesting that university councils may increase tuition fees to a maximum of 8% for the 2017 academic season. This has been touted as the maximum that government can afford to cover poor students and the so-called “missing middle”. These interim measures could, however, be perceived as pre-emptive to the work of the Fees Commission and borders on undermining the process. In addition, such interim measures provide no lasting solution to the current crisis. It is unsustainable. The UDM suggests that fee increases should be halted pending the outcome of the work of the Fees Commission. If there is an urgent need to make funding available, let government take the funds being wasted on non-priority issues and divert those to higher education. 3. Turning higher education into a political football The genuine demand for free, and quality, higher education has unfortunately been turned into a political matter, which is effectively being abused by the contending factions of the ruling alliance. South Africa cannot afford a situation where education is used to settle political scores within the ANC. We desperately need strong higher education institutions that produce students with the relevant skills for our socio-economic development. 4. Higher education and its role in the economy We have one of the most unequal societies in the world and our economy is not growing. An educated and healthy citizenry is needed to grow and develop our economy so that we are capacitated to eradicate poverty and inequality, and to generate employment. Higher education is a social mobility mechanism, which both the poor and middle strata sees as a ladder into an affluent society. In other words, getting a degree is a passport to employment and a better life. The UDM has confidence in the Fees Commission’s process as spearheaded by leaders in academia and broader society. 5. The poor must have access to higher education The UDM believes that special attention should be paid to poor students who are unable, or is struggling, to pay their tuition fees. We agree that subsidies for the children of domestic workers, or worse, unemployed persons, cannot be the same as those for the children of advocates, doctors and investment bankers. The reality is that there are those deserving students who need to be totally subsidised by government. The lack of such support is the reason why, in part, students are still up in arms and toyi-toying, resulting in the closure of many campuses on the eve of final exams. 6. Finding a sustainable, lasting solution to the crisis Nobody wants to see an escalation of campus violence and vandalism, which destroys the assets invested to educate our future leaders. The UDM believes that it is possible to make higher education accessible to all and that this has to be done. In order to do so, we require ethical leadership from all stakeholders, including those dealing with law and order. The UDM therefore lauds the open and honest dialogue amongst all stakeholders to find a way forward. In addition, the UDM calls upon the private sector to look into other ways of increasing their financial support to students in order to make education affordable to the poor and the working class. Government, on the other hand, must stop splashing public money on wasteful and unproductive expenses. Just this past week, we heard that government departments have not yielded to Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan’s call to save money and cut costs. It was reported that R35,2 billion was spent on consultants, travel, catering and entertainment. The UDM has long held the view that the continuous outsourcing of government work, which ought to be done by civil servants, is expensive and perpetuates poor service delivery. As a crisis measure, the Finance Director General should convene an urgent meeting with all other Directors General to place a moratorium on wasteful expenditure. In so doing, government can start channelling saved funds into higher education, other needy areas, in order to rescue the current situation. The UDM also feels that the forthcoming meeting of stakeholders in higher education called by President Zuma is likely to be another talk-shop. The nation expects nothing less than the release of an interim report by the Fees Commission on the work that they have done thus far. We are fed-up with useless indabas that produce no real solutions to the nation’s problems. It is a sad fact that President Zuma has failed the country in a situation where we need his decisive leadership. We hope that the President realises that his Education Minister, with the announcement of the fees hike, is in essence undermining his decisions and pre-empting the recommendations of his Fees Commission.
Dear Mr Mashinini REQUEST FOR AN URGENT MEETING OF THE LEADERS OF ALL POLITICAL PARTIES REPRESENTED IN PARLIAMENT The above matter has reference. It has come to my attention that the African National Congress (ANC) has declared the Deputy Chairperson of the Independent Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC), Mr Terry Tselane, an enemy. It is alleged that, at the IEC National Results Centre (in Pretoria) for the 2016 Municipal Elections, the Secretary General of the ANC, Mr Gwede Mantashe and his deputy Ms Jessie Duarte, in the presence of the State President (who is also the ANC’s President) caused a stir by confronting Mr Tselane and, amongst others, alleging that he: Was an enemy of the ANC; Was conniving with the opposition parties against the ANC; Had single-handedly removed teachers as IEC electoral officers during the 2016 Municipal Elections in order to benefit opposition parties; and that His behaviour has benefitted the opposition parties. These are serious allegations, considering that it was made against a member of the Electoral Commission. It is interesting to note that Mr Mantashe seems to be confirming that the appointment of teachers as electoral officers, is designed to disadvantage opposition parties and unduly benefit the ANC. Such an admission vindicates the view always held by opposition parties with regard to the ‘exclusive’ appointment of teachers as electoral officers. Many of these teachers, if not all, are members of a Cosatu affiliated teachers’ union, Sadtu. Cosatu is in alliance with the ANC and has always taken a firm decision to support the ANC in every election that has taken place since the advent of democracy in South Africa; its decisions binds Sadtu and its members. These allegations place a grey cloud over other Electoral Commissioners. It will not be far-fetched to question whether their loyalties are with the country, its citizens and the Constitution or with the ANC. This is important, because from these allegations, it is clear, that any Electoral Commissioner who does not sweeten the ANC will be regarded as an enemy and will be dealt with accordingly. These developments may necessitate that the current composition of the Electoral Commission be urgently scrutinised to ascertain whether they are all in the service of the nation or in the service of a political party. I am also made to believe that the ANC has begun to question Accenture, a company that has been contracted and worked with IEC to provide technical solutions for a stable technical environment to support elections processes. In my recollection, the credibility of this company has never been questioned by the ANC and it is interesting that it is only now emerging after the elections results that have shocked the ruling party. It begs a serious question; why does the ruling party now have an issue with Accenture and why was this matter never tabled at the appropriate body i.e. the National Party Liaison Committee. I am also aware that the ANC is allegedly considering to alter the current party representation on the IEC’s Party Liaison Committees in favour of proportional representation. We wish to obtain a detailed understanding of this development and its rationale. The alleged meeting that took place on Monday, 19 September 2016, at Luthuli House, which was attended by some of the ANC ‘top six’ and Electoral Commissioner, is of serious concern. It is further disturbing that it is alleged that some of the issues raised above were discussed in the said clandestine meeting. Accordingly, I request that you convene an urgent meeting of all the leaders of parties represented in the South African Parliament to consider, amongst others, the matters raised above. I hope this will be attended to urgently. Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement