1. Introduction South Africa (SA), like many other so-called developing nations, faces challenges of chronic underdevelopment and/or development skewed towards urban areas, albeit in an unequal manner. Even urban development is fraught with inequality, as some provinces are in a position to deliver better infrastructure, while others trail behind owing to fiscal constraints determined by the income levels of their households. Yes, some progress has been made since 1994 to provide services and infrastructure in areas where it was taboo to do so in the apartheid years. However, it is simply not sufficient or sustainable, and some of it not built well enough and is out of date with modern innovations. SA has been in economic stagnation for more than a decade now, but mostly due to sluggish investment, poor governance and chronic corruption. We have experienced two quarters of negative growth this year, thus the current technical recession. Mister Deputy Speaker, if we were to unite around this new approach on infrastructure development in our country, we shall be in practice, marching united towards drastically reducing inequality, the eradication of poverty and unemployment. 2. The UDM’s approach to Infrastructure Development The UDM believes in a policy of intervention by the state in the economy through planned sustainable development programmes, which create jobs on a large scale whilst developing and maintaining infrastructure. There is, however, a serious lack of capacity, uniformity in spatial planning and infrastructure development between municipal, provincial and national governments. The introduction of mega infrastructure should not be done at the expense of the development of rural areas, townships and informal settlements. Mega infrastructure must be linked and inclusive of these areas for their benefit. In this regard, the United Democratic Movement (UDM), with its integrated policy approach, proposes that the work of the Presidential Infrastructure Co-ordinating Commission (PICC), must be locally driven from grassroots level. For instance, we need to have a comprehensive ward / municipal / district and provincial based infrastructure plan that will be coordinated at a central level by the PICC. We need to build internal capacity to restrict unnecessary dependence on outsourcing. The PICC must be able to ensure that the state has the necessary capacity at local levels. Government needs to plan infrastructure beforehand and ensure that their investment in education aligns with the infrastructure development goals to avoid having this sector being dominated by foreign experts. The PICC could also be tasked to ensure uniformity of infrastructure development across provinces; as guided by their individual needs. In so doing one province will not be favoured over another. For instance, primary schools across all provinces must have equal access to computer and science laboratories. Each worker should have the same access to transport to get them to and from work. Each citizen living in a rural area should have the same opportunity to benefit from the infrastructure and public services made available in urban hubs, as far as reasonably possible. South Africa is currently engaged in the land debate and the PICC could play a pivotal role in the implementation and monitoring of a future land dispensation, which includes the necessary infrastructure development. We cannot offer citizens access to the land that they desperately need and deserve, without in turn providing them with the infrastructure that they need to maximise that potential. For the PICC to succeed, the UDM suggests that we draw on the invaluable expertise that South Africans possess in all sectors. 3. Investment on Social Transport Infrastructure Our public transport system leaves much to be desired and an over-reliance coupled with lack of maintenance on our road infrastructure has led to its rapid decay. Government must do more and the UDM wishes to propose intercity high-speed rail. This is possible via the refurbishment and adaptation of existing railway lines and building additional capacity where needed. It is said that all roads lead to the proverbial Rome. But in South Africa maybe all roads and rails should lead to Gauteng and other hubs, to provide an alternative for South Africans, from the four corners of our country, to travel to and from our economic centres in a safe, affordable and speedy way. A high-speed railway system would, amongst others, have the following advantages: a) The reduction of people dying in road accidents at a high rate. This is unacceptable, and a high-speed rail system would reduce accidents and fatalities on our roads. b) Greater access to specialised services, for example courts, legislatures, hospitals with medical specialists and universities etc., will be more accessible. c) Our roads will be taxed less by heavy vehicles that damage road surfaces. d) Most importantly, the reduced dependence on road transport will have the spin-off of speeding up our economy, for example: • Businesses could be located anywhere and transport their goods with ease and at a relatively low cost. Our citizens will not have to face a choice between pursuing their careers and moving away from their families and loved-ones; • Businesses could employ people from far reaching places, thus spreading wealth to rural areas. • New business opportunities can be identified where it was previously deemed too remote. • Our lucrative tourism industry could be further unlocked, not only for international tourism, but also local tourism. Of course, such development costs money. However, in our case, it is not necessarily a lack of money, private sector has the resources we need but are reluctant to invest in corruption. Even public sector, for instance, the pension funds, can be best used to fund this new approach to infrastructure development. 4. Infrastructure development as an investment in our environment It would be irrational to disagree that, a new approach to infrastructure development must place a high value in our environment. This is especially applicable when considering our pristine natural resources. Furthermore, any infrastructure development must be done in consultation with affected communities. For instance, as part of a rural infrastructure development programme, communities should identify which areas should be used for grazing and planting, and which should be left fallow. Government must then take responsibility for fencing off land which will in turn generate local jobs. Lastly, 28% of Southern Africa’s water flows unused through the Eastern Cape rivers. Using this water effectively and responsibly could generate jobs in the short and long term. Also, some of the richest agricultural soil in the country lies uncultivated in this province. The refurbishment and establishment of irrigation schemes will not only create jobs and wealth, but it will also contribute to food security in the area and the country at large. 5. Conclusion We need to ensure that our infrastructure is advancing industrialisation, environmental preservation and social cohesion. In more ways than one, we need to ensure that South Africa and South Africans are no longer left behind but at the helm of their developmental trajectory. Thank you
Rev Kenneth Meshoe, MP President, African Christian Democratic Party Mr Mosiuoa Lekota, MP President, Congress of the People Mr Mmusi Maimane, MP Leader, Democratic Alliance Dr Pieter Groenewald, MP Leader, Freedom Front Plus Dear Colleagues STATUS OF THE UDM AS PART OF THE CO-GOVERNANCE AGREEMENT; SETTING THE RECORD STRAIGHT Straight off the bat I wish to inform you that I take exception to the four signatories’ giving me a deadline to respond to your letter dated 1 September 2018 as if I am a schoolboy to be ordered about. This is not the collegial manner of communication I would expect amongst peers. For your information, I was contacted by both the City Press and the Business Day on the 1st of September, that asked for comment on your letter, which I only received yesterday afternoon. A question also arose in my mind as to why the United Democratic Movement (UDM) was not invited to the 31 August meeting of the African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP), the Congress of the People (Cope), the Democratic Alliance (DA) and the Freedom Front Plus (FF+). Your letter clearly states that the meeting was “…to consider a number of issues relating to coalition led governments across South Africa.” I would be obliged if you could furnish the UDM with the other agenda items and explain why we were not invited. That said, it seems as if the signatories suffer from collective amnesia given the history that led us to this point in the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality (NMB Metro). The United Democratic Movement (UDM) herewith sets the record straight. 1. The three-person commission The co-governance agreement clearly stipulates what should happen in the case of discord between the coalition partners. I therefore remind you that the three-person commission – the coalition partners had tasked to make inquiry when the first differences within the coalition arose – had fingered both Mr Athol Trollip and Mr Mongameli Bobani. This inquiry also found that Mr Trollip had undermined the coalition and disobeyed the coalition partners’ collective instructions and by implication his own national leader. Despite these facts, the DA refused to act against Mr Trollip and yet expected the UDM to do so. This is an obvious double-standard. 2. The PricewaterhouseCoopers saga It was the DA which used the so-called draft report, that PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) had compiled, to discredit and defame Mr Bobani who at the time served as the NMB Metro’s Deputy Mayor. The DA refused to deal with Mr Trollip after he came up with wild accusations about Mr Bobani. At that time, the UDM stated that we would not take Mr Trollip’s word on these allegations and that the matter should be investigated and tabled at council. We were satisfied that council would apply its mind, once it received a report, and determine whether Mr Bobani was guilty of any wrongdoing. PwC’s interim report never reached council nor were the coalition partners privy to it. Instead the DA’s leaders Mr Mmusi Maimane, Mr James Selfe as well as Mr Trollip ran around the country blackening Mr Bobani and the UDM’s name. After we read in the media that such a report existed, the coalition partners had to demand a copy from the DA. There was no mention of Mr Bobani. The final PwC report was last year given to Mr Trollip, yet it remains in his hands. The coalition partners, council and even the media asked for its release and he has not done so. However, Herald eventually got hold of the report and reported that there were no findings that implicated Mr Bobani in any wrongdoing. We understand that this DA project cost the taxpayer millions of rands, which it used for their own nefarious purposes. What kind of political party uses public funds to attack its coalition partner? We have written to Mr Maimane in the past to demand that the DA and he must apologise to the UDM and Mr Bobani. He has not responded. 3. Regarding the DA’s “side deal” with the Patriotic Alliance It was the very same DA that brought some questionable characters through the back door and arranged that the Patriotic Alliance (PA) move for a motion of no-confidence against Mr Bobani. We wondered at this PA/DA “side-marriage” that was clearly outside the coalition. It seemed like an old apartheid style move to play brother off against brother. Our other coalition partners did nothing, and you clapped hands as you got rid of Mr Bobani. You chased us away and today have the temerity to ask about the status of the UDM as part of the coalition in the NMB Metro. You should be ashamed of yourselves. Now that you are out in the cold, you suddenly notice the UDM and try to blame us; yet you know very well that the DA is the sole reason for your fall. The UDM says stew in your own juice. The onus is on you to convince the UDM to remain in what has turned out to be nothing else but a coalition of thugs and liars. Lastly, he past two years paints a clear picture of the road that has led us to this juncture and I am surprised that the ACDP, Cope and the FF+ still tolerates the DA. Maybe you are still on a fool’s quest? The UDM calls on the coalition partners to be honest with themselves and acknowledge that the DA has treated all of us like we are second class citizens and junior partners in the coalition. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement CC: Mr Julius Malema, Commander in Chief of the Economic Freedom Fighters
The United Democratic Movement Women’s Organisation (UDEMWO) is distraught by the rape and murder of a female student in Engcobo in the Eastern Cape. This time the victim was young Zikho Cabeni, who was also an active member of the United Democratic Students’ Movement. This horrifying incident comes just after the country “celebrated women” in the month of August. We have learnt that nothing much has been done in terms of investigation and apprehending any suspects. This is heart-breaking and frustrating. We also call upon those who may have any leads to solve this case to come forward. The police must stop dragging their feet and do an urgent but thorough investigation so that the culprit/s can be brought to book. As UDEMWO, we stand for the rights of women and children and we feel that femicide and child homicide continues unabated and UDEMWO reiterates its call for greater police visibility and mobile police stations in the rural areas. We wish to extend a message of condolence to Zikho’s family and friends. May they find comfort in this time of pain. Issued by: Ms Thandi Nontenja UDEMWO Secretary General
Dear Mr President This matter has reference. The United Democratic Movement is very concerned that there is no movement in terms of the appointment of the Public Investment Corporation (PIC) commission of inquiry. Sir, in this matter, we want to remind you that Minister Nene had initially, in his court papers, said that he saw nothing untoward at the PIC. This raised some eyebrows at the time. His lack of action now raises the question as to why Minister Nene is dragging his feet in instituting the inquiry and appointing the commissioners. Our main concern is that Minister Nene, who once was a PIC Chairperson, is acting like a person who may himself, or maybe a family member, have been captured. Regarding Minister Nene’s instruction on a forensic audit at the PIC, the minister has not stated which aspects or transactions such an investigative team will audit. In fact, Sir, the entire matter is shrouded in secrecy. Mr President, we herewith ask that you take this matter away from Minister Nene and appoint the commission yourself. We also ask that you appoint the forensic auditing team i.e. not by the PIC board whose members may be compromised themselves. Kindly advise. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement
Dear Minister Nene and Judge Nugent MR VLOK SYMINGTON: SARS DECISION TO PAY SYMINGTON’S LEGAL COSTS MUST BE REVERSED AND INVESTIGATED I refer to a City Press article that reported on Sunday, 26 August 2018, (see https://city-press.news24.com/News/sars-settlement-with-symington-questioned-20180825) that the SA Revenue Service (Sars) has, in a “confidential settlement”, undertaken to abandon “its right to the costs awarded in its favour” by Judge Hans Fabricius, following Vlok Symington’s unsuccessful bid last September to block disciplinary charges against him.” According to City Press, “records showed that Symington was expected to pay Sars at least R300 000 for its legal bills. In terms of the settlement agreement, Sars would pay both its lawyers and those of Symington. At least R750 000 was tabled as half of Symington’s costs for the two-part case, meaning the entire transaction could cost the taxpayer in excess of R1 million if Sars’ costs were factored in”. Sir, we are also concerned that, according to City Press, acting commissioner Mark Kingon is on record saying that he enjoyed a friendship with Vlok Symington. There is clearly something wrong here, as it seems that Kingon is prepared to waste taxpayers’ money to advantage or save his friend. In our view, Mr Kingon, and employee relations executive Luther Lebelo who was part of this decision, have neglected their duties. The United Democratic Movement calls upon you to declare the decision null and void and that Mr Kingon and Mr Lebelo are to be made to explain what happened here; or that the matter be included in the current investigation of the commission of inquiry into the country’s tax management. Kindly advise Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
United Democratic Movement (UDM) calls for calm during this time of student representative council elections at many of our institutions of higher learning. What the country witnessed at the Soshanguve Campus of the Tshwane University of Technology is not acceptable. We are disturbed by the allegations that police are accused of killing a student during protests. We believe that the life that was lost during the clash amongst students could have been avoided. We ask that the commission of inquiry that is investigating this killing can be finalised as soon as possible. Whoever is responsible must be brought to book. It is critical that justice is served. UDM also wish students and universities the best of luck as elections continue; we hope they are quiet and peaceful. Issued by: Bongani Msomi UDM Secretary General
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) has noted that President Ramaphosa has announced the appointment of a commission of inquiry to probe the Public Investment Corporation (PIC) and the dark cloud of corruption allegations hanging over the institution. It is however frustrating that the names of the chair of the commission and the supporting team, as well as the detailed terms of reference will be announced “in due course”. What does National Treasury mean with “in due course”? They have been saying this for the last three weeks or so; it would appear that this could be months from now, which is enough time for the guilty to send the proof of the misdeeds to the shredder; if it has not happened already. The UDM outright rejects the idea that the PIC board – which includes CEO Dr Dan Matjila who is also under the cloud of suspicion – should be given the task of appointing the forensic company. The board appointing the audit firm is tantamount to a thief appointing his own judge and jury. National Treasury or the commission itself should appoint such a forensic company. To make matters worse, the board has neglected its fiduciary duty by outsourcing the decision to suspend the CEO to the forensic auditors. The UDM reiterates our call that Dr Matjila must be immediately suspended until the commission concludes its work.
• Programme Director • The families of the victims of the Marikana Massacre • Ladies and Gentlemen 1. Opening Thank you for allowing me to share in this occasion, the commemoration of the Marikana Massacre. We must always remember what happened on this awful day six years ago, so that it may never be repeated. 2. No consequences for criminals We live in a country where there are no consequences for breaking the law. Worst still when it is our very own government that is doing so. It is frustrating that there are no consequences for those who steal; there are no consequences for those who engage in corruption and there are no consequences for those guilty of murder. This must stop. 3. The UDM’s message to mineworkers It is the mineworkers of this country that must bring about change in how government manages the mineworking industry. Each time there is a cabinet reshuffle the policies change as a new personality takes over the reins. The mining experts are frustrated, because they are being tossed around by politicians. This too must stop. It is time for the owners and the mineworkers to get their acts together and speak the same language on this score. 4. Land and the purpose of the parliamentary committee’s hearings Whilst I have the opportunity, I want to remind you that the parliamentary hearings that took place all over the country, were to determine whether the constitution should in fact be amended or not. This is phase one. The second phase is where the “how” part should be discussed, whether the parliamentary committee recommends that the constitution should be amended or not. The current land-owners such as government, big business, the Anglo’s of this world and the traditional leaders and churches should meet under one roof, together with political parties, to hammer out the “how” part of such a process. People’s expectations have been raised and phase 2 must happen very soon, as there has already been threats of land grabs and even civil war. 5. When will things change? What each of us must take to heart is that things will not change unless we take to task those who have disappointed us… those who have abandoned us. We must stop moaning and do something about those who squander and pillage state resources. It is time for the South African voters to say: NO MORE. We will no longer be fooled by your empty election promises. The ANC must be punished come the 2019 elections. Their support should be drastically cut back as a lesson to any party which thinks it can walk over South Africans. That power lies in the voters’ hands alone; it lies in your hands alone. 6. Closing As I close, I say to the families of those who lost their lives, as well as to those who survived that fateful day; We will keep you in our prayers. We hope that time heals some of your sorrows and that peace will replace some of your heartache. Thank You