Admin
19 Jan, 2026
UDM calls for decisive government action as Limpopo flood death toll rises
Statement by Zandile Phiri, Acting Secretary General of the United Democratic Movement The United Democratic Movement (UDM) expresses its deepest condolences to the families and communities affected by the devastating floods that have struck Limpopo Province, particularly in the Mopani and Vhembe Districts. The tragic loss of at least 17 lives is a painful reminder of the human cost of extreme weather events and the vulnerability of many of our communities. We extend our heartfelt sympathy to all families who have lost loved ones, homes, and livelihoods. Many residents have been displaced, critical infrastructure has been damaged, and access to basic services has been disrupted. These floods have left communities traumatised and in urgent need of assistance. While the UDM acknowledges the efforts of emergency services, disaster management teams, and humanitarian organisations currently on the ground, we stress that disaster response must be swift, coordinated, and adequately resourced. Government at all levels must ensure that affected families receive immediate relief, including shelter, food, medical care, and psychosocial support. The UDM further calls on national and provincial authorities to prioritise long term disaster preparedness and climate resilience. Flooding is no longer an exceptional occurrence but an increasingly frequent reality. This demands serious investment in stormwater infrastructure, early warning systems, maintenance of riverbanks and bridges, and proper spatial planning that protects communities from preventable harm. As a member of the Government of National Unity, the UDM urges all spheres of government to work together without delay to ensure that relief efforts are effective and transparent, and that reconstruction places the dignity and safety of affected communities at the centre of recovery plans. We also urge residents to heed official warnings and avoid crossing flooded rivers and roads, as conditions remain dangerous. Saving lives must remain the foremost priority. We will continue to monitor the situation closely and will hold government accountable to ensure that no community is abandoned in the aftermath of this disaster.
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19 Jan, 2026
32 years of neglect: South Africa’s water crisis is manufactured
Statement by Zandile Phiri, Acting Secretary General of the United Democratic Movement South Africa is staring down a water emergency that has been decades in the making. The warnings now coming from within government itself confirm what communities have lived with for years: collapsing infrastructure, chronic leaks, failing storage systems, and a state that no longer plans for the future. The Director General of the Department of Water and Sanitation, Sean Phillips, has made it clear that the country’s water problems are deep, structural, and cannot be fixed quickly. This is not a sudden crisis. It is the predictable outcome of 32 years of neglect, mismanagement, and failure to invest in basic infrastructure. Gauteng residents are now being told to cut water consumption by as much as 40 percent, not because South Africa has run out of water, but because municipalities lack storage, lose vast volumes through leaking pipes, and fail to collect revenue. This is an indictment of governance. Households are being asked to sacrifice while billions of litres are lost every year through decaying infrastructure that was never maintained. The situation in Johannesburg is especially alarming. Despite having a technically sound water and sanitation turnaround plan, the City is unable to implement it because of severe financial distress. Contractors are not paid. Projects are abandoned. Funds generated by water services are diverted to cover other municipal pressures, despite National Treasury requirements to ring fence this revenue. This is not a lack of ideas. It is a collapse of discipline, accountability, and political will. The reality is that municipalities across the country are trapped in a vicious downward spiral. High levels of non-revenue water mean less income. Less income means poor maintenance. Poor maintenance leads to further infrastructure failure and even greater water losses. Communities pay the price through outages, rationing, and unsafe supply. Long term relief will only come when major supply projects are completed, but even here the story is one of delay and corruption. Strategic water projects that should have been completed years ago are now only expected late in the decade. South Africans are being asked to endure restrictions today because planning failed yesterday. What is emerging in Gauteng is already visible in other metros, including eThekwini, where leaks, limited storage, flooding damage, and excessive consumption mirror the same warning signs. Regions such as Nelson Mandela Bay and Knysna are facing drought conditions that place millions at risk. This is a national crisis, not an isolated municipal problem. Water has now replaced electricity as the main constraint on economic activity and daily life. Without reliable water, clinics cannot function, schools cannot operate, businesses cannot grow, and human dignity is stripped away. South Africa does not suffer from a lack of expertise. It suffers from a lack of consequence. The UDM has consistently warned that infrastructure cannot be wished into existence through speeches and plans that are never implemented. Maintenance, storage expansion, leak reduction, and disciplined financial management must happen together. Anything less is failure. The time for excuses has passed. South Africa needs urgent, coordinated action to protect water as a strategic national resource. The cost of continued failure will be paid not in reports, but in lost livelihoods, deepening inequality, and growing social instability.
Admin
12 Jan, 2026
Honouring the class of 2025 while confronting the truth about our schools
Statement by Zandile Phiri, Acting Secretary General of the United Democratic Movement The United Democratic Movement (UDM) extends its sincere congratulations to the Class of 2025 on the release of the National Senior Certificate results. These results represent more than academic outcomes. They reflect perseverance, sacrifice, and resilience by learners who completed their schooling journey under challenging social and economic conditions. We commend the learners who succeeded, not only for their results, but for the discipline and determination required to reach this milestone. We also recognise educators, school support staff, parents, guardians, and communities whose collective effort played a decisive role in supporting learners throughout the year. Education remains a shared national responsibility, and where communities stand together, young people are better equipped to succeed. At the same time, the UDM cautions against celebrating pass rates without confronting the deeper realities within the basic education system. While progress must be acknowledged, it must not be used to conceal persistent inequalities between schools, unsafe and dilapidated infrastructure, overcrowded classrooms, shortages of learning materials, and weak administrative oversight. These challenges continue to deny many learners an equal opportunity to realise their full potential. We are particularly concerned about learners who did not achieve the outcomes they hoped for. Their futures must not be written off or ignored. Government has a responsibility to ensure that meaningful post school pathways exist, including access to second chance programmes, skills training, TVET colleges, and community education opportunities. No young person should be abandoned at the point of disappointment. The UDM reiterates that strong matric results do not automatically translate into a healthy education system. True success will only be measured when every learner, regardless of geography or background, learns in a safe, well-resourced school and is supported by a capable and accountable state. We call on the Department of Basic Education to act decisively on the findings of investigations into systemic failures, to enforce accountability where there has been negligence, and to prioritise infrastructure, teacher support, and learner welfare as matters of urgency. Community support strengthens schools, but government must remain fully accountable for delivering quality basic education. To the Class of 2025, we say this. Be proud of your effort. Your worth is not defined by a single set of results, but by your determination to keep moving forward. The UDM remains committed to advocating for an education system that is fair, inclusive, and worthy of the aspirations of South Africa’s youth.
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08 Jan, 2026
Speech by the President of the United Democratic Movement Maj. Gen. (Ret.) Bantu Holomisa, MP KwaTshezi Great Place
Traditional Leaders present here today, Community elders, Women and youth of KwaTshezi, Leaders of civil society, Councillors, Fellow South Africans, I am honoured to be here at KwaTshezi Great Place, near Coffee Bay, to engage directly with the people of this area. Let me begin by expressing our sincere gratitude to the people of this great place. You are among those who made a conscious decision that South Africa should not become a one party state a chapter that belongs firmly in the past. That decision strengthened our democracy and reaffirmed the principle that leadership must always be accountable to the people. For that we thank you. History has shown us that when power is concentrated for too long accountability weakens. Even law enforcement agencies have not been spared. When one reflects on the issues raised through the Madlanga Commission and the corruption exposed by General Mkhwanazi it becomes clear that under a one-party state some individuals, including General Mkhwanazi, would not still be occupying positions of authority today by virtue of being whistleblowers. This reality reinforces the urgency of ethical leadership. Towards the end of 2025 at the Cabinet Lekgotla one of the key resolutions tabled dealt precisely with this crisis of accountability. President Cyril Ramaphosa openly expressed frustration and anger at the slow pace and lack of prosecutions in corruption related cases. He went as far as to state that ministers or directors general who fail to act or who serve as gatekeepers for criminals should pack and go. The doors are open for them to leave. That is what he said. Another key resolution was the implementation of the Zondo Commission findings. I therefore anticipate that 2026 will be one of the years in which the Government of National Unity places strong emphasis on strengthening the criminal justice system. This will help restore confidence in the country’s leadership and enable decisive action on the triple challenges facing the nation. There can be no rebuilding of the country without consequences for wrongdoing. During the same Lekgotla, high levels of crime, unemployment, and the challenge of illegal immigration were also discussed at length. The reports of the Auditor General over the past thirty years tell a painful story. Announcements without implementing, findings without consequence management, and a culture of impunity across the board. Unfortunately this pattern has also engulfed the Department of Defence. People are aware of the pending criminal cases against the former Minister of Defence. This is part of what we inherited as a Government of National Unity, and we are confronting it directly. Within the Department of Defence, the Hawks, the Auditor General of South Africa, the Special Investigating Unit, and the Military Police are now working together to restore integrity and clean the image of the department. I am proud to say that I have been part of coordinating this operation. The Auditor General has highlighted that there is improvement in addressing their queries. Acting on a whistle blower report, I took steps to halt an irregular tender at Armscor in 2025. The Armscor Board subsequently cancelled that deal. We are currently following up on calls by Members of Parliament to investigate a contract in which Armscor allegedly awarded a tender for troop armoured plate carriers. This work is not easy. We are dealing with a culture that developed over nearly thirty years where the misuse of state resources became normalised. The era of state capture embarrassed South Africa and severely damaged its institutions. By the end of the Government of National Unity term when, we hand over to the next government after 2029 election, we must be able to present a report that reflects a country in a far better state one that has decisively addressed the failures of the past three decades. We saw early warning signs as far back as the 1996 Sarafina Two scandal and later, the 1998 Arms Deal. Auditor General reports on the South African National Defence Force point to lack of accountability weak consequence management and alleged corruption dating back as early as 2006. We do not have the luxury of time. We must deal decisively with corruption namasela without fear or favour. The stolen money from departments, state owned entities, and parastatals has directly contributed to the collapse of infrastructure and the failure to improve services. It is the reason communities still lack proper roads, schools, clinics, fibre connectivity, police vehicles, and military equipment. Corruption is not an abstract crime. It is the reason people continue to suffer. We therefore congratulate the recently appointed National Director of Public Prosecutions, Advocate Mothibi, and wish him well in his role. As a former head of the Special Investigating Unit, he has first hand knowledge of how corruption has damaged South Africa. We urge him to prioritise the backlog of cases within the Defence Force that have placed significant pressure on the National Prosecuting Authority. In the same vein, I wish to commend the Special Investigating Unit for recovering over 1.6 billion lost within the Department of Defence, declared when they were briefing the portfolio committee on defence in a closed session. We look forward to working with the new head of the SIU and stand ready to cooperate fully with his team to restore integrity and accountability. That is why the unfulfilled promises to this area are so painful. The people of KwaTshezi were promised water from the Mthatha Dam to Coffee Bay. Trenches were dug and later filled in again. No water came. Neither have there been action taken against the fingered officials of the OR Tambo District who allegedly squandered the funds for this project. You were promised a proper road from the Viedgesville off ramp on the N2 to Coffee Bay. Former Minister Mbalula and SANRAL assured the community that a new road would be built, yet nothing materialised. Another route that has deteriorated severely is the turnoff from the Coffee Bay route that links it to Elliotdale. Its condition is now worse than it was in the past, to the point where sections are no longer usable. Today, these roads remain in a state of severe disrepair. These roads lead to tourism centres where international resorts such as Coffee Bay and Hole in the Wall resorts are housed. As residents of King Sabata Dalindyebo particularly here in Mqanduli we must now act collectively. There is a need for a formal approach led by traditional leaders, civil society, councillors, and community representatives to engage the national government directly. This approach must not be a talk shop. It must demand clear commitments on roads infrastructure and development timelines. It must also summon network providers Vodacom, MTN, and Telkom to account for when rural connectivity especially in Mqanduli will be improved. As we approach local government elections, we must also confront governance failures honestly. In line with what you have declared at the national level to get rid of one-party dominance, that must be reflected in the upcoming elections. Your vote can give way to concept of coalition governance to cascade to municipalities such as King Sabata Dalindyebo and OR Tambo District where long standing problems persist. Where systems fail communities, alternatives must be explored in the interests of the people. Finally, the process that began in 2024 of sharing power among political parties has made it clear that after the 2029 elections, it will no longer be a foregone conclusion which party provides the President of South Africa. We must therefore remain vigilant and begin serious discussions about the kind of leadership required to take South Africa forward beyond this term. The communities here must satisfy themselves that we will have leaders who would have passed the test of public scrutiny. The people of KwaTshezi are not asking for miracles. They are asking for honesty accountability and action. That is a fair demand and one we must meet. I thank you.
Admin
30 Dec, 2025
Elections 2026: Bantu Holomisa's message
LISTEN TO BANTU HOLOMISA IN NGUNI AND ENGLISH As we enter the 2026 Local Government Elections, the United Democratic Movement is hitting the ground running. Our mission is clear and uncompromising: to restore clean governance, champion ethical leadership, and ensure that service delivery becomes a lived reality and not merely a promise. Our communities deserve municipalities that are functional, financially responsible, and accountable to the people they serve. For too long, corruption, mismanagement, and political interference have crippled local development. The United Democratic Movement stands ready to break that cycle. In 2026, we step forward with renewed energy and purpose. We will work with integrity, manage public funds responsibly, and prioritise water, sanitation, infrastructure, safety, and economic opportunities for youth and small businesses. This election is not only about voting, it is about reclaiming municipalities for the people. Let us move together toward municipalities that work. Where councillors serve rather than enrich themselves. Where communities have a voice. Where hope is rebuilt, street by street, ward by ward. 2026 is the year for accountability. The year for service. The year for change. Vote United Democratic Movement. A leadership you can trust.
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03 Dec, 2025
R3.5 trillion at risk: the Public Investment Corporation’s appearance at the Standing Committee on Finance – further issues and pertinent questions that need to be asked of the PIC
Dr Mkhacani Maswanganyi, MP Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Finance PO Box 15 Cape Town 8000 Dear Dr Maswanganyi R3.5 trillion at risk: the Public Investment Corporation’s appearance at the Standing Committee on Finance – further issues and pertinent questions that need to be asked of the PIC 1. Further to my correspondence dated 10 November 2025 , in which you were copied, I understand that the Standing Committee on Finance (SCOF) is scheduled to receive a report from the Public Investment Corporation (PIC) on 5 December 2025. 2. In regard, I wish to refer SCOF to my correspondence to the President of the Republic of South Africa, Mr MC Ramaphosa and the Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts (SCOPA), Mr Songezo Zibi, MP, which I attach for your ease of refence: 2.1. On 29 October 2025 regarding: “R3.5 trillion at risk: the Public Investment Corporation’s governance collapse demands action ” and 2.2. on 8 November 2025 regarding: “Renewed concerns over probable governance irregularities and conflicts of interest at the Public Investment Corporation: the PIC’s confused(ing) rhetoric regarding the Lanseria and FlySafair deals” . 3. I understand from the SCOPA Chairperson Zibi, that he has referred the entire matter concerning the PIC, as submitted by the UDM, to SCOF for further consideration, as SCOPA is currently engaged in the Road Accident Fund inquiry and both committees share several members. 4. In addition to the above, there have been further developments which I wish to bring to SCOF’s attention, and I refer the Committee to the following documents attached for ease of reference: 4.1. A 30 October 2025 correspondence from Mabotja Attorneys on behalf of Acapulco Trade & Invest 164 (Pty) Ltd, dated 30 October 2025, regarding “FORMAL CLARIFICATION & REPRESENTATION IN RESPECT OF THE LANSERIA HOLDINGS (PTY) LTD TRANSACTION.” as well as a 4.2. 7 October 2025 correspondence from Mabotja Attorneys to Werksmans Attorneys, acting on behalf of the PIC, regarding: “LANSERIA AND RELATED MATTERS”, 5. For additional context to the bigger scheme of things, I refer to an article published in the Business Day of 5 November 2025 entitled” “PIC furious over R400m payout to Lanseria BEE partner” 6. Given the context outlined in all the UDM’s correspondence and the article referenced above, it is evident that SCOF will need to conduct a thorough and far-reaching investigation into the broader operations of the PIC, particularly its dealings involving PAIDF I and II and the investment of Government Employees Pension Fund (GEPF) funds. The arbitration award in favour of Acapulco, dated 17 September 2025 and amounting to R411 282 264.44, has clearly unsettled matters and exposed deeper issues within the PIC’s governance and investment practices. 7. Further to points 5 and 6 in my letter of 29 October 2025 concerning the Lanseria Airport Holdings and FlySafair matters, the UDM recommends that SCOF pose the following questions to PIC: 7.1. Management fees 7.1.1. Would you state, for the record, the total management fees Harith has drawn from PAIDF I, PAIDF II, and the newly constituted Harith Infraco? 7.1.2. Can you provide a detailed breakdown of those fees by fund, year, and category? 7.2. Fund performance 7.2.1. Provide a comprehensive summary of the financial and operational performance of PAIDF I and PAIDF II. 7.2.2. What were the key value drivers, impairments, exits, and realised or unrealised returns associated with each fund? 7.3. Value created for pensioners 7.3.1. Based on your own reporting and audited figures, how much net value, after all fees, costs, and adjustments i.e. have these funds generated for South African pensioners? 7.3.2. Are you able to confirm whether the net contribution has been positive, neutral, or negative? 7.4. Restructuring and recapitalisation 7.4.1. Harith has recently undertaken what appears to be restructuring, recapitalisation, and redesign of its funds. 7.4.2. Would you explain the commercial rationale for each of these steps? 7.4.3. What direct impact did these actions have on the value of the underlying investments and, specifically, on the stake ultimately attributable to the GEPF? 7.5. Harith Infraco participation 7.5.1. In the newly established Harith Infraco, what is the direct interest, shareholding percentage, or participation in returns attributable to the GEPF? 7.5.2. Has this position changed in any way compared to the GEPF’s prior participation in PAIDF I or II? 7.6. PCV creation and GEPF impact 7.6.1. Regarding the creation of the PCV, could you confirm whether the GEPF incurred any losses, impairments, write-downs, or adverse valuation adjustments from a pure accounting or profitability standpoint? 7.6.2. If so, please detail the amounts and their basis. 7.7. DBSA involvement 7.7.1. Was the DBSA at any stage an investor, lender, or creditor to any Harith-managed fund or to any of the portfolio companies within those funds? 7.7.2. If yes, please specify the nature and quantum of that exposure. 7.8. Pending applications for funding 7.8.1. Does Harith currently have any pending applications and whether for funding, refinancing, restructuring, or borrowing, before the PIC or GEPF? 7.8.2. If so, would you kindly identify each application and indicate its current status? 8. The Thabiso Moshikara scandal in July 2025 8.1. Further I point to 7.3 in my letter of 29 October 2025, regarding the above the UDM would suggest that SCOF ask the following questions of the PIC based further on “Levoca reaffirms its commitment to ethical business practices and remains committed to connecting our communities with fast internet access and bridging the digital divide in South Africa” 8.1.1. The Metrofibre Investment Funding of Levoca was stated in the Annual Financial Report of 2024 of the GEPF as having profited the PIC/GEPF just over R100 million in the span of one year. Why was this deal cancelled, and why were the shares seized for the alleged R1,170.00 postage and stamp fees of Bowmans Attorneys on a deal worth over R1.4 billion? 8.1.2. A case of fraud and corruption has been opened against PIC Head of Legal Lindiwe Masina Dlamini on 07 August 2025, under case number 2025-08-07 at MIDRAND Station, reference number CAS 205/8/2025, by a PIC 8.1.3. whistleblower. The case has now been referred to the Hawks. Why has she not been suspended if Mr Thabiso Moshikara was suspended under the same circumstances? 8.1.4. Who in the PIC authorised the granting of a R1.4 billion legal indemnity to the privately owned company Metrofibre against another private company, Levoca 805, in pursuit of trying to recoup a mere R1,170.00 following the R3 million bribe allegations? 8.1.5. Is this not biased and proof that Levoca was being punished for not wanting to pay Mr Moshikara the R3 million bribe? 8.1.6. It is stated in a civil matter paper between PIC and Levoca 805 that the R1,170 invoice was erroneous or fraudulently issued, which supports the fact that the PIC is lacking a legitimate trigger event. Furthermore, the R1,170 was eventually settled by Levoca, yet the PIC still proceeded to seize Levoca’s shares worth R1.4 billion for R1,170. Why is the PIC still proceeding to seize the shares even after the R1,170, which it relied upon, was settled by Levoca, particularly in an investment that is profiting our government pensioners over R100 million per annum? 8.1.7. What is the current status of this matter? Where does it stand now? Have the shares been returned to Levoca, and if not, why not? 8.1.8. Is the PIC attempting to punish the whistleblower by seizing Levoca’s shares for R1,170? 8.1.9. Does this not sound like corrupt, prejudicial, and oppressive conduct to unlawfully seize Levoca's shares by the PIC as a result of Levoca refusing to pay a R3 million bribe to Mr Moshikara, Head of the Isibaya Fund at the PIC? 9. The Isibaya Fund 9.1. The Isibaya Fund continues to be the centre of corruption within the PIC. Despite the clear warnings of the Mpati Commission, no meaningful reforms have been implemented. This unlisted investment portfolio still operates with poor oversight, secretive decision-making, and transactions that favour politically connected individuals. 9.2. Ultimately, the people who have dedicated their careers to public service are not the true beneficiaries of this fund. It has effectively become a pool of capital reserved for a privileged few, often distributed without proper risk evaluation, exposing the PIC to substantial financial losses and betraying the trust of millions of workers whose pensions are at stake. 9.3. A credit loss ratio exceeding 39% is indefensible and reflects an alarming level of financial mismanagement. No credible institution would tolerate such extensive losses under the guise of economic empowerment. 9.4. Complex financial structures and contractual arrangements have been deliberately used to conceal the extent of this looting. Few fully understand the intricate deal-making mechanisms that enable it, but it is clear that something even more insidious than State Capture continues to thrive within the PIC. 9.5. Given persistent governance failures, it is essential to ask whether the Isibaya Fund should remain under the control of the PIC at all. A more prudent course would be to transfer its developmental and impact investment mandate to institutions with proven governance systems and sectoral expertise, such as the Development Bank of Southern Africa (DBSA) or the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC). These entities are far better placed to ensure sound project evaluation, transparency, and accountability. The PIC’s role could then be confined to allocating funds under DBSA or IDC supervision, or outsourcing mandates to qualified independent managers operating under strict risk and performance controls. Unless this reform is undertaken, corruption and instability will persist, and no commission of inquiry will be able to restore confidence or integrity to the system. 10. The UDM reiterates its firm belief that safeguarding public pension funds is a matter of national priority. Urgent intervention is required to ensure that the Public Investment Corporation is never exploited as an instrument of political patronage, and that the more than R3 trillion in assets under its management are administered with the utmost integrity, professionalism, and accountability. Yours sincerely Deputy Minister Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement Copied to: • Mr Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa – President of the Republic of South Africa • Mr Enoch Godongwana, MP - Minister of Finance • Dr David Masondo, MP - Deputy Minister of Finance and Chairperson of the Board of the Public Investment Corporation • Ms Thoko Didiza, MP - Speaker of the National Assembly of South Africa • Mr Songezo Zibi, MP - Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts • Mr Patrick Dlamini - Chief Executive Officer, Public Investment Corporation • Mr Musa Mabesa - Principal Executive Officer, Government Employees Pension Fund • Ms Tsakani Maluleke - Auditor-General of South Africa • Adv Andy Mothibi - Head of the Special Investigating Unit • Mr Eric Mabuza – Mabuza Attorneys • Mr Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP -UDM Deputy President and Leader in Parliament • Ms Thandi Nontenja, MP – UDM Chief Whip in the National Assembly and Member of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts
Admin
10 Nov, 2025
Report back: R3.5 trillion at risk: the Public Investment Corporation’s governance collapse in the Lanseria Airport Holdings deal and other governance issues
Mr Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP UDM Deputy President and Leader in Parliament PO Box 15 Cape Town 8000 and Ms Thandi Nontenja, MP UDM National Treasurer and Chief Whip in the National Assembly Member of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts PO Box 15 Cape Town 8000 Dear Mr Kwankwa and Ms Nontenja Report back: R3.5 trillion at risk: the Public Investment Corporation’s governance collapse in the Lanseria Airport Holdings deal and other governance issues 1. I hereby request that you prepare the United Democratic Movement’s (UDM) parliamentary operations to address the issues outlined in this letter, with particular focus on the Party’s participation in the Standing Committee on Public Accounts (SCOPA) and the Standing Committee on Finance, and to begin gathering relevant information. I have already instructed Attorney Eric Mabuza of Mabuza Attorneys to obtain key information from Mr Patrick Dlamini, Chief Executive Officer of the Public Investment Corporation (PIC), as reflected in the attached correspondence. 2. On 29 October 2025, the UDM addressed a detailed letter to the President of the Republic, Mr Cyril Ramaphosa, and the SCOPA Chairperson, Mr Songezo Zibi, MP, under the subject “R3.5 trillion at risk: the Public Investment Corporation’s governance collapse demands action.” In that correspondence, I highlighted the grave risks posed by a series of recent and questionable transactions undertaken by the PIC, which endanger more than R3.5 trillion in pensioners’ funds, alongside widespread governance, ethical, and oversight failures within the institution. As you are aware, the UDM has already proposed several urgent interventions in that letter to address these systemic failures. 3. On 5 November 2025, the PIC Corporate Affairs Division, in the name of the PIC Board Chairperson and Deputy Minister of Finance, Dr David Masondo, issued a statement appeared designed to undermine the UDM’s position. 4. As a matter of interest, Deputy Minister Masondo contacted me, on the same day, personally after the statement was issued, distancing himself from its content and expressing concern about the manner in which the PIC had treated me. It appears that the statement was drafted within the PIC as a deliberate smokescreen and an attempt to deflect public attention from the Lanseria Airport Holdings deal by going on the offensive. Yet, in doing so, the PIC conceded that “…a legal review on the arbitration proceedings is underway…,” which only reinforces the view that where there is smoke, there is indeed fire. Why attack the UDM and me personally instead of providing a substantive response to each of the issues we raised in our letter of 29 October 2025? 5. On 8 November 2025, I again wrote to President Ramaphosa and SCOPA Chairperson Songezo Zibi, specifically concerning: 5.1. A letter from Werksmans Attorneys to Mabotja Attorneys titled: “PUBLIC INVESTMENT CORPORATION SOC LIMITED // ACAPULCO TRADE AND INVEST 164(RF) (PTY) LTD” dated 6 November 2025 and 5.2. Mabotja Attorneys’ response to the above entitled.: “LANSERIA AND RELATED MATTERS” of 7 November 2025. 5.3. In its correspondence, Werksmans Attorneys, acting on behalf of the PIC, wrote to Mabotja Attorneys, who represent Acapulco Trade and Invest 164 (Pty) Ltd, concerning the aftermath of an arbitration award in favour of Acapulco dated 17 September 2025, amounting to R411 282 264.44. The letter indicates that the PIC intends to review or challenge the award and has requested that the funds already deposited in Mabotja Attorneys’ trust account be frozen pending the outcome of that review. 5.4. In reply, Mabotja Attorneys issued a strongly worded and defensive response aimed at discrediting Werksmans Attorneys’ letter on behalf of the PIC and portraying Acapulco as the aggrieved party. The exchange highlights growing tension between Acapulco, Mr Patrick Dlamini, and Harith General Partners and its founder, Mr Tshepo Mahloele, who appears to be a key figure at the centre of the dispute. 6. What prompted Mr Dlamini to act so suddenly? Was it his own initiative, or did the PIC Board finally intervene in a last-minute attempt to salvage what remains of the institution’s credibility and reputation? 7. There appears to be a significant fallout between the PIC and Acapulco Trade and Invest 164 (Pty) Ltd, the BEE partner in the Lanseria Airport Holdings deal. Despite Acapulco having defaulted on a R333 million loan, which grew to approximately R600 million with interest, the PIC nevertheless proceeded to pay just over R411 million to Acapulco after an arbitration process upheld a contested valuation conducted by Crowe, a so-called external valuer. This payout has reportedly angered the PIC Board, which has since moved to freeze the funds and is said to be considering legal action. These developments point to growing internal discord within the PIC and raise serious concerns about a potential governance collapse within the institution. Why did the Mr Dlamini and his executive team approve this transaction in the first place if they are now raising alarm after the fact? 8. Mr Dlamini’s professional history continues to raise serious governance concerns. In Mabotja Attorneys’ letter of 7 November 2025, it is alleged that he has maintained a close personal and professional relationship with Mr Mahloele and Harith General Partners, including attending a celebratory gathering at Mr Mahloele’s Bryanston home shortly after his appointment as PIC CEO. This allegation adds to a pattern first documented during his tenure as CEO of the Development Bank of Southern Africa, when serious accusations of mismanagement, maladministration and possible corruption the UDM brought to the attention of SCOPA in October 2020. At that time, concerns were raised about his association with Mr Mahloele and Harith, particularly around the Poseidon funding matter and other questionable transactions that appeared to benefit politically connected entities. Now, as head of the PIC, the same allegations of conflict of interest, irregular investment decisions and weak governance have resurfaced, most notably in the Lanseria Airport Holdings and FlySafair dealings involving Harith-linked interests. This recurring pattern points to an entrenched network of influence between public finance institutions and private business interests that requires urgent and independent investigation. 9. In its letter of 29 October 2025, the UDM made two key recommendations: 9.1. That SCOPA convene urgent public hearings with the PIC Board, the Chief Executive Officer, and the Government Employees Pension Fund (GEPF) to account for ongoing governance failures, ethical breaches, and poor investment decisions. 9.2. That the Auditor-General and the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) conduct a forensic audit of the Isibaya Fund and the Unlisted Investments Division, with a particular focus on politically connected transactions, loss-making projects, and compliance with the recommendations of the Mpati Commission. The Lanseria transaction, which was initiated in 2013, must be included in the scope of investigation as this appears to be where the shenanigans first began. Questions remain about the servicing of the loan through dividends. Were any ever declared by the Government Employees Pension Fund, the PIC, Acapulco, or Harith General Partners? 10. Equally concerning is the reported involvement of Harith General Partners in raising funds to acquire a stake in FlySafair. It is important to recall that the UDM previously intervened to stop the South African Airways (SAA) transaction after informing President Ramaphosa and then Minister of Public Enterprises Pravin Gordhan, following Gordhan’s 11 June 2021 announcement that the Takatso Consortium, led in part by Harith General Partners owned by Mr Tshepo Mahloele, had been selected as the preferred bidder to acquire a 51% stake in SAA for R51. 11. A further and deeply troubling conflict of interest arises from the fact that Mr Dlamini previously served as Chairperson of the Lanseria Airport Holdings Board while simultaneously holding senior public office. According to the Companies and Intellectual Property Commission (CIPC) website, he still remains listed as a Non-Executive Director of Lanseria Holdings (K2012204048), Lanseria Airport 1993 (M1993004101), Lanseria Airport Investments (M2002025907) and Lanseria International Airport (M1991001749). His continued association with these entities, which have direct financial dealings with the PIC, raises serious questions about the independence and propriety of decisions taken under his leadership. This dual involvement suggests that Mr Dlamini may have had access to privileged information regarding the airport’s operations and valuation, both before and after the disputed PIC investment. When considered alongside the issues raised in Mabotja Attorneys’ letter concerning his relationship with Harith General Partners and its founder, Mr Tshepo Mahloele, this overlap of roles points to a possible conflict of interest that warrants urgent scrutiny by the relevant oversight bodies. Now, the same players appear to be seeking to use public funds for private investment ventures. We have not forgotten the Mpati Commission’s damning findings against these entities. 12. The Auditor-General, acting under the auspices of SCOPA, remains the only credible authority capable of conducting a comprehensive review of the Lanseria deal and related transactions, given that public money is once again at stake. 13. The UDM should maintain its position that safeguarding public pension funds is a matter of national importance. It is imperative that decisive intervention takes place to ensure the PIC is never exploited as a vehicle for political patronage, and that the more than R3 trillion in assets under its management are administered with the highest levels of integrity, professionalism, and accountability. Yours sincerely Deputy Minister Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement Copied to: • Mr Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa – President of the Republic of South Africa • Mr Enoch Godongwana, MP - Minister of Finance • Dr David Masondo, MP - Deputy Minister of Finance and Chairperson of the Board of the Public Investment Corporation • Ms Thoko Didiza, MP - Speaker of the National Assembly of South Africa • Mr Songezo Zibi, MP - Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts • Dr Mkhacani Maswanganyi, MP - Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Finance • Mr Patrick Dlamini - Chief Executive Officer, Public Investment Corporation • Mr Musa Mabesa - Principal Executive Officer, Government Employees Pension Fund • Ms Tsakani Maluleke - Auditor-General of South Africa • Adv Andy Mothibi - Head of the Special Investigating Unit • Mr Eric Mabuza – Mabuza Attorneys
Admin
10 Nov, 2025
From job offer to captivity: how human traffickers prey on South Africa’s desperate
Statement by Zandile Phiri, Acting Secretary General of the United Democratic Movement Human trafficking in South Africa has become a national emergency hiding in plain sight. It is destroying lives through sexual exploitation, forced labour, and debt bondage, and it thrives on poverty, desperation, and the failures of the state to coordinate an effective response. Recent reports have exposed the scale of this crisis. Three young women from Botswana were rescued at OR Tambo International Airport after being lured through social media with false promises of lucrative jobs in Sierra Leone. A 22-year-old woman from Bonteheuwel was tricked into travelling to Thailand, later trafficked to Cambodia, and forced into work after her passport was confiscated. In Johannesburg, seven Chinese nationals were convicted earlier this year of human trafficking after exploiting more than ninety Malawian workers, including thirty-three minors, in a garment factory where they were kept under guard and paid R65 a day. In the past year, investigations have revealed houses in Sandton, Johannesburg, and Durban where dozens of foreign nationals were held captive by trafficking syndicates. In one incident in March 2025, more than 50 people escaped from a house in Lombardy East, and in May 2025, 44 victims were rescued from a locked property in Parkmore, Sandton. Similar discoveries have been made in Durban, exposing a network that uses residential properties as holding sites for victims awaiting transport across borders. It is reported that less than one percent of victims is ever rescued. At the centre of this tragedy are employment scams that promise opportunity but deliver slavery. These operations exploit South Africa’s severe unemployment, preying on people desperate for income or a chance to work abroad. Our joblessness has become a recruitment tool for traffickers, and the state has done too little to close that door. The problem is compounded by weak coordination among law-enforcement agencies, poor data collection, and a lack of capacity in social services. Police, immigration, labour inspectors, and welfare officials often work in isolation, while traffickers move people freely across borders and provinces. Corruption and bureaucracy slow down victim identification, shelter placements, and prosecutions. South Africa’s porous borders worsen the crisis. Traffickers exploit weak controls and under-resourced posts to move victims alongside migrants and contraband. Until border management is tightened, corruption addressed, and regional intelligence improved, the country will remain a key corridor for trafficking across southern Africa. The United States Trafficking in Persons Report has again warned that South Africa is failing to identify victims, prosecute offenders, or coordinate a national response. The country’s placement on the Tier 2 Watchlist signals growing international concern over its weak efforts to combat trafficking. Unless coordination and enforcement improve, South Africa risks further sanctions and the erosion of its global credibility on human rights. The UDM calls for decisive action to break this cycle of exploitation and neglect: 1. A national anti-trafficking strategy led by the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development, bringing together the South African Police Service (SAPS), Department of Home Affairs, Department of Employment and Labour, Department of Social Development, and reputable civil society organisations under one command structure with measurable targets and real accountability. 2. Public awareness and prevention campaigns coordinated by the Department of Communications and Digital Technologies, in partnership with Basic and Higher Education, to educate communities about fake job offers, social-media recruitment, and passport confiscation; especially in provinces with high unemployment such as Mpumalanga, Limpopo, and the Eastern Cape. 3. Protection and reintegration services for victims managed by the Department of Social Development and provincial governments, with the support of accredited NGOs, to ensure safe shelters, counselling, and job placement programmes so survivors can rebuild their lives without fear or stigma. 4. Enforcement of labour laws and regulation of recruiters overseen by the Department of Employment and Labour and the SAPS, with heavy penalties for those who exploit undocumented workers, confiscate passports, or deceive jobseekers. Inspections must be routine and unannounced, and corrupt officials must be prosecuted. 5. Investment in youth employment and skills development driven by the Departments of Employment and Labour, Trade, Industry and Competition, and Higher Education and Training, working alongside the National Youth Development Agency and private sector partners. Preventing trafficking begins with creating real, sustainable opportunities at home through job creation, apprenticeships, and skills programmes that give young people viable alternatives to risky job offers and exploitation. 6. Strengthened cross-border cooperation spearheaded by the Department of International Relations and Cooperation and the Border Management Authority, working with SADC partners to dismantle trafficking networks, share intelligence, and ensure the safe repatriation of victims. Human trafficking is not only a criminal enterprise but a profound moral failure that strikes at the heart of our nation’s values. South Africa cannot claim to be a democracy that protects human rights while allowing syndicates to trade in human lives with impunity. The UDM calls on government to act with urgency, unity, and compassion to protect the vulnerable, prosecute the guilty, and restore integrity to our borders and institutions. Every victim rescued is a life reclaimed, but true victory will come only when no person in South Africa can be bought, sold, or enslaved.
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