Admin
13 Feb, 2026
SONA2026: vision has been declared. Delivery will decide
Statement by Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP, UDM Deputy President and Leader in Parliament The 2026 State of the Nation Address was characteristically vision driven, aspirational and wide ranging. President Cyril Ramaphosa once again laid out an ambitious reform agenda across the economy, crime prevention, local government, infrastructure, agriculture, public service reform and social protection. The difficulty, however, has never been the quality of the vision. The difficulty has consistently been implementation. South Africa has heard many turning point speeches over the past decade. Each one has identified the correct problems. Each one has proposed the appropriate frameworks. Yet departments have repeatedly failed in execution, coordination and accountability. That is the central concern the United Democratic Movement (UDM) raises in response to this address. On the economy, President Ramaphosa points to improved macroeconomic indicators, investment commitments and infrastructure allocations. These are welcome developments. However, macro stability does not automatically translate into employment at scale. The UDM will be watching closely whether infrastructure projects move beyond announcement phases and whether small and medium enterprises actually experience reduced red tape and improved access to markets and finance. The same applies to energy reform and logistics recovery. Structural reform is necessary, but tariff stability, grid expansion and port efficiency must now be visible in declining costs and increased competitiveness. South Africans cannot live on reform processes. They must feel outcomes. The President’s firm stance against organised crime is appropriate. Organised syndicates, illicit trade, illegal mining and gang violence are undermining the state and terrorising communities. The deployment of the South African National Defence Force to support the police is a serious step and reflects the gravity of the situation. However, such deployments must be carefully managed and time bound. UDM President General Bantu Holomisa, MP has however cautioned that when the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) is deployed internally, public cooperation is essential. Communities must cooperate fully and ensure that firearms are not drawn against soldiers. Escalation will only result in tragedy. At the same time, deployment must not become a substitute for fixing weaknesses within South African Police Services (SAPS) and the criminal justice system. Long term safety depends on professional policing, intelligence coordination and successful prosecutions. On the water crisis and local government reform, the President Ramaphosa has correctly identified systemic failure, poor planning and patronage as root causes. The establishment of a National Water Crisis Committee and the threat of personal liability for municipal managers signal seriousness. But here too, the UDM’s concern is implementation. We have seen interventions before. The question is whether dysfunctional municipalities will actually be stabilised, whether revenue will be ring fenced for infrastructure maintenance and whether political interference in appointments will truly end. The response to foot and mouth disease and the commitment to vaccinate the national herd is necessary. Yet this outbreak again highlights a pattern of reactive governance rather than anticipatory planning. Biosecurity must become a permanent strategic priority, not an emergency response after damage has been done. Smaller and communal farmers must not be left exposed while policy is refined. On youth employment and skills reform, the structural overhaul of the training system is overdue. However, public employment programmes must evolve into real economic pathways. Too many young people cycle through short term opportunities without progression into permanent work. The continuation and redesign of the Social Relief of Distress grant is understandable in the current economic climate. But redesign must be credible, administratively stable and clearly linked to economic participation. Dependency without opportunity cannot be the long-term model. President Ramaphosa speaks of professionalising the public service and insulating appointments from political interference. The UDM strongly supports this. Yet the country will judge reform by whether unqualified individuals are removed from critical posts and whether disciplinary processes are finalised swiftly. Announcing professionalisation is not the same as enforcing it. In many respects, the 2026 State of the Nation Address identifies the right priorities. The risk lies in whether line departments possess the capacity, discipline and coordination to deliver at the speed required. Vision without execution deepens public frustration. The UDM therefore approaches this address with cautious scrutiny. We will support reforms that strengthen the state, protect communities and grow the economy. But we will equally insist on measurable timelines, transparent reporting and consequence management where departments fail. In many respects, the 2026 State of the Nation Address identifies the correct priorities. The risk lies in whether line departments possess the capacity, discipline and coordination to deliver at the speed required. Vision without execution deepens public frustration. The UDM therefore approaches this address with cautious scrutiny. We will support reforms that strengthen the state, protect communities and grow the economy. But we will equally insist on measurable timelines, transparent reporting and consequence management where departments fail. The true test of this vision will begin in the upcoming Budget Votes and departmental budget speeches. It is there that priorities must be matched with credible allocations, implementation frameworks and performance targets. It is there that we will see whether this is a speech of intention or a programme of action. South Africans are not asking for inspiration alone. They are asking for implementation. 2026 must not become another year of plans layered upon plans. It must become the year where delivery finally catches up with vision.
Admin
12 Feb, 2026
Force on campus: SAPS and private security move on NMU students in a crisis that was foreseeable
Statement by Zandile Phiri, Acting Secretary General of the United Democratic Movement The United Democratic Movement (UDM) is deeply concerned by developments at Nelson Mandela University, where both private security personnel and members of the South African Police Service have reportedly been deployed to disperse protesting students using water cannons, stun grenades and paintball rounds. The videos circulating on social media are alarming. The sight of private security advancing in formation, supported by SAPS, creates the perception of a militarised response in what should be a space of learning and engagement. Two issues must be addressed clearly. First, the role of private security. Private security companies are contracted to protect property and maintain campus safety. They are not public order policing units. If private contractors were authorised to deploy crowd control weaponry, serious questions arise about oversight, rules of engagement and accountability. Who authorised their mandate? What protocols governed their conduct? Were they acting independently, or under instruction from management or SAPS? Second, the involvement of SAPS. The police carry a constitutional responsibility to maintain public order. However, the threshold for deploying stun grenades and water cannons against students must be exceptionally high. What was the threat assessment? Were lives at immediate risk? Were alternative de-escalation measures attempted before force was used? The UDM has repeatedly warned that the risk of unrest during registration periods remains high due to perennial and unresolved challenges, including accommodation shortages, funding delays and administrative bottlenecks. These pressures build year after year. When they are not addressed proactively and transparently, the likelihood of confrontation increases significantly. What we are witnessing now is not an isolated event but part of a pattern that should have been anticipated and mitigated through better planning and engagement. The combination of private security and state policing in a campus protest environment risks blurring lines of authority and responsibility. When force is used, clarity on command structures and accountability becomes essential. If criminal acts were committed, they must be dealt with lawfully. But the public is entitled to know what specific conduct justified a response of this magnitude. Transparency is not optional in circumstances where young people may have been placed at risk. The UDM calls for: 1. A joint public briefing by university management and SAPS explaining the chain of command, the authorisation process and the justification for the level of force deployed. 2. Confirmation of injuries, if any, and details of medical and psychological support offered to affected students. 3. A clear outline of the protocols governing private security involvement in crowd control situations on campuses. 4. Immediate re-establishment of structured dialogue between management and recognised student leadership. We also call on students to remain calm, to act responsibly and to ensure that their protests remain peaceful and within the bounds of the law. Legitimate grievances must not be undermined by actions that place lives at risk or damage property. Reasoned engagement strengthens the cause. Escalation weakens it. South Africa’s higher education institutions are already navigating deep systemic pressures. Escalation through visible force risks entrenching mistrust and instability. Our campuses must remain spaces of safety, dialogue and democratic engagement. Accountability from both private security contractors and law enforcement authorities is now essential to restore calm and public confidence.
Admin
11 Feb, 2026
UDM Johannesburg demands accountability over R1 million ‘ghost wall’ payment
Statement by Yongama Zigebe, Councillor in the City of Johannesburg for the United Democratic Movement and Chairperson of the S79 Committee on Gender, Youth and People with Disabilities The United Democratic Movement (UDM) in the City Johannesburg notes with serious concern the reports that a City of Johannesburg entity allegedly paid approximately R1 million for a wall that was never built at the Moffat View Old Age Home. According to media reports, the payment was authorised despite the work not being completed, with photographic evidence allegedly not reflecting the actual site. This matter, involving the Johannesburg Social Housing Company, strikes at the heart of governance, financial oversight and ethical leadership within the City’s entities. Whether the funds were later recovered or not, the fact that such a payment could be processed raises fundamental questions about internal controls, verification systems and consequence management. Johannesburg residents are battling deteriorating infrastructure, housing backlogs, unsafe buildings and declining service delivery. At a time when every rand must stretch to serve the poor and vulnerable, allegations of payments for work that never materialised are not just irregularities, they are betrayals of public trust. We note that internal investigations and forensic processes have reportedly been initiated. However, the UDM in the City Johannesburg insists that transparency must accompany these processes. The people of Johannesburg deserve clear answers: 1. Who authorised the payment and on what verification basis? 2. What due diligence was conducted before disbursement? 3. Were supply chain processes followed? 4. What disciplinary steps have been taken against implicated officials? 5. How will the City strengthen controls to prevent recurrence? The UDM in the City Johannesburg further calls on the City Council and the relevant oversight committees to exercise their constitutional responsibilities without fear or favour. If wrongdoing is established, there must be visible and swift consequences. Accountability cannot depend on media exposure. This incident once again underscores the urgent need to professionalise municipal administration, depoliticise appointments in city entities, and ensure that senior positions are filled on merit and integrity, not networks and patronage. Johannesburg cannot afford “ghost projects” while communities live without basic infrastructure. Every cent mismanaged is a cent stolen from residents who rely on the City for housing, safety and dignity. The UDM in the City Johannesburg will continue to monitor this matter closely and will push for full disclosure and corrective action. Clean governance is not optional. It is the minimum standard our people deserve.
Admin
11 Feb, 2026
Johannesburg water crisis exposes a city run without foresight
Statement by Yongama Zigebe, Councillor in the City of Johannesburg for the United Democratic Movement and Chairperson of the S79 Committee on Gender, Youth and People with Disabilities The United Democratic Movement (UDM) in the City Johannesburg notes with grave concern the protest by residents in Parktown West following more than twenty days without water. When a historically well-resourced suburb such as Parktown is forced into open protest over basic services, it signals not an isolated disruption but a systemic failure across the City of Johannesburg. If residents in Parktown are now pushed to the brink, one must pause and ask how communities in Alexandra, Soweto, Orange Farm, Eldorado Park, Riverlea and other working-class areas are coping. Many of these communities have endured intermittent supply, pressure reductions and prolonged outages for years. They do not have the financial cushion to hire private tankers, install storage systems, or absorb inflated municipal bills. For poorer residents, a water outage is not an inconvenience. It is a daily assault on dignity, health and survival. The crisis unfolding in Parktown is therefore not about geography. It is about governance. Johannesburg’s water challenges are rooted in years of inadequate planning, delayed infrastructure maintenance and reactive management instead of strategic investment. Our reservoirs and reticulation networks are aging; this is not breaking news. Demand has grown with urban expansion. Preventative maintenance has been deferred. Communication with residents remains inconsistent and often opaque. Instead of long-term infrastructure renewal and capacity planning, the city has relied on pressure management and emergency measures that treat symptoms while the underlying system continues to weaken. Water is not a luxury service. It is a constitutional right and the foundation of public health, economic activity and human dignity. When supply collapses for weeks in one part of the city, the ripple effects are felt across households, schools, clinics and businesses. When communication fails, trust collapses alongside it. The UDM in the City Johannesburg calls on the City council and management to present a transparent, citywide water recovery plan with clear timelines, infrastructure investment commitments and measurable targets. Residents deserve honest explanations, not shifting blame between entities. The City must strengthen coordination with bulk suppliers, accelerate infrastructure upgrades, address leak management aggressively and ensure equitable distribution across all regions. The current situation reflects a failure of foresight. A city of Johannesburg’s size and economic significance cannot operate on crisis mode governance. Proper planning, disciplined maintenance schedules and capital investment are not optional. They are the minimum requirements of responsible administration. Parktown’s protest should serve as a wakeup call. If communities across the socioeconomic spectrum are now united by water insecurity, then the problem is not localised. It is structural. Johannesburg must choose between continued decline through neglect or renewal through decisive leadership. The UDM in the City Johannesburg stands firmly for the latter.
Admin
11 Feb, 2026
FMD is not a photo opportunity: farmers need solutions, not political point-scoring
Statement by Zandile Phiri, Acting Secretary General of the United Democratic Movement The United Democratic Movement (UDM) condemns the emerging political row over who deserves credit for South Africa’s renewed local production of the Foot and Mouth Disease vaccine. At a time when thousands of farmers are facing income collapse, livestock losses and prolonged movement bans, it is deeply inappropriate for political parties to reduce a national agricultural crisis to a contest over headlines. This outbreak is not about party branding. It is about farmers who have been unable to sell cattle for months. It is about rural families who cannot pay school fees. It is about auction houses losing jobs. It is about rising beef and milk prices affecting ordinary households. It is about cultural and economic systems in rural communities being placed under severe strain. It is also, critically, about smaller and communal farmers who simply cannot absorb the financial shock while political point scoring continues. Unlike large commercial operations, small scale farmers do not have reserves to cushion prolonged movement bans. When cattle cannot be sold, income stops immediately. There is no fallback. There is no diversification. For many households, livestock is the only reliable asset. Every week of delay deepens debt, weakens herds and pushes families closer to crisis. The production of locally manufactured vaccines after more than two decades is a positive development. It should be welcomed. However, the question South Africans are asking is not who stands in front of the cameras. The question is why the country allowed itself to become so dependent on external supply for over 20 years. Why were biosecurity weaknesses not addressed earlier. Why was vaccine manufacturing capacity not rebuilt proactively. Why was this level of outbreak not anticipated and prevented through stronger surveillance, traceability and veterinary capacity. These are governance questions, not partisan ones. South Africa has experienced previous outbreaks in 2000 and 2010. The risks associated with cross border movement, buffalo reservoirs and livestock traceability have long been known. The scale of the current crisis suggests that systemic vulnerabilities were allowed to persist. Political energy would be better directed toward correcting those structural weaknesses rather than arguing over retrospective credit. The UDM calls for the following urgent measures: 1. Full transparency on vaccine production volumes and distribution timelines. 2. A clear national vaccination rollout plan with measurable targets. 3. Stronger enforcement of livestock movement controls, supported by community engagement rather than coercion alone. 4. Inclusion of private veterinarians and agricultural bodies to accelerate implementation where capacity is stretched. 5. Clear communication channels for farmers so that misinformation and uncertainty do not undermine compliance. 6. Consideration of temporary financial relief mechanisms for severely affected small scale and communal farmers. This crisis requires unity of purpose. It requires coordination between national and provincial governments. It requires collaboration with organised agriculture, communal farmers and traditional leaders. It requires urgency. Farmers do not care which party claims a breakthrough. Smaller farmers in particular cannot take the financial hit while this situation drags on. They care whether vaccines reach their herds in time. They care whether auctions reopen. They care whether their livelihoods survive. The UDM urges all political actors to lower the temperature of partisan conflict and focus on delivery. The fight against Foot and Mouth Disease must be guided by competence, transparency and speed, not political theatre. In a Government of National Unity, political sensitivity should compel all partners to prioritise collective responsibility and delivery over partisan credit, especially in moments of national crisis affecting livelihoods and food security. South Africa’s agricultural stability and rural economy depend on it.
Admin
09 Feb, 2026
The perennial crisis of degrees without beds
Statement by Zandile Phiri, Acting Secretary General of the United Democratic Movement Recent scenes of students arriving at Cape Peninsula University of Technology (CPUT) and sleeping outside campus in the hope of securing a bed are a stark reminder that South Africa’s student accommodation crisis is not new. It is perennial, systemic, and worsening. Reports from the start of the 2026 academic year show that hundreds of students were left waiting without confirmed residence placements, highlighting a failure of planning, policy and delivery at every level of our higher education system. The National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) has noted that it does not run university residences and that the responsibility for placing students in housing lies with institutions themselves. NSFAS also pointed out that some accommodation providers accepted students without confirming the finalisation of their funding, adding complexity to an already fraught process. These statements, while factually accurate, expose a cycle in which no single actor takes full responsibility, yet the consequences fall squarely on students. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) notes that this crisis persists year after year for reasons that straight reporting can only begin to explain: • Under-investment in public accommodation has left universities unable to match the rapid growth in student enrolment. Many institutions simply lack enough beds for even a fraction of students who need them. • NSFAS funding allocations, caps and timelines remain misaligned with real accommodation costs and academic calendars. Students arrive before their allowances are paid and before accommodation placements are finalised, often with no interim support. • Private accommodation markets have expanded in the absence of sufficient public options, but high rents and safety concerns mean that private housing is out of reach for many students and is not a true substitute for university-linked residences, • Coordination failures between NSFAS, universities and private providers create bottlenecks in accreditation, payment and placement decisions. Each year the same breakdowns occur because systemic coordination has never been fixed. The result is predictable i.e. students arrive with hope and ambition, only to find themselves without a safe place to sleep, study or rest. This is not about isolated mishaps at a single campus. It is about a policy vacuum where capacity, planning and student welfare are treated as secondary to enrolment figures. The perennial nature of this crisis speaks to leadership failure across the sector. The UDM urges that: 1. Government and NSFAS immediately align funding timelines with academic calendars and accommodation market realities. 2. Institutions adopt transparent placement criteria, backed by interim housing solutions for students still waiting for beds. 3. Long-term investment in public student housing must be prioritised, especially for TVET and CET students who are too often excluded from structured accommodation support. 4. Private accreditation and regulation must be strengthened so that student experience is protected and affordable. Students should never have to sleep outside campus to pursue their education, yet here we are, again. It is time for real, lasting solutions.
Admin
09 Feb, 2026
More electricity tariff hikes, same failures
Statement by Zandile Phiri, Acting Secretary General of the United Democratic Movement The United Democratic Movement (UDM) notes the recent decision arising from the re determination of Eskom’s electricity tariffs, following a court ordered correction of regulatory calculations, which will result in further increases in electricity prices over the next two financial years. South Africans are once again being asked to pay more for electricity not because the system has improved, but because years of poor management, governance failures, and operational decay at Eskom continue to be shifted onto the public. The approval of further tariff increases confirms a painful truth. Ordinary households, small businesses, and municipalities are paying for Eskom’s mistakes. Cost overruns, delayed maintenance, mismanaged capital projects, and leadership instability have not been absorbed by Eskom as an institution, but are repeatedly recovered through higher tariffs, turning mismanagement into a permanent burden on the people. While Eskom and regulators point to technical processes and financial corrections, the lived reality is simple. Electricity is becoming more expensive without becoming more reliable, eroding public trust and undermining the social contract that underpins any functional public utility. At the same time, the UDM is clear that the growing culture of non-payment of electricity bills cannot be ignored or excused. Non-payment deepens Eskom’s financial crisis, destabilises municipalities, and shifts greater costs onto compliant consumers. A sustainable electricity system requires both competent governance at Eskom and responsible conduct by consumers. Non-payment is often a symptom of deeper failures, including unaffordable tariffs, collapsing municipal billing systems, unemployment, and the erosion of trust caused by load shedding and poor service delivery. Addressing non-payment therefore requires more than enforcement alone. It requires credible billing, protection for indigent households, and restored confidence that payment leads to reliable and fair service. Regarding the court ruling, it must be stated honestly that the judgment did not endorse Eskom’s performance or absolve it of failure. The court found that the National Energy Regulator of South Africa erred in its earlier regulatory calculations and directed a lawful re determination. This was a legal correction, not a validation of Eskom’s governance record. The UDM is further concerned that these tariff increases arise from fundamental regulatory error. When regulators fail, the consequences are not technical. They are felt directly by households and businesses through higher prices. This undermines confidence in regulation and reinforces the perception that the public is routinely asked to absorb the cost of institutional failure. The court ruling does not change the underlying reality. South Africans are paying today for failures that should have been prevented years ago. Regulatory processes may smooth tariffs, but they cannot erase the damage caused by mismanagement, weak accountability, and delayed reform. The UDM maintains that meaningful relief will only come when failure carries consequences. Eskom cannot be allowed to operate in a system where mistakes are socialised while accountability is endlessly deferred. Consumers must not be treated as the insurer of last resort. South Africa needs a power utility that is competently managed, transparently governed, and accountable, alongside a payment culture that is fair, realistic, and rooted in trust. Without both, tariff increases will continue and public anger will deepen. The UDM will continue to press for accountability at Eskom, stronger regulatory oversight, protection for vulnerable households, and decisive action to restore a fair and functional electricity system. The people cannot be asked to pay indefinitely for failures they did not cause.
Admin
09 Feb, 2026
The slow collapse: banal corruption and state failure
Statement by Zandile Phiri, Acting Secretary General of the United Democratic Movement Recent reports of queue jumping and the exploitation of desperate citizens at offices of the Department of Home Affairs expose a form of corruption that is often ignored precisely because it appears small, routine, and ordinary. This is not grand corruption involving dramatic scandals or massive sums of money. It is banal corruption: the everyday abuse of a malfunctioning system, where inefficiency becomes profitable and desperation is quietly monetised. When access to identity documents, birth certificates, or civic registration depends on who can pay a small bribe or find a “fixer”, corruption has been normalised. This is not a new phenomenon, but one that has steadily worsened over time, nor is it confined to the Department of Home Affairs alone. If grand corruption is a robbery, banal corruption is termites in the walls. By the time the building collapses, everyone swears they did not notice the damage. Yet it is this slow, continuous erosion that weakens the state long before any spectacular collapse occurs. Banal corruption leaves a trail that South Africans know all too well. It is visible in roads that crumble months after being “rehabilitated”; in water and sanitation projects that consume millions yet never quite reach completion; in wastewater plants that repeatedly fail compliance without consequence. It is seen in clinics without medicine, ambulances without fuel, schools without textbooks, and housing projects that stall while contractors are paid. It is present in municipalities that cannot produce basic records, where audit findings are repeated year after year, and where failure carries no personal cost. At Home Affairs, banal corruption feeds on long queues, broken appointment systems, understaffed offices, weak supervision, and the absence of visible accountability. Informal queue-jumpers and fixers thrive not because the system is complex, but because dysfunction is tolerated and allowed to become a business model. The greatest victims of banal corruption are the poor and vulnerable. Those seeking documents for grants, school registration, employment, or healthcare are exploited precisely because they cannot afford to wait indefinitely or return repeatedly. What should be a basic constitutional right becomes a daily humiliation. Banal corruption can be defeated, but only if government confronts it deliberately and consistently. This requires fixing the conditions that allow it to exist by restoring functional systems, predictable turnaround times, and orderly queues that cannot be manipulated or sold. It requires visible management at frontline offices, clear service standards, and strict supervision of high-risk points of service delivery. Most importantly, it requires real and visible consequences. Officials who enable, ignore, or benefit from petty corruption must face swift disciplinary action. Quiet transfers and internal reshuffles are not accountability. Consequence management must be public, consistent, and unavoidable. Government must also draw a firm line between politics and administration. Political interference in queues, procurement, staffing, or service prioritisation is a major driver of banal corruption and must end. A professional, protected public service is essential if integrity is to be restored. Whistleblowers and ordinary citizens must be protected and empowered. Reporting corruption must be safe, simple, and worthwhile. Silence thrives where people believe nothing will change and retaliation is guaranteed. The UDM cautions that focusing only on headline corruption scandals while ignoring these everyday abuses is a serious error. Banal corruption is the seedbed of larger corruption. It normalises dishonesty, erodes discipline in the public service, and teaches citizens that the state only works for those who can pay. A state does not collapse overnight. It collapses quietly, one compromised queue, one incomplete project, one normalised injustice at a time. Confronting banal corruption is therefore not optional. It is essential to restoring trust, dignity, and the rule of law.
- 01
- 02
- 03
- 04
- 05
- 06
- 07
- 08
- 09
- 10
- 11
- 12
- 13
- 14
- 15
- 16
- 17
- 18
- 19
- 20
- 21
- 22
- 23
- 24
- 25
- 26
- 27
- 28
- 29
- 30
- 31
- 32
- 33
- 34
- 35
- 36
- 37
- 38
- 39
- 40
- 41
- 42
- 43
- 44
- 45
- 46
- 47
- 48
- 49
- 50
- 51
- 52
- 53
- 54
- 55
- 56
- 57
- 58
- 59
- 60
- 61
- 62
- 63
- 64
- 65
- 66
- 67
- 68
- 69
- 70
- 71
- 72
- 73
- 74
- 75
- 76
- 77
- 78
- 79
- 80
- 81
- 82
- 83
- 84
- 85
- 86
- 87
- 88
- 89
- 90
- 91
- 92
- 93
- 94
- 95
- 96
- 97
- 98
- 99
- 100
- 101
- 102
- 103
- 104
- 105
- 106
- 107
- 108
- 109
- 110
- 111
- 112
- 113
- 114
- 115
- 116
- 117
- 118
- 119
- 120
- 121
- 122
- 123
- 124
- 125
- 126
- 127
- 128
- 129
- 130
- 131
- 132
- 133
- 134
- 135
