• Programme Director, • Future Leaders, • Ladies and Gentlemen. 1. Introduction Before I launch into the United Democratic Movement’s (UDM) vision and policy on certain issues, I want to sketch a bit of background of how we started, since that informs much of our policy and work. Almost twenty years ago, after I was unceremoniously expelled from the African National Congress (ANC), I started a consultation process with South Africans on the need for a new political movement or not. With those that followed me, we started the National Consultative Forum. As it happened, Roelf Meyer left the National Party around the same time and formed the New Movement Process. We were on the same page and established the UDM in 1997. It was clear to many of us, already at that point in time, that South Africa’s political landscape needed to change. And, as recent events have shown, that need still exists. But we can talk about that a little later. The UDM has had to box in the heavy-weight class since its inception and we acknowledge that our support has waxed and waned since 1999. In 2003 and 2005, chequebook politics robbed the UDM of talent, resources and influence when the so-called ‘floor-crossing legislation’ was still in action. The UDM fought that law, tooth and nail, because it allowed public representatives to leave one party for another, whilst those individuals did not have votes confer upon themselves. No! Voters made their mark behind the name of the UDM. We were happy that our efforts paid off when the legislation was abolished in 2009. This leads me to an argument that the UDM has made for some time i.e. that we need a mixed electoral system which draws from the strengths of both constituency-based representation (to ensure that an individual public representative is held accountable) and proportional representation. The UDM also advocates that South Africans should directly elect their President instead of having a person foisted on them by a ruling party. If we had used this system, we might have avoided the tears and embarrassment we have suffered at the hand of our current President. Directly electing their President allows the people to ‘hire and fire’ that person if they are dissatisfied with his/her performance. The UDM also strongly believes that candidates for Cabinet must be vetted at public hearings to ascertain whether they are fit for office. Once again, we might have averted the current leadership crisis, because in such a scenario we could ensure that our leaders in government are qualified and capable. Using such a system might be a bit cumbersome, but we can at least force some measure of stability and accountability. 2. The challenge of competing as a political party in South Africa There are inherent weaknesses in the funding model for political parties in South Africa. What that means for the UDM, and other smaller parties, is that we are hamstrung in performing our duties. Advertising costs money; public relations (PR) cost money and things like the core task of electioneering is particularly draining as most of our activists come from disadvantaged communities and we need to support them in their work. It’s literally a question of buying food to keep them sustained and keeping petrol tanks filled. Any party may have the most brilliant and creative solutions to our problems, but if you can’t effectively get your message out in public, it neutralises your hard work. We cannot get away from the fact that the current funding model for political parties is not conducive to multi-party democracy. The funds parties receive from the Independent Electoral Commission, as well as those that Parliamentarians receive to do their work (called the Constituent’s Allowance Fund), are divvied up proportionally based on the percentage of support a party gets at an election. In addition, the big companies that earmark money for democracy development (in their social responsibility kitty) also spend that money proportionally. What this means is that, the parties with a good election performance gets the lion’s share of the money. The result is that the strong become stronger, irrespective of their performance and policies, and the less-strong are weakened further. It is a vicious cycle. In addition, when we approach companies with sound reasoning as to why they should support the UDM, and therefore democracy in South Africa, we are told that they do not wish to sponsor the UDM, because it will lead to loss of business with government. The ANC, and even the Democratic Alliance, have millions-and-millions of Rands to spend on party and electioneering activities. In addition, there is some element of abuse of state resources to bolster party propaganda, especially at election-times. For your information, the UDM does not have, and never had, a PR company to develop sexy advertising campaigns and programmes. We have sustained ourselves through mere word of mouth. 3. Unpacking political realignment Our version of political realignment does not refer to a ganging up of opposition parties against the ruling alliance, but rather a regrouping of people around new concepts that were brought up in the wash of momentous political change over the years. The results of the last two National and Provincial Elections showed that the South African electorate wants a system where two large parties, of similar strength and size, compete for the mandate to govern. The UDM is of the view, that a healthy realignment of our political landscape will culminate in the emergence of two major political parties, with some smaller cause-based parties – as is the case in established democracies such as in the United Kingdom, France and the United States of America. 4. The emergence of coalition governance after the 2016 Municipal Elections Considering that we have different ideologies and philosophies, the so-called “smaller parties” have the challenge of finding each other. The advantage is that the precedent has been created in different places in the world where, political parties with different interests, work together without losing their identities. That said, the results of the 2016 Municipal Elections are a clarion call to all political parties to join hands with communities and civil society to provide visionary leadership to the Country. The UDM has always understood coalition government as a form of cooperation between political parties who agree on specific principles and programmes to address the challenges of service delivery. Central to these is the immediate need to create jobs, eradicate poverty, fight and uproot corruption and promote good governance. I must however admit that being a coalition partner in two municipalities, in the Johannesburg and the Nelson Mandela Bay metros is challenging. The wide spectrum of political philosophies of the various parties has inherent challenges. We don’t always agree, but we keep our minds open and work hard at finding each other. 5. A little bit more on our founding tenants The UDM’s vision reads as follows: “We are the political home of all South Africans, united in the spirit of South Africanism by our common passion for our Country, mobilising the creative power inherent in our rich diversity, towards our transformation into a Winning Nation.” The core values which the UDM upholds and promotes and upon which it fundamental policy positions are based are: • respect for life, dignity and human worth of every individual; • integrity in public- and private life; • the individual rights and freedoms enshrined in our Country’s Constitution; • tolerance and respect for the rights and freedoms of others; • solidarity in the common spiritual ownership of all that is good in our Country; • national self-discipline based on an acceptance that each right and freedom carries with it a corresponding and equal obligation and responsibility; • national moral regeneration towards a clear distinction between right and wrong, between what is acceptable conduct and what not, between good and evil; • economic policies based on moral values and; • freedom of religion and worship. Those are lofty, but achievable, ideals. For the purpose of today’s discussion, and to remain topical, I wish to focus on “integrity in public- and private life”. The reason why I want to do this, is to highlight the conundrum facing South Africa today. After the ANC Working Committee’s pronouncements yesterday, one South African summarised the situation as follows: “Deputy President is wrong. Secretary General is wrong. Treasurer General is wrong. Integrity Commission is wrong SACP is wrong. COSATU is wrong. Rating Agency S&P (Standard and Poor) is wrong. Concourt was wrong. Public Protector was wrong. SO, only Zuma is right?” I want to add: “the opposition is wrong”. We are in this mess, precisely because our Country’s President does not, judging by is actions, epitomise integrity in public- and private life. I am not going to unpack this further, because I am sure that you keep abreast of the news as it breaks, but feel free to ask tough questions in the Q and A session just now. 6. Some key UDM policies in a nutshell The UDM has batted on anti-corruption wicket since its inception and we never wavered. It is precisely because corruption bleeds the Nation dry that we keep our focus on this issue. Another of our points of departure is: “Government must do more”. Meaningful government intervention is needed to ensure economic growth and the UDM therefore advocates, what could be called, “conscious capitalism”. While the UDM recognises the valuable role that markets should play, it is of the firm belief that Government must play a key role in creating a stable policy environment and developing the economy for the benefit of our people. Government must have an awareness of purpose. It must be sensitive to our people’s needs, especially the most vulnerable of our society and, most importantly, it must be responsive in a constructive manner. One-in-three South Africans survive on grants. That is the harsh reality. And, although “Government must do more” can be interpreted as a mandate to make more money available for grants, that is not the best it can do. Government must in fact do more… to help people, to help themselves. Another issue, which I am sure is close to your hearts, is education. We have one of the most unequal societies in the world and our economy is not growing. An educated and healthy citizenry is needed to grow and develop our economy so that we are capacitated to eradicate poverty and inequality, and to generate employment. The UDM is of the view that South Africa must develop and maintain an education system that produces school-leavers and graduates that are equipped with balanced job-related and life skills to enter the job market, economy and greater society and be productive and responsible citizens. The genuine demand for free, and quality, higher education has unfortunately been turned into a political matter, which is effectively being abused by the contending factions of the ruling alliance. South Africa cannot afford a situation where education is used to settle political scores. We desperately need strong higher education institutions that produce students with the relevant skills for our socio-economic development. The UDM believes that special attention should be paid to poor students who are unable, or is struggling, to pay their tuition fees. We agree that subsidies for the children of domestic workers, or worse, unemployed persons, cannot be the same as those for the children of advocates, doctors and investment bankers. The reality is that there are those deserving students who need to be totally subsidised by government. But where will we get the money? Well, let’s start with a Government, which must stop splashing public money on wasteful and unproductive expenses. It is with a sense of loss that I mention that former Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan, last year, called on departments to save money and cut costs. It was reported, at the time, that R35,2 billion was spent on consultants, travel, catering and entertainment. The UDM has long held the view that the continuous outsourcing of government work, which ought to be done by civil servants, is expensive and perpetuates poor service delivery. 7. Conclusion On 27 September 2017, the UDM shall mark the 20th anniversary of its existence. We will celebrate this achievement by reviewing our policies and repositioning the UDM at centre stage of the South African political landscape and discourse. The UDM prides itself on being a ‘listening party’ rather than a ‘dictating party’. I therefore invite you to participate in this policy review process as this is a platform for young South Africans to share their concerns, express their hopes and participate in finding creative solutions to our problems. Make yourselves part of the UDM’s vision to make South Africa a ‘Winning Nation! Thank you Understanding the United Democratic Movement – Address delivered by Mr B Holomisa, MP (UDM President) at the ‘Understanding government’ week, 2017 ASRI Future Leaders Fellowship Program in Auckland Park, Johannesburg on 6 April 2017
Statement issued by Thandi Nontenja – UDEMWO Secretary General The United Democratic Movement Women’s Organisation (UDEMWO) is shocked and disturbed by the recent brutal rape and murder of 11-year-old Stacha Arendse whose body was found dumped in an open field not far from her home in Tafelsig. This atrocity happened within just a few days after the body of murdered Rene Tracy Roman (13), was discovered in a house on the same street where she lived. These horrific attacks against women and girl-children are adding up and has become endemic to the Western Cape. But, we see far too many such incidents right throughout the country. UDEMWO condemns these criminal acts and we call upon the members of the community to work together with the police to ensure that such cruel crimes are not committed. It cannot be that everyday someone dies at the hands of those whom they know and trust. We are thankful that the alleged evil doers are behind bars, but we find it worrying that the man arrested for the attack on Stacha is a convicted rapist who was out on six months’ parole. We therefore hope that justice be swift and that harsh measures will be taken against those found guilty – they must never be unleashed on society again. We urge the MEC of Community Safety in the Western Cape, Mr Dan Plato, together with all the relevant stakeholders to urgently intervene in curbing this growing trend of attacks on women and children in the Province. One soul is one too many.
Dear Mr Nqakula REQUEST FOR URGENT MEETING: JOINT STANDING COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE The above matter refers. In my capacity as a member of the Parliamentary Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence, I request that you convene an urgent meeting of the Committee to consider the widely reported and circulated ‘Intelligence Report’ [the Report] that purportedly has been the central reason for the change of leadership in the National Treasury. In order for the Committee to be able to consider this matter and deliberate, I further request that you direct the Minister of State Security, Mr David Mahlobo, and his Director General, to attend the meeting and brief us on the following, amongst others: 1. Whether the Report is a product of our local intelligence agencies? 2. Whether the Report is a product of foreign intelligence agencies? 3. Whether the Minister is satisfied with the origin and substance of the Report and, if so, to give the Committee further details? You will certainly appreciate the negative impact the Report has had on our economy and the Country’s subsequent downgrading to junk status. I hope you find this request in order and urgent. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement
President Zuma’s cabinet reshuffle has caused “radical economic transformation” of a different kind with Standard & Poor’s (S&P) Global announcement that South Africa’s sovereign credit rating has been downgraded to BB+. We might as well use the term “junk status” to describe our government. Mr Zuma bandies this phrase about, making a sweeping statement, without any clear policy detailing what his radical economic transformation entails. This not only confuses South Africans, but any international would-be investors are surely looking elsewhere to spend their money. Enough is enough! The African National Congress has clearly lost control of President Zuma, and by default the country, jeopardising any hope of a prosperous economic future. In line with what the opposition parties said today, the United Democratic Movement will exert even more pressure to have the Speaker of the National Assembly, Ms Baleka Mbete, accede to our call for a special, and urgent, meeting of the House to discuss a motion of no confidence in President Zuma.
Opposition Programme of Action This Programme of Action stems from already existing partnerships and other ad hoc co-operation arrangements which exist in the country’s metros and other municipalities, where the Opposition governs for all residents, regardless of their political affiliation. The opposition-led metros serve as important platforms to show what the Opposition can do for the people of South Africa, which present a tangible example of the work that we can do, when we united against corruption, state capture and other ills in society. Furthermore, we agreed that there is a need for a Summit that brings together Political Parties and Civil Society to discuss the state of South Africa. Going forward, we will at times act collectively and at times as separate political parties, depending on the nature of the issue facing the country. Our Programme of Action will be to put the people first, with the vision to build a better South Africa. National Day of Action to the Union Buildings It was agreed that as Opposition Parties, we will start the process of mobilising their structures from across the country for a National Day of Action to the Union Buildings. We are planning to have this mass action event as soon as possible. We will also be engaging Civil Society formations and other Political Parties to mobilise in order to support the people’s National Day of Action to the Union Buildings, so that we are united and not fractured in our call to save our country in the short-term. We therefore call upon all South Africans and the whole of Civil Society to support this mass action, where will speak with one voice calling for Jacob Zuma to remove himself from the Union Buildings, failing which he will be pushed, using democratic processes. Zuma cannot hold an entire country hostage. Motion of No Confidence Opposition Parties are fully behind the Motion of Confidence in Jacob Zuma and the call for the Speaker of the National Assembly to reconvene the House for a special sitting so that this matter of National Importance can be debated and voted on. The DA and EFF have already asked the Speaker to reconvene Parliament. The UDM have submitted a similar request today. We expect an urgent answer from the Speaker about progress made in scheduling the Motion, should we not be satisfied with her response, court action, supported by Opposition Parties will be taken. Given the crisis engulfing our society, we are confident that Members of Parliament will stay true the Constitution and their Oath of Office. The Motion of No Confidence is not about the removal the ANC. The ANC was voted into government by the majority, through the democratic project, which we respect. In the short-term, we are working to remove Jacob Zuma, and elect someone from the ranks of the National Assembly who is committed to South Africa, the people and the Constitution. Court Cases The Opposition support the two court cases which are currently before the Judiciary. The DA will be submitting papers for a Review Application which seeks to test the legal rationality of Jacob Zuma’s disastrous Cabinet Reshuffle. The EFF, UDM and COPE are currently before the Constitutional Court to probe the process and duty of Parliament to facilitate the impeachment of the President. Conclusion Opposition Party Leaders are united in their call for Zuma to go and our belief in the supremacy of the Constitution. The choice South Africans must make is: Zuma or South Africa. The two cannot co-exist.
Dear Madam Speaker MOTION OF NO CONFIDENCE IN THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC IN TERMS OF SECTION 102 OF THE CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA AND SECTION 129 OF THE RULES OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY With his unexplained, and seemingly unilateral, cabinet reshuffle the President of the Republic of South Africa, Mr JG Zuma, has effectively relegated the South African economy to junk status. Whether he considered the consequences his decision seems doubtful. South Africans will soon feel the pinch – but ultimately the poorest of the poor will be hardest hit when food, transport and other necessities become unaffordable. The United Democratic Movement adds its voice to that of our colleagues in other parties, and I herewith lodge a motion of no confidence in the President in terms of Section 102 of the Republic’s Constitution, as well as Section 129 of the rules of the National Assembly. Yours sincerely Mr Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP UDM Chief Whip
The United Democratic Movement has noted President Zuma’s cabinet reshuffle. The appointment of Malusi Gigaba as the new minister of finance is disconcerting, because of his clear association with the Gupta family. President Zuma is strengthening his hold on cabinet with the appointment of Sfiso Buthelezi as Gigaba’s deputy and it won’t be surprising if people start dismissing these two as indunas from the palace whose main objective would be to facilitate the further looting of resources. The fact that the Rand tanked yesterday evening, even before President Zuma made any announcement, is a sign that South Africa is in for a rough ride in the next few days up until it is clear what the new minister of finance plans to do. The “sideways promotion” of Faith Muthambi, Nkosinathi Nhleko and Bathabile Dlamini is disappointing, because they have failed in their previous portfolios. Instead of punishing them for their failures, they have been rewarded for showing loyalty to the President. Politically speaking, many of the ministers, who have been removed, still hold position within the African National Congress and, given the noise made by the Communist Party today, it would be interesting to see how the Communist Party ministers will react.
The United Democratic Movement is saddened to hear that Struggle stalwart Ahmed Kathrada has passed away after his brief illness. Another giant has left this earth. I first met Kathy in 1989, in Mthatha, just after his and his comrades’ release from Robben Island. I was impressed with his quiet fortitude and dignity. He was part of a crop of leaders of the African National Congress (ANC) that we will forever idealise because of their style of leadership and the sacrifices they made in their efforts to free the oppressed masses of South Africa. Most notable was the respectful and considered manner in which he always spoke with his comrades. In his latter years, he was quite vocal about his disappointment with the current direction of the ANC and he leaves us at a time where his moral guidance is desperately needed. We mourn his loss with the people of South Africa, and express our heartfelt condolences to his life partner, family and friends, as well as his colleagues. Rest in Peace Kathy.