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11 Nov, 2016
UDM on resignation of Eskom CEO, Brian Molefe
Statement by President Bantu Holomisa, MP The United Democratic Movement, noted the reported resignation of Mr. Brian Molefe, the Chief Executive Officer of Eskom. The damning revelations in the report of the Public Protector on the State of Capture and the subsequent remedial actions therein, are unbearable. Whilst, his office has informed the nation, that his resignation is not an admission of wrong doing; the UDM is of the firm view that Eskom in general and Mr. Molefe in particular featured extensively in the report of the State of Capture. We hope that many others, like him, who are implicated by the report will do the right thing, and go home. Mr. Zuma must lead by example in this regard, and resign. However, resignation should not exonerate anyone from accounting and taking full responsibility for their actions during their time in office. Whilst we welcome his departure, we strongly believe that his institutional knowledge and memory, will assist the judicial inquiry into the State of Capture. Accordingly, we hope that he will fully cooperate with the Independent Judicial Commission to be instituted by the President as determined by the Public Protector. End
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10 Nov, 2016
Motion of no confidence in the President in terms of section 102 (2) of the Constitution of South Africa
Address by Bantu Holomisa, MP Madam Speaker, Deputy President and hon members Two weeks ago, the president misled the nation, during the NCOP question session when he claimed that he was never given an opportunity to present his side of the story to the Public Protector. We now know with evidence in our hands that this is contrary to the facts as they are also confirmed by the audio version of the report. In normal democracies, this is an act of perjury and punishable through impeachment. Many South Africans have long lost confidence in the leadership of this monumentally flawed president. We also heard, from amongst others, the mouth of the ANC Chief Whip, that many branches of his party have also lost confidence in his leadership and are calling for his removal. President Zuma, the ANC and the world over, must know that South Africans reject to be led by an irreparably damaged leader. However, the ruling clique on this side of the house, is behaving like wolves, screaming in unison, to defend one of theirs at the expense of the country. They are showing South Africans a middle finger. Another confusion is being made by the party Secretary General, who on the one hand calls for his leader to follow his conscience yet his party members in this house are blocked from thinking. It begs a question, how many and to what extent are the apex leaders of the ANC are contaminated by the actions of their flawed leader. This crisis is only equal to the collective conscience of all the citizens. In this regard, UDM calls on all citizens, irrespective of their political persuasions, not to abdicate their historic and fundamental civic responsibilities. We must find a common point of convergence to defend our hard won democracy. The remaining months to 2019 must be about re-claiming our collective freedoms, and I dare say, there is a lot to be done. We support the motion. I thank you
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02 Nov, 2016
Address by Bantu Holomisa at the March Against State Capture
Fellow South Africans We are here today to talk about the challenges we face as a Nation and we wish to send a strong message to Government. Our Nation finds itself on the slippery slope of corruption, lawlessness, anarchy and dissatisfaction. We must capture the lost ground of the past 22 years. We are frustrated. We are tired. We are hungry. We don’t have houses. We don’t have jobs. Election promises that were made, such as free education, have not realised. Our resources are syphoned out of the Country at the expense of our people. The agencies, that are there to protect the interest of the public, are being openly abused and/or undermined. We want things to be better. We want our people to be happy and to be proud South Africans. The big question is: can we trust the current establishment to lead the nation out of this quagmire? For instance, instead of delegating representatives of Government to talk to dissatisfied citizens, they dispatch the police. The Marikana example, and other related incidents, remain the tragic products of this style of leadership. Must this country wait for the ruling party’s congress next year for them to elect new leadership whilst the country is burning in the meantime. Even if they choose new leadership, there is no guarantee that those new leaders will be able to address the current challenges. If not for the work of the opposition parties in Parliament, the situation would have been worse; but it can no longer be the opposition parties alone, being tasked to find solutions. Don’t you think it is each of our responsibility, as citizens of the country, to work together in finding solutions? All sectors of civil society should participate in a dialogue. During the negotiations, after the Municipal Elections of 2016, the African Christian Democratic Party, the Congress of the People, the Democratic Alliance, the Economic Freedom Fighters, the Freedom Front Plus, the Inkatha Freedom Party, the United Democratic Movement and the United Front, agreed in principle that it is necessary for the Nation to meet. In this regard, we proposed that a National Convention should be held as a platform to discuss the problems facing South Africa today. Some of the issues we need to talk about date back to the Codesa era. We can no longer afford a situation where discussions around South Africa’s problems devolve into a talk-shop or yet another useless bosberaad. Should there be an emerging consensus at the proposed National Convention that there is a need to change legislation, it should go straight to Parliament for ratification. We must not lose momentum. We must harness the energy we’ve generated thus far, and use it to find solutions to the current challenges. For anyone who is interested in reading more about the concept of the National Convention, the proposal that the UDM sent to other political leaders yesterday, is available on https://udm.org.za/road-map-towards-south-african-national-convention-udm-perspective/. Thank you Delivered at St Alban’s Cathedral, Pretoria
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01 Nov, 2016
Road map: towards the South African National Convention: A UDM perspective
This document is a suggestion of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) to find a way towards the hosting of a National Convention, as agreed upon in the Co-governance Agreement for Local Government between the several political partners. INTRODUCTION The participating political parties have agreed on four main challenges confronting South Africa i.e. poverty, unemployment, inequality and corruption, which requires that the nation unites around a strategic and fundamental interventionist programme of action. Our constitutional democracy is unitary in nature with elements of federalism. Government, the organs of state, legislation, the role of Chapter Nine Institutions and the national fiscus, fall within the national sphere. Accordingly, and if any strategic intervention is to be made, to aggressively address the four challenges, such intervention must be done at a national level – both in terms of form and content. After our meeting on 7 August 2016, of the Congress of the People, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), the United Front (UF), as well as the UDM, we developed a framework to form the basis of any discussions about co-operation and/or coalition. The aim of this proposal was to guide these parties in case they were approached by either the African National Congress (ANC) and/or the Democratic Alliance (DA) about the possibility of forming part of governments in certain municipalities. Our goal was to obtain a commitment to finding answers to the various challenges facing South African on the short, medium and long term. There is no denial that some national issues impact daily on how local government operates, e.g. water, land, electricity, environment, etc. During that period of negotiation, other parties joined this initiative, such as the African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP), the Freedom Front Plus (FF+) and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP). Our discussions culminated in an agreement that was signed with the DA. The ANC was however not interested in engaging with us about our wish-list. The EFF, in the end, did not form part of any coalitions, but they indicated that they would support other parties in countering the ANC in municipal councils. The coalition partners agreed that after municipal governments were put in place, we would meet again to map the way forward in implementing the goals we articulated in our agreement. Some of the key issues, that were identified during out talks, were however not within the ambit of local government, but could only be addressed at a national level. As was articulated in our co-governance agreement: “These challenges include, but are not confined to, land reform, electoral reform, education and how it is financed, the independence of Chapter 9 Institutions, and the professionalization of the civil service.” One of the stated goals was to hold a National Convention to address these and other issues of national importance. There is no doubt that the agreements that culminated in the new dispensation were not cast in stone, they served a certain purpose at that point in the time. There are however still challenges that impact today and we need to review those decisions. An evaluation of the past 22 years, and identifying inherent deficiencies in the management of government, is a complex exercise that needs to have stakeholders give input so that we arrive at a holistic solution to South Africa’s problems. Some of the frustrations are people express with civil disobedience and the general anarchy are attributed to the agreements that were made at Codesa. The complaints about the lack of economic emancipation, struggles to get access funding, as well as land and property issues are well documented. We hear calls such as that the ANC sold out the people and that some of the concessions made, were not in the interest of the disenfranchised masses. THE PURPOSE OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION A National Convention will provide a platform for stakeholders from all sectors of society, and South Africans in general, to find each other and map a way towards: • Economic emancipation of all South Africans; • Eliminating corruption • Land reform and property ownership; • Bolstering Chapter Nine Institutions; • Basic and Higher Education • Health and social welfare • Professionalization of the civil service; • Electoral reform; • Legislation governing the funding of political parties; and • Any other matters of national interest. We cannot deny that many policies have been developed and then chopped-and-changed. As an example, let us look at the Reconstruction and Development (RDP) programme right through to the latest National Development Plan (NDP). But this constant shifting of the goal-posts and the tensions between government, labour and business, scuppers implementation time and again. PARTICIPANTS AT THE NATIONAL CONVENTION To achieve the objective of maximum participation in the proposed National Convention and to ensure buy-in, the participation of the following participants is envisaged (but are not limited to): • Government departments (at all three tiers); • Parliament and provincial legislatures; • The National Planning Commission; • All Parastatals; • Chapter Nine Institutions; • Financial institutions like the Reserve Bank; • National Development Council; • Professional Associations and Governing Bodies; • The Judiciary; • Business; • Religious communities; • The media • Traditional institutions and bodies; • Labour and unions; • Civil Society and Non-Governmental Organisations; • Institutions of higher learning (Intellectual community) and student bodies; • Special interest groups and issue based organisations; • Women and youth based organisations; • Political parties; and • The South African citizenry. Certainly, to resolve the chronic challenges confronting our nation, we need to tap into our collective wisdom. Codesa delivered political freedom, but more still has be done with regards to economic emancipation and our economic policies in general. For instance, the divergent opinions of business, labour and government creates a situation where there is no consensus on what kind of macro-economic policy South Africa should have. The intention must be to ensure that all South Africans can participate fully in determining their future. In this regard, the National Convention will be a tool to ensure maximum and meaningful participation of all stakeholders. COORDINATION OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION: NOT ANOTHER TALK-SHOP For a proper and a productive dialogue at a forum of this magnitude, the following important points must be considered: • As the initiators of project, the participating political parties, should have a meeting with Leader of Government Business in Parliament, Mr Cyril Ramaphosa, as soon as possible to unpack the idea of a National Convention and garner government support. • A National Convention Planning Committee (NCPC) should be appointed and convened to develop a framework to guide all participants at the proposed National Convention and plan what form it should take. • The NCPC should meet and discuss the appointment of an independent person with a certain gravitas as its chairperson. For instance, a person such as retired Chief Justice Ngcobo could be considered as a person who would ensure impartiality and who has the necessary knowledge and wisdom to make sure that participants, with divergent and/or conflicting ideas, can engage constructively and reach consensus. • This is a long-overdue exercise where we can make introspection as a nation. Government must fund the proposed National Convention, because a sponsorship model will not work. A scenario where a company could sponsor the event, but would also wish to be a participant, might be accused of “buying” influence to ensure a certain outcome. • It would be realistic to have the proposed National Convention somewhere in 2017/18. • The proposed National Convention cannot be just another talk-shop or a useless bosberaad. Should consensus emerge on the issues discussed, immediate action (with attending time-frames) should be taken to ensure that that the National Convention’s resolutions are implemented. For instance, if there is legislation that needs to be changed, Government must set the ball rolling as soon as possible. Such resolutions should not be subjected to more ideological debates in Parliament and changes to existing legislation should be ratified without delay. • The National Convention will also have to mandate the NCPC to manage and monitor the implementation of its resolutions. • The NCPC must always accountable to the National Convention, in other words, the people of South Africa. CONCLUSION We need to capture the lost ground. South Africa has been on the slippery slope with scandal after scandal, even at the highest office, and we need to reignite South Africans’ pride in their Country and confidence in government. We need to convince the world that South Africa is a well-run state and a worthwhile investment destination and not a junk status nation. The National Convention must emerge with a comprehensive blue print for a flourishing South Africa. We must remain committed to the Country and its citizenry and always put South Africa first. Thank you Prepared by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP – UDM President
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28 Oct, 2016
Bridging the gap: advancing civil military relations to deepen democracy
Address by Mr B Holomisa, MP (UDM President) at the Civil Military Relations Conference 2016,CSIR International Convention Centre, Pretoria on 27 and 28 October 2016 · Programme Director, · Chairperson of the Defence Force Service Commission, Professor Van Harte, · Colleagues, · Ladies and Gentlemen 1. Introduction Allow me to join the Chairperson of the Defence Force Service Commission in thanking the sponsors who made this event possible. As I was seated here yesterday, I was reminded of the time in 2009, when our soldiers marched on the Union Buildings. I was called on the day and requested by the President (through the then Minister of Defence, Ms Lindiwe Sisulu) to join other South Africans in trying to solve the problems raised by the aggrieved soldiers. We have travelled a long distance since then. A special word of thanks to our main sponsor, Saab, a Swedish company. As we all know Sweden played a leading role in supporting the struggle to liberate the country. 2.Apartheid and the military of yesteryear Before the dawn of our new democracy, the Apartheid government had readily, and unscrupulously, used its armed forces to implement its schemes against the liberation movements, anti-apartheid activists and the homelands that collaborated with the liberation movements. Heart wrenching testimony at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) revealed that their missions included train massacres, hostel and township violence, the permanent isolation of freedom fighters and the murder of “enemies of the state” such as the Cradock Four. I have personal experience of this and you can Google how many people from the South African security forces of the previous government, testified at the TRC about plots to assassinate me. 3.Civilian oversight in the reconstitution and management of the military after 1994 The amalgamation of the South African Defence Force, the Bantustan security forces, as well as the armed wings of the African National Congress, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania and the Inkatha Freedom Party, was challenging in itself. But, because of the Apartheid stigma attached to the military, and other paramilitary organisations, the new government placed disproportionate emphasis on civilian oversight. South Africa ended up with several statutory bodies that form part of civilian oversight, such as: 1. the Ministry of Defence and Military Veterans, 2. the Portfolio Committee on Defence and Military Veterans, 3. the Joint Standing Committee on Defence, 4. the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence, 5. our Commander in Chief, the President, 6. Parliament itself, 7. the Defence Force Service Commission (DFSC), 8. the Military Ombud, and then of course 9. the media. We all agree that civilian oversight is essential, but it cannot be at the expense of the safety of South Africa’s borders and our citizens. Indeed, all the aforementioned bodies, must at all times ensure that the SANDF is in a constant state of readiness. This principle is internationally applied. For us, the question should be: is it necessary for an out-and-out civilian to function as the military’s accounting officer as an additional step to safeguard civilian oversight? There are several examples, in other countries, where this works well, but this is because of their culture of conscription. This means that the managers at the helm of the armed forces are steeped in military strategy and administration. This is enforced by the relevant lawmakers who are also products of the practice of conscription. In my view, this arrangement does not work in South Africa. Simple things like, delays in approving requisitions, disagreements on what the necessities are and a Secretary for Defence (SecDef) who is constantly abroad, adversely impacts on the SANDF’s capacity to fulfil its mandate. As a result of delays, and a lack of decisive leadership at SecDef-level, much needed funds are sometimes returned to National Treasury. When we moved around the military bases across the country, as part of our work as the DFSC, we engaged with SANDF personnel. They made it abundantly clear that there is too much bureaucracy involved and that it is in conflict with military culture. Given this situation, Parliament may have to review this area and perhaps consider making the Chief of the SANDF its accounting officer. This will eliminate the situation where Minster has to waste her time to mediate between the SecDef and the SANDF Chief, as she alluded to yesterday. 4. Parliament’s role in civilian oversight All state institutions are accountable to Parliament and it is therefore incumbent upon it to ensure that the SANDF operates within the law and does abuse its power. Parliament’s oversight work, however, does not start and end with legislation, it also includes the actual exercise of its influence on the organs of state that fall within this portfolio. It further includes monitoring, investigation and making recommendations on how defence challenges could be addressed. 5.Consultation with Parliament Parliament must demand to be kept abreast of South Africa’s involvement in United Nations and the African Union’s peacekeeping efforts, as well as involvement in conflict situations before troops are deployed. However, instead of being briefed in the House, we read of military deployments in the papers and then, after the fact, Parliamentarians would get the information in annual reports. This is not good enough. To make matters worse, there are plenty examples where Parliament only gets roped in once things have gone wrong. This happened, for example, when the South African government, in 2013, assisted François Bozizé in the Central African Republic and thirteen of our paratroopers were killed in Bangui. For Parliament to fulfil its oversight mandate, it is important that it has timeous and sufficient information. This demands transparency on the part of the Department of Defence, the Minister and the military’s top brass. Side-lining Parliament is dangerous and it makes accountability impossible. 6.The Arms Deal: As a striking example of the lack of consultation There is a strong impression that the Executive runs roughshod over Parliament. For instance, in 1999, the Department of Finance warned the responsible Cabinet Sub-Committee about the risks involved in the Arms Deal. Yet, they went ahead with the deal, in spite of this sound advice. Parliament was never asked to sanction the deal. It had only exercised its oversight function in relation to the charges of corruption and conflicts of interest around the transactions. Aside from the obvious problems, one also has to consider the ArmsDeal’s shopping list, which consisted of boats, submarines, helicopters and fighter aircraft. These are the tools of the navy and the airforce. Why did the army, which operates on land, not get apparatus such as armoured trucks, personnel carriers and so forth? Because of this ill-advised arms purchase, and constant budget cuts over the years, the army has backlogs in maintaining and updating their prime mission equipment. On a side note: not only are South Africans still servicing the R70billiondebt, but we must also pay for the costs of the SeritiCommission of Inquiry that amounted to almost R140million. 7.Dissatisfaction within the SANDF Tension between defence management and military unions must be speedily alleviated. Parliament, as part of its oversight function, has a responsibility to harmonise these relationships. Parliamentarians should also be concerned that, on the one hand, troops complain about commanders and, on the other hand, commanders complain about the lack of disciple within the ranks. The conditions of employment of our servicemen and women are not up to scratch. There is a constant stream of complaints about the state of their equipment and poor training. Parliament has a role to play in addressing these matters. 8.The SANDF’s budget There is, what has been described as, a persistent disconnect between the defence mandate, government’s expectations and the allocation of resources. In addition, the Executive and National Treasury should not willy-nilly cut the military budget without applying their minds, because it appears as if there is a lack of understanding of what our defence priorities are. When statements are made such as: the staff complement of the SANDF should be reduced by 10,000 members, one cannot help but wonder on what research such decisions are based. Despite socio-economic conditions, South Africa should earmark at least 2% of its GDP to the defence budget. This is in line with international standards. If the question is asked: “Where should the money come from?”, we just have to think of the fact that government departments wasted R35,2billion (in the 2015/16 financial year) on consultants, travel, catering and entertainment. The call by the Minister of Finance for financial discipline should be heeded and wasteful government spending must be stopped. Political decision-makers should open their ears and listen when our military commanders warn that South Africa’s defence budget is insufficient. Parliament has a role to play in ensuring that the budget is adequate so that our defence requirements are accommodated. 9.Who should champion the SANDF’s cause? Given Parliament’s oversight role, our Members of Parliament (MPs) are the logical people to fulfil this important function. The Portfolio Committee on Defence and Military Veterans should be more assertive in championing the cause of our servicemen and women. In general, Parliamentarians must familiarise themselves with the challenges that the SANDF face by visiting our military bases. I think they will be shocked to see the state of disrepair of infrastructure and equipment; even looking at simple things such as the habitability of barracks. MPs must also acquaint themselves with the work of the Defence Force Service Commission, so that they can exert pressure on the Minister and the Department of Defence and Military Veterans, to implement the recommendations of the Commission. 10.Conclusion If we are to succeed in bridging the gap and advance civil military relations, in a manner that deepens democracy, we require a collective effort with an unwavering commitment to our country and her people. Thank you
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28 Oct, 2016
Councils disruptions: UDM condemns ANC barbaric acts
Councils disruptions: UDM condemns ANC barbaric acts The United Democratic Movement (UDM) condemns in the strongest terms, the ANC’s barbaric acts in councils designed to introduce administration by the African National Congress government. This destabilization Programme is clear – ANC just cannot accept the recent elections results. So ungovernability – is their motto. ANC’s programme is clear if one were to consider that the destabilisation happened in three Metros that the ruling party lost during the local government elections that is; Greater Johannesburg, Tshwane and the Nelson Mandela Metro. This is unfortunate since the ANC is supposed to be the custodians of our democracy. We cannot allow aligned unions to the ANC to be part of the destabilisation and threat to the newly installed metro administration as we have witnessed in Tshwane yesterday. The ANC leadership must take responsibility of what has occurred in these metros and as UDM, we expect the ANC to apologise to the South Africans and such acts are putting our democracy at risk. We call for punitive actions to be taken against the ruling party’s councillors who are culprits. It time that ANC accepts the defeat and move on. Statement issued by: Mr Bongani Msomi UDM Secretary General
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18 Oct, 2016
#FeesMustFall: UDM asks Speaker to release MPs to assist in finding solutions
Honourable Baleka Mbete, MP Speaker of the National Assembly PO Box 15 Cape Town 8000 Dear Madam Speaker #FeesMustFall: REQUEST FOR URGENT DEPLOYMENT OF MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT TO INTERVENE AND ASSIST IN FINDING SOLUTIONS A precedent was created last year, during the terrible xenophobic attacks where we, as the Parliament of the People, were dispatched to calm the situation and try to find solutions to the problems we faced as a nation. Whilst the United Democratic Movement (UDM) supports the principle of free education, the #FeesMustFall campaign, in its current form, is out of control. The fact that the academic year has been interrupted and the destruction of learning infrastructure, personal injury, arson and vandalism is unacceptable. The UDM believes that the current state of affairs at our tertiary institutions warrants urgent attention and that we do everything in our power to try to find a speedy and lasting solution. We have a responsibility as leaders in our communities to see if we cannot find independent persons to mediate between students, institutional representatives and government stakeholders. While we understand the heavy workload of Parliamentarians ahead of the Medium-term Budget Policy Statement later this month, we request that Members of Parliament be sent to our communities and the affected institutions to speak to the citizens of our country and the disillusioned students. We all have a responsibility to build a South Africa in which we all look forward to the sunrise of our tomorrow. Your sincerely, Mr Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP UDM Chief Whip
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16 Oct, 2016
ANC must take action: Zuma must go!
We have been watching one after the other Zuma-scandal hitting South Africa. The United Democratic Movement believes that the proximity of the Zuma and Gupta families is creating uncertainty – with even cabinet ministers not singing from the same hymnbook. It is clear that Mr Zuma is no longer in control and the nation is on autopilot. The African National Congress must wake up and ask Mr Zuma to step down; or they must recall him immediately. Statement issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
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