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17 Oct, 2013
Health Department in ICU
Health Department in ICU – statement by Mr Bongani Msomi (UDM Secretary General) on 12 September 2013 The United Democratic Movement (UDM) notes the commissioning of a five-person task team to investigate issues in the Eastern Cape relating to the growing health crisis. It is evident that the Minister does not have his finger on the pulse of the nation’s health, and that this token is definitely too little too late. To add insult to injury, the setting up of a commission is an exceptionally costly exercise since Minister Motsoaledi is quite aware of the problems facing the Health Department. The UDM suggests that he should have used the department machinery and saved costs, instead of commissioning a task team. This indicates that the ANC led government is in power but not in control. It seems that the Health Department has been in the ICU for quite some time, and the measures put in place didn’t yield positive results. Even the ANC government’s grand turnaround strategy has failed. The UDM strongly advises the Minister to ensure that the mandate of the Task Team is broad, and to include an investigation into the identification of officials who looted state resources, to recommend how state coffers can be recovered from these disgraceful officials, and a recommendation as to ways and means of sterilizing the department from corruption officials.
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17 Oct, 2013
UDM marches for Marikana Justice
UDM marches for Marikana Justice – statement by Mr Bongani Msomi (UDM Secretary General) on 11 September 2013 The United Democratic Movement (UDM) reiterates its call for government to pay for all legal representation of the Marikana victims at the Farlam Commission. In doing so government will be serving Lady Justice by levelling the playing field and ensuring that the scene is set for justice to be effected. It is a pity that the ANC led government only listens when people take to the street. The UDM, together with the families of the Marikana victims, and other interested parties will be marching in solidarity to the Union Buildings on 12 September 2013 from 10:00am. The march will commence at Burgers Park in Pretoria central. The aim of this march is to give a voice to this crucial aspect of the legal proceedings. Other interested individuals especially those who want to see justice done are welcomed to participate. We demand the ANC led government to come to its senses and act in good faith.
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17 Oct, 2013
Public Protector report on IEC lease agreement scandal to be considered Parliamentary Ad-hoc Committee
Open memo to the Speaker and Whip’s Forum re: Public Protector report on IEC lease agreement scandal to be considered Parliamentary Ad-hoc Committee from Bantu Holomisa, MP (UDM President) on 11 September 2013 The United Democratic Movement (UDM) demands a review of a decision to establish an Ad-hoc Committee to consider the report of the Public Protector, Advocate Thuli Madonsela, on the investigation into allegations of maladministration and corruption in the procurement of premises to accommodate the head office of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC). The proposal of the Majority Whip limits the participation of other political parties, yet we are all stakeholders of the IEC. There is no logic in the way in which the Ad-hoc Committee was constituted – instead the Portfolio Committee for Home Affairs should consider this matter. According to this draft, the ANC has 7 representatives, the DA 2, Cope 1, IFP 1 and remaining 8 parties is to be represented by 1 person. This smacks of manipulation to ensure a premeditated outcome. The principle of proportional representation has been completely violated, for instance how is it possible that the IFP and Cope to be allocated 1 representative each, yet Cope has more seats than the IFP in Parliament. The same applies to the parties who have 4 seats each in Parliament (UDM, ID, ACDP and FF+) and the rest with 1 seat each (namely the APC, MF, PAC and Azapo,) – they are told that they must have 1 person to represent all these stakeholders. It should be noted that each of these parties do not necessarily argue from the same point of view and their colleague in another party cannot hope to represent them fairly and accurately. In terms of the Electoral Act, the Electoral Court would have to, in one way or another, to play a role in this matter. We are therefore wondering whether it is not premature for the so-called Ad-Hoc Committee to even start deliberating the matter, instead of Parliament referring it to the Electoral Court. Parliament can then discuss the Court’s decision. Sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
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08 Oct, 2013
Uniting the Opposition
Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP (UDM President) to Leaders of the Opposition on uniting the opposition at Mannah Lodge, Kempton Park, Gauteng Presidents and leaders of Political Parties, Colleagues, Ladies and Gentlemen 1. INTRODUCTION We are gathered here to, amongst others, measure the progress we have made since the advent of democracy in South Africa. We need to assess whether we, as a Nation, are still on track in fulfilling the original agenda, which is to improve the lives of all South Africans. There have been some positive changes, but we are far from reaching the ideal that is described in our Constitution. We unfortunately see far too many incidents of racism, ethnic tendencies, nepotism, corruption, violence, crime, religious intolerance and the widening gap between the rich and the poor… the list goes on. 2. ASSESSING THE CURRENT POLITICAL LANDSCAPE The United Democratic Movement (UDM) believes that multi-party democracy is our only defence against one-party dominance and dictatorship – we are finely balanced between opportunity and disaster. Looking at the 2009 election results, we notice that the African National Congress (ANC) lost ground in eight out of the nine provinces. Unfortunately, most opposition parties failed to capitalise on this and the ANC managed to absorb its national setback with a very strong showing in KwaZulu-Natal. It is vital that we, as opposition parties, correctly analyse the State of the Nation and the status of the Multi-Party Forum in order to develop the best strategies for electoral victory in 2014. 3. HISTORY OF POLITICAL PARTIES WORKING TOGETHER You will recall that we established the first version of the Multi-Party Forum in 2008. This forum included parties from both inside and outside Parliament. A number of issues were discussed and agreed upon, those are: a. Party funding; b. Electoral reform; c. The Independent Electoral Commission’s (IEC’s) level of independence; d. The decision making powers of Political Liaison Committees (PLCs); e. The practical side of elections and the way in which they are run; f. The role of the media (e.g. the SABC and ICASA); g. Creating an enabling environment of participatory democracy and; h. Intra- and inter-party democracy. For more details on the aforementioned, I have brought copies of the: “Draft resolutions of the Multi-Party Forum with specified long and short-term goals as agreed upon at the meeting of the Multi-Party Forum with the Independent Electoral Commission on 7 April 2008”. Sadly most of these resolutions could not be implemented, because the ruling party and its IEC simply did not want to come to the table and talk sense. It is clear that we cannot continue to bat on this wicket; we need to take a different approach lest the outcome of this process ends in the same way. 4. LESSON LEARNT FROM 2009 ELECTION The results showed that the South African electorate wants a system where two large parties, of similar strength and size, compete for the mandate to govern. This proved to us that we should explore ways in which we could bring about such a balanced party political system. 5. WHY ARE WE HERE? The discussions we have had thus far, have led us to the point where we must now move forward and give the voters a clear picture of how we want to work together in future. We need to interrogate the various options on the table and be clear about what we want to present to the voters. Political leaders have made various statements and phrases like: “uniting the opposition”, “merging”, “cooperating”, “coalition”,“alternative”, “alliance” and “realignment” were bandied about. People have different understandings of what these concepts mean. In the meantime expectations have been raised with the South African electorate. People, who saw us working together on issues like the Information Bill, expect us to formalise our relationship. We have the challenge of finding each other, considering that we have different ideologies and philosophies. The advantage is that the precedent has been created in different places in the world where, political parties with different interests, work together without losing their identities. We have a perfect local example. Look at the ruling party, where communists, capitalists, traditionalists, liberals, unionists and even their old foe, the National Party, sit at the same table and speak with same language. We cannot deny that we have common concerns, amongst others: the economy, corruption, service delivery, unemployment, poverty, education, health, the environment and civil disobedience. I hope that we will leave this meeting today having agreed on how we will walk the road to 2014 and which route we will take. How will we “unite the opposition” and which model and vehicle will we use? What would our common language and message be? Would we be able to accommodate other stakeholders, such as civil society, labour, business, youth formations, traditional institutions, faith based organisations, special interest groups and the public at large, and how we will achieve this? 6. THE WAY FORWARD The UDM agrees that we should formalise our cooperation. We cannot afford the same mistake, where each party goes it alone (as we did in the past), because it would be a waste of valuable time and resources. We would miss an opportunity to make the paradigm shift needed to ensure that our Country and her people prosper. The UDM proposes that opposition parties contest the 2014 National and Provincial Elections under one banner, but that we retain our identities. This can be done by forming an alliance (we describe an alliance as a pact, coalition or friendship between two or more parties, made in order to advance common goals and to secure common interests). An alliance agreement, governing cooperation between the different stakeholders, should be drafted as soon as possible with a clear mission, vision and objectives and it should also define the role of each stakeholder. This would enable us to pursue a set of agreed upon goals, whilst each party retains their independence. Some of the benefits of such an alliance include, but are not limited to: a. Substantially improving competitiveness; b. Sharing competencies; and c. Bundling competencies and resources across provinces. However, the success of such an alliance depends on our ability to create a win-win outcome for all stakeholders. Formalising the current arrangement would guide our interaction with the public, because the current configuration creates confusion. Should there be consensus to form an alliance, as we proposed earlier, we should establish an umbrella body where all stakeholders contest the 2014 elections under one banner, without losing their identities. To achieve this we will have to register this umbrella body as a political party with the IEC. We must strive to be as inclusive as possible and we should champion equality and transparency: One thing is certain, if we agree on this course of action, we have an enormous task ahead of us and very little time to accomplish our goals. The responsibility of making this “project” work cannot rely on only one party. We will have to be practical and establish a Committee of Parties, that will act as a steering committee, which is mandated to among others: a) Facilitate the development of a name, logo, colours, vision, mission, core principles, etc.; b) Draft a memorandum of understanding/constitution/contract between stakeholders; c) Give a platform for stakeholders which they can use to reach consensus on issues of common interest; d) Coordinate, consult and interact with all stakeholders; e) Develop a strategy of how to approach organisations and bodies outside the sphere of politics; f) Develop mechanisms that will give structure to stakeholders’ participation in the 2014 elections, for example the compilation of candidates lists, fielding party agents, etc.; g) Develop a project plan with timeframes and deadlines; h) Develop a model for fundraising and putting the necessary checks and balances in place; i) Develop a communication and marketing strategy; j) Design an organisational structure, with subcommittees; k) Suggest a decision-making/leadership structure; l) Develop a mechanism to resolve deadlocks; m) Suggest an administrative support structure; n) Convene a plenary of stakeholders as and when necessary. 7. CONCLUSION We have heard several points of view today, and the UDM hereby tables its own. We are ready to contribute to the debate that follows. We must however remind ourselves that time is of the essence. South Africans are waiting to hear what the future holds. We must resolve on what we are going to do and we must do it soon. In the final analysis, our success depends on our ability to pursue electoral strategies that will help us develop a compelling vision for the future and revive public interest in politics. We should focus on that which unites us and not that which divides us – our common goal should be fulfilling the original agenda, which is to improve the quality life of all South Africans. Thank you.
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08 Oct, 2013
Provincial Council of the UDM in the Eastern Cape
Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP (UDM President) at a Provincial Council of the UDM in the Eastern Cape, Khanyisa High School, Mthatha on Sunday, 3 February 2013 Provincial Leaders of the UDM in the Eastern Cape UDM Regional-, District- and Branch Leaders Public representative of the Party UDM members 1. State of the Nation in brief We are nearing the end of the first term of Jacob Zuma as President of this Country. He repeatedly committed his government to address the high levels of poverty, to create jobs and to eradicate corruption. Yet we sit here today, having witnessed what has happened to South Africa with Jacob Zuma at the helm. The ruling party is running out of ideas to combat unemployment; our people still sit in the squalor of their poverty; and the levels of misappropriation of Government money and corruption have reached new heights. How can you say to the people: “We fight corruption” whilst you sit with your hand in the cookie jar. The ruling party and their leaders have become masters of the art of paying lip service. How is it possible for our Communications Minister to think that it is okay to award a tender to her boyfriend? Why is it somehow acceptable to have tuck shops, tennis courts and houses for extended families built at the expense of our people and call those national key points? Why do we allow some people to have unrestricted access to parastatal funds just because they have employed family members of the President? It now becomes apparent what the obsession with the Information Bill was: it is a case of wanting to hide that which they know is wrong by using legislation to achieve this. It reminds us of the old Apartheid laws. We have the task ahead of us to educate the citizens of this country. We must help them to understand how this abuse of state resources is affecting the image of this country and how it is being sold to highest bidder. They must understand how this looting spree affects them in their daily lives. Our education system is in a shambles and this province in particular used to have an education system that produced great leaders. We have all seen how this Government reacts to people whose voices are raised in concern – instead of going to the people with their ears open, they go with a closed fist. It seems as if ANC’s rule is being sustained by the state security forces, which brutally squash dissenting voices and have no qualm to take lives in the process. Instead of protecting our people from violence, they are the ones who attack our people. The United Democratic Movement (UDM), as well as other opposition parties, but mostly the South African public in general, must take a hard look at the status quo; make a thorough analysis and decide on what is next. President Zuma was given the opportunity to govern and he cannot get around the fact that he and his government have badly let South Africans down. We are standing at a crossroads and we have the opportunity to change our minds. Are we going to sit still and allow this state of affairs to go one? Or are we going to be brave and say: “No more!”; we deserve a good and effective government for the benefit or our people. 2. State of the Province 2.1. State of infrastructure, roads and railways Already in June 2009, the UDM told Parliament and President Jacob Zuma, of towns in the former Transkei that found themselves in an economic and service delivery crisis. We are now in 2013 and the people of this province still suffer the pangs of neglect by those trusted with the duty to deliver services. Whether you are from East London, Cape Town or Durban, the moment that you enter the Transkei you realise that you are entering the Third World. The N2 is a highway of death – with congestion and a road surface dotted with potholes and there are far too many accidents on the road between East London and Kokstad. The problem could be resolved with an electrified railroad between these centres and a new railroad built to connect Kokstad and Mthatha. The Eastern Cape health system is a travesty; the state of our education is amongst the poorest in the Country; electricity supply is insufficient, service delivery is atrocious; and so the list goes on. 2.2. The province’s budget For years we have lamented the Provincial Government’s inability to spend its budget in the right manner. We must now, however, ask whether this budget is sufficient in addressing the needs of the people. Is enough money allocated to, amongst other things, upgrade and maintain roads and railways, schools, hospitals, etc? 3. State of the UDM the Eastern Cape 3.1. Challenges facing the Party It is unfortunate that the UDM in the Eastern Cape has struggled to achieve the targets as set out in our Ascendancy Profile. Most of the external challenges are beyond our control, but we certainly are, or should be, able to control internal challenges. Politics are inherently competitive, but we should never loose sight of our vision: “We are the political home of all South Africans, united in the spirit of South Africanism by our common passion for our Country, mobilising the creative power inherent in our rich diversity, towards our transformation into a Winning Nation”. If we agree that this “project” is still worthwhile, we need to approach it in a fashion where, in the end, the Party is the winner. If we do not overcome the challenges facing us, we will not succeed in the 2014 National and Provincial Elections. 3.2. This Provincial Council We meet here today to discuss these internal challenges. We must be frank with each other; honest about our shortcomings and sincere in our commitment to build this organisation. One of our major obstacles has been that some people think the Party is their personal fiefdom. Another is our poor internal communication and the dissemination of information down to grassroots level. Good leadership involves the translation of plans into reality. A leader must understand his/her mandate and honour that mandate. Now, more than ever, the Party’s leaders in the Eastern Cape must get their act together, put their differences aside for the benefit of the UDM in preparation for the upcoming elections. 4. Realignment of the South African political landscape Before we tackle the realignment debate, I remind you that we must argue with the goal, of improving the quality of life for all South Africans, in mind. 4.1. History The UDM has been a proponent of political realignment since its inception. At our last National Congress, in 2010, we agreed that realignment is not the absorption of one party by another. The 2009 election results showed that the South African electorate wants a system where two large parties, of similar strength and size, compete for the mandate to govern. 4.2. Progress made by the Multi-Party Forum In recent months opposition parties increased their cooperation efforts by working together in Parliament. Most notably, we joined hands to oppose the Protection of State information Bill, as well as the motion of no confidence in the leadership of the President and that of the African National Congress. The Multi-Party Forum met on 25 January 2013 to discuss the way forward. We agreed on some common concerns, amongst others: the economy, corruption, service delivery, crime, unemployment, poverty, education, health, the environment and the recent displays of civil disobedience. 4.3. The National and Provincial Elections 2014 At the aforementioned Multi-Party Forum (MPF) meeting, the UDM proposed that opposition parties contest the 2014 National and Provincial Elections under one banner, but that we retain our individual identities. We agreed that we should consult with our structures and obtain the necessary mandate before our next MPF meeting on 12 February. In part, this is what we are doing today. To enrich our discussions, I have brought a compilation of documents that gives the details of the UDM’s long standing views on realignment. 5. Conclusion We are standing at the precipice of making the paradigm shift required to make a positive change for South Africa’s democracy. I wish you the fortitude needed to be honest about your commitment to the original agenda, which is the bettering the quality of life of all South Africans, and in particular the citizens of this great province. I thank you
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08 Oct, 2013
Reply to the State of the Nation Address
Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP (UDM President) to Parliament in reply to the State of the Nation Address on 19 February 2013 Mister Speaker, Mister President and Deputy President and Honourable Members Mister President, I would like to extend my sincere congratulations on your re-election as the President of the African National Congress (ANC) at the party’s 2012 Mangaung Conference. It was gratifying to see that, contrary to popular belief and media speculation; the Conference was peaceful. Coming back to the business of the day, South Africans from all walks of life have over the past few days shared their views on your 2013 State of the Nation Address. In this regard, the United Democratic Movement (UDM) would like to add its voice by proposing solutions to some of the critical issues affecting South Africa. In doing so, we will avoid rehashing and repeating what has already been said. The overreliance of state departments on consultants and independent contractors requires urgent attention. According to the Auditor General’s report, national government departments spent R33.5 billion on consultants between 2009 and 2011, whilst provincial departments spent another R68.5 billion. In other words, government departments spent a staggering R102 billion on consultants during that period. This is a damning indictment of a modern day public administration. It is also clear that there are serious structural and organisational deficiencies which cause departments to procure the services of consultants to do that which the taxpayers pay them to do. The Public Service Commission should be requested to investigate and write a report on the causes of this overreliance of state departments on consultants and independent contractors. The truth of the matter, Mr President, is that the goals of the National Development Plan will not be realised if Government continues to appoint incompetent people. The billions of Rands wasted on consultants could have been used to create jobs. While on the subject of job creation, we believe that it is possible to reduce unemployment. This can be done by Government refurbishing all the abandoned factories in areas such as Dimbaza, Butterworth, Queenstown and Mthatha in the Eastern Cape; KwaMhlanga in Mpumalanga; Ekurhuleni in Gauteng; Thohoyandou in Limpopo and Mmabatho in North West with a view to create jobs for the youth. We should partner with leading international companies in textile- and steel manufacturing industries, in a mentorship programme for the youth. Upon completion of this mentorship programme graduates should be put in charge of these factories. The much talked about youth wage subsidy should be structured in a way that accommodates a programme of this nature. In the past, a lot of raw materials were processed domestically, but today these factories close in droves. The common denominator is their inability to compete with imports from countries where their governments subsidise their products. We are concerned about the business community’s perceived preference of employing foreign nationals over South Africans. This trend has been observed in industries like security and hospitality in particular. We need to address this as it has serious implications for social cohesion. We have to consider whether businesses should not be compelled to ensure that sixty to seventy percent of their staff complement is made-up of South Africans. We must also deal with the tensions caused by the takeover of businesses in townships, small towns and rural areas by foreign nationals. These tensions are created by, amongst other factors, the fact that these businesses do not create jobs for local people – they are run by the foreign owners and their families. There has been much talk about the greening programme for South Africa. Packaged properly, these programmes have the potential to create job opportunities for semi-skilled workers. Such job opportunities could range from projects to combat soil erosion to creating community forests, and so on. You mentioned infrastructure development as one of Government’s apex priorities. It would help public debate as well as progress monitoring, if Government publishes the infrastructure development map including projects that are run by State Owned Enterprises (SoEs). For example, last year I wrote you a letter requesting your infrastructure committee to consider building a railway between Mthatha, Kokstad, Queenstown and East London. The purpose of the railway line would be to improve public transport in these areas and reduce traffic thus reducing the high rate of accidents on the N2. The development of a monitoring mechanism is very important Mr President in that it enables one to keep track of progress. For instance, are you aware that the company that was tasked with the construction of the Mthatha Airport terminal building has left the work unfinished? We are however pleased with the progress made by the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) on the runway. While still on the subject of infrastructure development, today I received a letter from Mr Muthala, Principal of the Tshadama Secondary School in the Vhembe District of Limpopo. Mr Muthala talks about the difficulties facing the teachers and 480 learners in eight classrooms. The school has been teaching many of its learners under trees. Despite these challenges, it managed to achieved a 100% pass rate in physical sciences and this without a laboratory. Their overall pass rate for 2011 was 69% and this increased to 96% in 2012. The school claims that the Education Department has not helped it with the request to build extra classrooms. Mr President, I have the pleasure of handing you this letter so that you can ask the relevant departments to look into it. We have taken note of your announcement that you will deal decisively with violent protests and strikes. According to the Multi-Level Government Initiative (which tracked protests in South Africa between February 2007 and August 2012) in the first eight months of last year, a total of 79.2% of protests turned violent. In other words, in eight out of ten service delivery protests ended up in violence. This unprecedented increase in service delivery protests, together with the use of violence, is cause for concern. Not only are the poor are unhappy with the levels of corruption, maladministration and poor service delivery, at the various Government levels, but they are so desperate for Government’s attention that they resort to violent civil disobedience. We look forward to seeing Government taking steps to address the underlying causes of this problem. We ought to ensure that our efforts to create peace and prosperity in the world do not distract us from our primary mandate of ensuring the safety and security of South Africans. I thank you.
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08 Oct, 2013
Human Rights Day
Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP at the celebration of Human Rights Day at Marikana, North West on 21 March 2013 Programme Director, Deputy President, Secretary General, UDM National Executive Committee Members, UDM Public Representatives and members of the Party, People of the Bojanala Region Fellow South Africans Thank you to all of you who have come today to make this celebration possible. The structures of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) in the North West in particular have worked very hard to bring us all together; thank you. To our Secretary General, Mr Bongani Msomi, our National Treasurer, Mrs Thandi Nontenja, a special word of thanks for the hard work and hours of sweat. HUMAN RIGHTS IN SOUTH AFRICA Human Rights Day is a reminder of the tragic 1960 Sharpeville Massacre, in which the police opened fire and killed 69 people at a peaceful demonstration against the apartheid pass laws. Today, South Africans of all races use this day to celebrate our unique Constitution which gives equal rights to all. We also take stock of the progress we made to promote, develop and protect human rights in South Africa. Despite the quantum leap from an oppressive regime to one of the most liberal constitutions in the world, human rights violations in South Africa occur all too frequently. INEQUALITY OF SOUTH AFRICA’S CITIZENS It cannot be denied that much has been done for our people, but we must be honest and say that there are too many of us that have no houses, no access to water and sanitation, others walks miles to get to hospitals and clinics, children are taught in mud schools and people don’t have jobs. Millions of our people go to bed on an empty stomach. We all know that poverty is the greatest human rights violation. Co-existing with these high levels of poverty, is extreme inequality, with the gap between the rich and poor widening on a daily basis. ROLE OF UNIONS Another issue related to human rights is the critical question of how best to put the majority citizens in the mainstream of the economy. That said, it is worth noting that the Lonmin workers decided to take the fight about remuneration and working conditions to their employers. You took it upon yourselves to unshackle the workers from the yoke of poverty and inequality. It was brave of you to bypass the middleman, the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), when you realised that it was no longer serving your best interests. It is encouraging to see that you continue to fight for your rights despite the challenges facing you. However, you should remember that removing the middleman was just the first step. One of the most critical steps in this process, is that you should continue to familiarise yourselves with the laws of the land. This is extremely important in helping you to frame the appropriate response to whatever challenges come your way. In this regard, we commend the leadership of the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU) for the sterling work in guiding and supporting you during the negotiations. Mining houses must invest more to cultivate direct relationships with their employees. We call on the management of mines to have an open-door policy and give their employees the opportunity to talk about the matters close to their hearts. I would, however, like to give you a word of advice on the controversial issue pertaining to the access, or lack thereof, of the mineworkers’ to a provident fund worth R22 billion and NUM’s investments schemes. For many years I have been helping ex-mineworkers to claim for their pension funds without success. It is worrying that none of these ex-mineworkers have ever benefited from these schemes of the investment arms of the trade unions. I have yet to come across a mineworker who has received dividends from these investments. It seems as if some trade unions are using workers as their cash cows. This is daylight robbery! We must say NO to this exploitation of workers! In this regard, I would advise you to approach the Farlam Commission and request it to summon the South African Chamber of Mines, NUM, the Department of Labour and the Department of Health to explain where the workers’ monies are. The root of the unhappiness that led to unnecessary deaths of mineworkers was the conditions of service and as such we expect that the Commission would be keen to assist you to trace your invested monies. Even if it means that Judge Farlam must ask the President to extend the Commission’s terms of reference to cater for this important matter. NATIONALISATION OF MINES – SHARING IN THE WEALTH The debate around the nationalisation of mines has been raging for quite some time and I bet that last word was not said at Mangaung. As long as there is no transparency about who really benefits from mining in South Africa, this problem will not go away. Our fathers have been working in these shafts for years without reaping the benefits from this wealth. It seems that we were foolish to think that after 1994 things would change. Instead we see a selected few, parachuted into the mining industry under the guise of Black Economic Empowerment (BEE), who have absolutely not ownership and no control. Perhaps, if we had share schemes for the mineworkers we would be talking a different language today. It is for this reason that the UDM has been calling for an economic indaba, on the same scale as Codesa, so that we can thresh out these contentious issues. A GOVERNMENT MAKES IT WORSE INSTEAD OF BETTER The ANC-led government’s decision after 1994 to hastily remove subsidies from key industries, such as agriculture, textile, and so on, is on of the reasons for high levels of poverty and unemployment. To make matters worse, the money Government used to pay for the subsidies is now being channelled to dysfunctional institutions and cadre enrichment schemes. The Tripartite Alliance has also institutionalised corruption, in that, through its investment arms it is always first in line for government tenders. This means that the ANC is both player and referee. The current government does not have its priorities straight. Even if you look at the budget allocations of provinces, there seems to be disparity between what the requirements are and how much resources are given. One can only be baffled when you hear of another elite project to be launched that will line the pockets of the Comrades in Corruption. MARIKANA MASSACRE We stand today on piece of ground that has seen much heartache and sadness. What happened here is a stark reminder of how easily human rights are infringed upon. It is unfortunate that the voices of the people are so suppressed, not only in Marikana, but in other parts of the Country. It reminds us of the Apartheid era, when the Government did not want to listen to its people and they abused their power by sending the police to silence the people. By doing this, the Government played the police against the people and destroyed the hard-earned trust. The Farlam Commission would have failed in its duty if it does not scratch deep enough to determine the extent of involvement of the political heads of this Country in sending the security forces to crush peaceful protests. CONCLUSION In the past, no opposition party would have been given a chance to speak to the people of this area. We thank AMCU for their non-partisanship and that they made it possible for political leaders and other stakeholders to talk to the mineworkers. As a result of this attitude, you now know that you have monies that are due to you. As we leave here today, we must live the dream that is described in our Bill of Rights. The Bill of Rights is the cornerstone of our democracy and enshrines the rights of ALL the people of this country; it affirms the value of human dignity, equality and freedom. It is no good to pay lip service and say: “Never again”. We must each have our rights, but we also have our responsibilities as citizens of this Country. We must work hard to find each other and make South Africa a Winning Nation. I thank you.
Admin
08 Oct, 2013
Parliamentary Debate on deployment of SA National Defence Force to Central African Republic
Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP in the Parliamentary Debate on deployment of SA National Defence Force to Central African Republic 23 April 2013 Mister Speaker, Mister President and Honourable Members, “They had gone to CAR to assist. We never anticipated that we would be attacked. Somebody said when they were interviewing me, is it that maybe we were failed by our intelligence that had not picked up that we were going to be attacked”. This is what the Honourable Minister of Defence told the Nation two weeks ago. The Minister would have given better answers had she demanded an operational report from her Commanders. Her argument that she “did not anticipate to be attacked” is incomprehensible, considering that the CAR government briefed her of the imminent offensive from the rebel forces during her visit to that country late last year. It was during this meeting that the CAR government requested reinforcement from the South Africa government. The Minister came back and briefed the President about this request. Subsequently, President Zuma announced the deployment of an additional 400 troops in CAR with the mandate to disarm, demobilise and integrate the rebel forces into the army as well as protect the SANDF’s 26 trainers in CAR. Given this unambiguous mandate, it is puzzling to hear the Honourable Minister claim that she and her Commanders did not anticipate to be attacked. The existence of the operational report mentioned above would have given us specifics on details about the people who failed our troops in CAR and in the process disgraced our country. This report is important if we are to avoid making similar mistakes in future and to ensure that we take punitive steps against those who did not carry out orders. The same report would interrogate the allegations that our troops were deployed in that country to protect former President Bozizé and the business interests and assets of some politically connected South Africans. While talking of former President Bozizé, he made a startling revelation in December last year, when he publicly complained that his government was being targeted for giving mining rights to South Africa and China. The question now remains: “To what extent have these mining rights been diverted away from South African State owned mining companies in favour of a select few politically connected individuals and companies, such as Chancellor House, as reported?” It is becoming a norm in the African continent for countries to help other countries in exchange for their resources. In light of all the above, we should ask ourselves whether our presence in CAR served national interests or narrow party political interests. However, the reluctance of Government to establish a Commission of Inquiry to look into this matter compels us to be in agreement with those who claim that our troops in CAR were used to ensure that the looting spree in that country continued unabated. I wish to conclude by stating that, no amount of cover-ups and misinformation will prevent the truth about what happened in CAR from eventually coming out. Thank you.
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