Admin
31 Dec, 2013
2014 – An opportunity for change
This past year has shown evidence that our Nation is on a slippery slope to becoming a third class nation with its citizens relegated to poverty and struggle. 2013 was littered by far too many corruption scandals, miscarriages of justice and a government that seems hell bent on staying this course. We witnessed the shocking verdict in the Andries Tatane case; the fiasco with the deployment of South African soldiers in the Central African Republic and the scandalous handling of hearings into the Marikana Massacre. Government’s indiscriminate use of its security agencies to quell service delivery protests; the Independent Electoral Commission’s lease agreement scandal and the International Relations Director General’s doubtful spending of half-a-billion Rand in the name of the African Renaissance Fund. The corruption and maladministration at the Universal Service and Access Agency of SA (USAASA). Government’s bungling of the Walter Sisulu University strike; the Tripartite Alliance’s internal strife and petty politics negatively affecting service delivery; the imposition of the e-Tolling system in Gauteng and then of course, Nkandlagate. 2014 brings with it an opportunity for us to recommit to the original agenda: to improve the lives of all South Africans. With the pending national and provincial elections, we hope that South Africans will have opened their eyes and see that the party they have trusted since 1994 have, as time has gone by, abused that trust and used them as voting fodder to enrich the few. To each person in our Rainbow Nation, we hope that 2014 brings with it prosperity and opportunities to better your life and those of your children. Happy New Year
Admin
08 Oct, 2013
Human Rights Day
Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP at the celebration of Human Rights Day at Marikana, North West on 21 March 2013 Programme Director, Deputy President, Secretary General, UDM National Executive Committee Members, UDM Public Representatives and members of the Party, People of the Bojanala Region Fellow South Africans Thank you to all of you who have come today to make this celebration possible. The structures of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) in the North West in particular have worked very hard to bring us all together; thank you. To our Secretary General, Mr Bongani Msomi, our National Treasurer, Mrs Thandi Nontenja, a special word of thanks for the hard work and hours of sweat. HUMAN RIGHTS IN SOUTH AFRICA Human Rights Day is a reminder of the tragic 1960 Sharpeville Massacre, in which the police opened fire and killed 69 people at a peaceful demonstration against the apartheid pass laws. Today, South Africans of all races use this day to celebrate our unique Constitution which gives equal rights to all. We also take stock of the progress we made to promote, develop and protect human rights in South Africa. Despite the quantum leap from an oppressive regime to one of the most liberal constitutions in the world, human rights violations in South Africa occur all too frequently. INEQUALITY OF SOUTH AFRICA’S CITIZENS It cannot be denied that much has been done for our people, but we must be honest and say that there are too many of us that have no houses, no access to water and sanitation, others walks miles to get to hospitals and clinics, children are taught in mud schools and people don’t have jobs. Millions of our people go to bed on an empty stomach. We all know that poverty is the greatest human rights violation. Co-existing with these high levels of poverty, is extreme inequality, with the gap between the rich and poor widening on a daily basis. ROLE OF UNIONS Another issue related to human rights is the critical question of how best to put the majority citizens in the mainstream of the economy. That said, it is worth noting that the Lonmin workers decided to take the fight about remuneration and working conditions to their employers. You took it upon yourselves to unshackle the workers from the yoke of poverty and inequality. It was brave of you to bypass the middleman, the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), when you realised that it was no longer serving your best interests. It is encouraging to see that you continue to fight for your rights despite the challenges facing you. However, you should remember that removing the middleman was just the first step. One of the most critical steps in this process, is that you should continue to familiarise yourselves with the laws of the land. This is extremely important in helping you to frame the appropriate response to whatever challenges come your way. In this regard, we commend the leadership of the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU) for the sterling work in guiding and supporting you during the negotiations. Mining houses must invest more to cultivate direct relationships with their employees. We call on the management of mines to have an open-door policy and give their employees the opportunity to talk about the matters close to their hearts. I would, however, like to give you a word of advice on the controversial issue pertaining to the access, or lack thereof, of the mineworkers’ to a provident fund worth R22 billion and NUM’s investments schemes. For many years I have been helping ex-mineworkers to claim for their pension funds without success. It is worrying that none of these ex-mineworkers have ever benefited from these schemes of the investment arms of the trade unions. I have yet to come across a mineworker who has received dividends from these investments. It seems as if some trade unions are using workers as their cash cows. This is daylight robbery! We must say NO to this exploitation of workers! In this regard, I would advise you to approach the Farlam Commission and request it to summon the South African Chamber of Mines, NUM, the Department of Labour and the Department of Health to explain where the workers’ monies are. The root of the unhappiness that led to unnecessary deaths of mineworkers was the conditions of service and as such we expect that the Commission would be keen to assist you to trace your invested monies. Even if it means that Judge Farlam must ask the President to extend the Commission’s terms of reference to cater for this important matter. NATIONALISATION OF MINES – SHARING IN THE WEALTH The debate around the nationalisation of mines has been raging for quite some time and I bet that last word was not said at Mangaung. As long as there is no transparency about who really benefits from mining in South Africa, this problem will not go away. Our fathers have been working in these shafts for years without reaping the benefits from this wealth. It seems that we were foolish to think that after 1994 things would change. Instead we see a selected few, parachuted into the mining industry under the guise of Black Economic Empowerment (BEE), who have absolutely not ownership and no control. Perhaps, if we had share schemes for the mineworkers we would be talking a different language today. It is for this reason that the UDM has been calling for an economic indaba, on the same scale as Codesa, so that we can thresh out these contentious issues. A GOVERNMENT MAKES IT WORSE INSTEAD OF BETTER The ANC-led government’s decision after 1994 to hastily remove subsidies from key industries, such as agriculture, textile, and so on, is on of the reasons for high levels of poverty and unemployment. To make matters worse, the money Government used to pay for the subsidies is now being channelled to dysfunctional institutions and cadre enrichment schemes. The Tripartite Alliance has also institutionalised corruption, in that, through its investment arms it is always first in line for government tenders. This means that the ANC is both player and referee. The current government does not have its priorities straight. Even if you look at the budget allocations of provinces, there seems to be disparity between what the requirements are and how much resources are given. One can only be baffled when you hear of another elite project to be launched that will line the pockets of the Comrades in Corruption. MARIKANA MASSACRE We stand today on piece of ground that has seen much heartache and sadness. What happened here is a stark reminder of how easily human rights are infringed upon. It is unfortunate that the voices of the people are so suppressed, not only in Marikana, but in other parts of the Country. It reminds us of the Apartheid era, when the Government did not want to listen to its people and they abused their power by sending the police to silence the people. By doing this, the Government played the police against the people and destroyed the hard-earned trust. The Farlam Commission would have failed in its duty if it does not scratch deep enough to determine the extent of involvement of the political heads of this Country in sending the security forces to crush peaceful protests. CONCLUSION In the past, no opposition party would have been given a chance to speak to the people of this area. We thank AMCU for their non-partisanship and that they made it possible for political leaders and other stakeholders to talk to the mineworkers. As a result of this attitude, you now know that you have monies that are due to you. As we leave here today, we must live the dream that is described in our Bill of Rights. The Bill of Rights is the cornerstone of our democracy and enshrines the rights of ALL the people of this country; it affirms the value of human dignity, equality and freedom. It is no good to pay lip service and say: “Never again”. We must each have our rights, but we also have our responsibilities as citizens of this Country. We must work hard to find each other and make South Africa a Winning Nation. I thank you.
Admin
08 Oct, 2013
Freedom Day
Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP on Freedom Day in the Vhembe Distrtict in Limpopo on 27 April 2013 Programme Director, Deputy President of the UDM Secretary General of the UDM, UDM National Executive Committee Members, UDM Limpopo Provincial Leadership, UDM Public Representatives and members of the Party, People of Vhembe Region, Fellow South Africans; Thank you to all of you, who have come today, to make this celebration possible. The structures of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) in Limpopo have worked very hard to bring us all together; thank you. The commemoration of Freedom Day reminds us of the heavy price our struggle heroes and heroines paid for the freedom we now enjoy. This day gives us an opportunity to reflect on the progress we have made since the advent of democracy in 1994 as well as the challenges we face today. Truth be told, we started well in 1994. We built a democratic dispensation based on the noble ideals of protecting human rights and promoting freedom. This, together with the exemplary manner with which we managed the pre-1994 negotiations and the transition that gave birth to a new political dispensation, made South Africa a beacon of hope for Africa and the rest of the world. Indeed, we made tremendous progress since then. However, nineteen years later, a closer look at our country reveals serious regression. Today, South Africans have to put up with a faltering and underperforming economy that seems incapable of growing at the levels required to reduce unemployment, to eradicate poverty and inequality. This underperformance occurs against the background of the ever-increasing gap between the haves and haves-not. Our education system ranks among the worst performers in world. This happens despite the huge amount of resources the country ploughs into it. The poor state of our education fails our children and jeopardises their future. Our primary healthcare system is falling apart. Hospitals and clinics are short-staffed, they have no medicines and patients are treated with disdain. Corruption in the government is rife despite its assurances to the contrary. The Comrades in Corruption loot state resources daily and with impunity through tenderpreneurship and bogus schemes. This handicaps service delivery and results in many violent service delivery riots around the country. Even prospective investors shun South Africa as an investment destination because of the high levels of corruption, and our people pay the price. Government uses every opportunity to abuse power by intimidating those who challenge or disagree with it. The ruling alliance’s overreaction to Bret Murray’s Spear Painting is a case in point. To make matters worse, government officials are appointed based on political affiliation rather than merit. Government prioritises elite projects and spend billions of Rands on projects, such as the Gautrain, instead of ploughing this money into service delivery. Weak leadership paralyses every sphere of government. Nowhere is this more evident than in the high rate of policy turnover; each new minister brings a new policy. With each new appointment, there is poor or no implementation of either the inherited or new government programmes. This creates confusion and instability, because the people do not know what to expect from government and, more importantly, how evaluate its performance. This regime does not respect the rule of law. We see how it reacts when the courts do not rule in its favour. You will recall that in 2009 the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) took an administrative decision to drop all corruption charges against President Zuma paving his way to the Union Buildings. This has caused irreparable damage to the reputation of our justice system, because people now believe that, in our justice system, politically connected and powerful individuals “are more equal than others”. Compare the way in which President Zuma was treated, to that of the former ANC Youth League (ANCYL) President, Julius Malema. State institutions have been used to harass and destroy him. I am not here to defend Mr Malema; he is a shrewd politician he can do that for himself. Contrary to the monster his detractors portray him to be, Mr Malema has carried himself in a dignified manner during this difficult time in his life. In fact, he has thus far displayed more respect for the rule of law than some of the senior leaders of the ruling party. Other challenges facing our Nation today include, but are not limited to, high levels of crime, dysfunctional local government councils and a lack of sustainable development programmes. With the bleak picture I have sketched thus far, it is not difficult to conclude that we are on a slippery slope to a dysfunctional state and anarchy. To turn this situation around, we need to intensify our efforts to ensure that elected leaders consult with the electorate and account for their political decisions and programmes. Improving the efficacy of this vertical form of accountability has numerous benefits. Chief among these benefits is that it enables the people to keep track and evaluate the performance of their government. There are instances where people are afraid to question the performance of government departments due to fear of reprisal. We should use this process to ensure that no one is victimised for demanding delivery. There are also cases where government deliberately misinforms the public, such as the recent controversy around deployment of South African troops to the Central African Republic (CAR) for an unspecified mission. Democracy is subverted when elected politicians do not consult and account to the electorate, and when they deliberately misinform the public about some of their decisions. Given the victimisation of our people, as mentioned above, I applaud you for your courage in collecting the service delivery complaints of the people of Limpopo. You did this despite the fact that you might be victimised. A special thanks therefore to the people of the Capricorn, Thulamela and Aganang Municipalities for forwarding their complaints to us. The UDM councillors and the leadership of this province have done a sterling job of encouraging communities to come forward with their service delivery complaints and concerns. I thank you for your hard work. Ladies and gentlemen, this process is gathering momentum. As I am speaking to you, we will be receiving more complaints from the people of this province. A quick look at the list of service delivery complaints from 20 villages in Ward 22 reveals the same regression I mentioned earlier. Tomorrow I will however meet with Chief Lambani and the people of this community at the Chief’s kraal to talk about their worries. As with the other people, with whom we have interacted in this province, the people in these villages complain about (among others) having no water and no electricity; their roads are impassable and their schools and clinics poorly equipped. With such a long list of service delivery complaints, some of which constitute serious human rights violations, we wonder whether the Human Rights Commission is playing its proper role. You wonder whether it has not also just become another employment agency for the ruling party’s cadres. Once we have received all your complaints, we will hand them over to President Zuma for attention. To the UDM structures in the province, these complaints provide a clear indication that our people are unhappy with the current government. You will recall that the UDM was once the main opposition party in this province. The floor-crossing legislation however cost us that status. We need to work hard regain it. We have to crisscross the province to recruit members and to swell our ranks. We must make it clear to all and sundry that the UDM is here to stay and that we have an important role to play in South Africa. We will not surrender, nor will we allow ourselves to be swallowed by another political party. We have to make people understand that efficacy of the service delivery chain would, among other things, be achieved in the face of adequate electoral competition between South Africa’s various political parties. One party dominance breeds arrogance of power, complacency, corruption and poor service delivery. I thank you.
Admin
24 Sep, 2013
South Africa on the Slippery Slope
Article by Bantu Holomisa published in the New Agenda During my career I have witnessed many governments come and go. As a former head of the Transkei Military Government, I have had an overview of what the Apartheid Government and the Bantustans had done, in comparison with what the current government is doing. The previous regime’s policies and abuse of human rights is well documented; including some homelands. Although I was heading this discredited institution, I was able to forge close links with all the liberation movements, when we ascended to power, as my government lent a shoulder in fighting for the freedom of all South Africans. One of the reasons why we supported the struggle was that we were hopeful that the new government would address the backlogs and imbalances of the past, especially in the townships and homelands. Indeed when the African National Congress (ANC) ascended to power in 1994 we can say that they started well. They made much progress in areas such as electrification, access to water and providing homes for the poor in the cities. However what shocked South Africans is the poor quality of the infrastructure they were given. Electricity is not reliable; water projects are launched only to break down after a few months and the RDP houses are worse than those built for blacks by the Apartheid government. Many towns have become slums because of the poor maintenance of infrastructure across the country. Where they had failed completely was on the question of employment. We see stark difference between the economic policies of the partners in the ruling alliance and in the past twenty years they have spent much energy vacillating between which routes to follow. Unemployment and poverty is a direct contradiction of freedom. Real freedom – political, social and economic – provides dignity to a nation. On the other hand, unemployment and poverty undermines it. South Africans are suspicious and mistrust government because of perceptions that it is not equitably distributing the resources of the country. A new privileged political elite exclusively enjoys the resources. There is no consensus on a macro-economic policy that can transform the economy in a manner that could create and spread wealth wider and improve the lot of the disadvantaged majority. There are in particular concerns about the inadequacies and contradictions of the fiscal and industrial policies. Our economy suffers from jobless growth due to the confusion created by an ambivalent tripartite alliance. This ruling clique preaches elimination of unemployment in the streets and legislate retrenchments and greater unemployment in Parliament. In the past 16 years, the United Democratic Movement (UDM) has been calling for GOVERNMENT TO DO MORE! Government has a responsibility to intervene and protect the South African economy and South African jobs when necessary. Whilst Free Market Capitalism is the best economic system developed by humanity, it is still fraught with weaknesses and failures that must be actively managed. The situation in South Africa is compounded by high levels of corruption. The UDM has over the years been involved in exposing many of these scandals. We have the resolve and commitment to fight corruption, and take on any party, no matter its history or power, to ensure that South Africans have the ethical governance that they deserve. These are but some examples of the UDM’s active role in national politics and the further consolidation of South Africa’s democracy. As our actions and words have proved, the UDM is a viable, trustworthy and reliable opposition party.
Admin
10 Dec, 1997
Court case against UDM Pretoria Councillors
Joint media statement by the UDM and the NP The National Party (NP) and the United Democratic Movement (UDM) have jointly decided that the pending court case regarding the UDM members who have resigned from the NP whilst retaining their elected positions on the Pretoria City Council, not be proceeded with. It is a joint viewpoint that the situation in the country in the national interest requires from everybody to rather concentrate on the bigger issues. Policy differences between the two parties are not dissolved by this agreement, but in further decision-making regarding relevant issues in Pretoria, the interests of all the residents of the city will be the determining factor.
Admin
03 Dec, 1997
Medium-term budget policy statement by Minister Manuel
Statement by Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer The release of Finance Minister Trevor Manuel’s medium-term budget policy statement has introduced a new, transparent direction for South African fiscal policy. For this he needs to be congratulated. Although all the news is not encouraging, especially the scaled-down forecast for growth of the GDP, the opening up of fiscal policy planning is a fresh approach that will prove to be of immense assistance to local and foreign investors. It also expresses a much-needed confidence in the capabilities of the department and ministry of Finance and the general direction in which South African fiscal policies are heading. One concern, though, is regarding the introduction of a contingency and policy reserve, totaling R5bn. Proper control of these funds would be needed to prevent irregularities and the improper application thereof. Clear control guidelines need to be spelled out by the minister.
Admin
03 Dec, 1997
Concern about murders on farms
Statement by Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer The alarming regularity with which farming people are attacked and murdered has long since reached critical proportions. The possibility mooted by President Mandela last week that the atrocities may be committed by wild elements formerly belonging to MK, was a frank admission opening up a possibility of ending this rule of terror. The UDM, however, is concerned that nothing substantial has apparently since been done. We request government, as a matter of urgency, to compile a list of all possible suspects and to comprehensively plan how all of these will be traced and their activities investigated. If gangs like these are indeed existing and operating, they are a scourge and a menace to our society and our democracy. The full force of the law needs to be speedily brought down on them, otherwise the government will be seen as having dismally failed a large community of its citizens. We shall monitor the situation closely in the interest of the many South Africans living and working on farms, who are now living under the unacceptable and constant sword of violence and murder.
Admin
01 Dec, 1997
Jobs summit: acclaim for breakthrough
Statement by Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer The UDM is extremely grateful for the agreement reached at Nedlac on the presidential jobs summit planned for the second quarter of 1998. We have taken note of the two phased approach towards the summit and the follow-up phase envisaged. Although proper planning is essential, it is a pity that this most desperate need of so many of our fellow South Africans took so long to receive the proper attention it deserves. It is, however, clear that sufficient new jobs are not going to be created by government and big business alone. The only way to achieve sustainable success in this area, the UDM believes, will be to start with relevant programmes at grass roots level, targeting individuals and households. We need to bring jobs to the townships. In the quest for urgent and creative solutions to this priority issue, the UDM will hold an economic workshop early in the new year. This workshop will involve experts in the respective fields of economic planning, labour and related issues. The UDM will therefore be in a position to creatively take part in the consultation and negotiation phase towards the proposed presidential summit. If the war against unemployment is not won, a sea of desperation and hopelessness will obliterate many of the good things that South Africa has achieved so far. Unemployment needs to be an urgent national priority.
Admin
25 Nov, 1997
Zuma’s final straw
Statement by Bantu Holomisa The finding by the Public Protector that Minister Zuma had made some misleading or exaggerated claims about the cost of medicines in South Africa in an apparent bid to justify her medicines bills, is a further infringement by a minister that is now really overstaying her welcome. With this, Minister Zuma has misled Parliament and the population at large. Under the circumstances, signing of the Bills by the President should be delayed until the Public Protector has conducted further investigations. The Public Protector has proved himself to be a worthwhile, independent watchdog of Government. We now trust that Government will also respect the authority of the Public Protector and not allow him to be targeted as had happened to the Auditor General. Two things are now required: Firstly, the urgent need exists to investigate the applicable international conventions in order to determine which are beneficial to South Africa. A clear policy is needed regarding our official stand towards international copyright conventions and the right of intellectual property. Secondly, the Minister of Health has now certainly crossed a bridge too far. This matter is a classical case of abuse of power by the minister concerned. Notwithstanding the good work she has done, her disregard for accuracy and correctness, brusque and undiplomatic treatment of involved parties in the health field and her ham-handed handling of her ministry has made her a liability. By allowing her to stay on as minister, Government will send a clear message that it condones a ministry where the only principle apparently is that the end justifies the means. Zuma should go.
Admin
24 Nov, 1997
Futile summit by opposition parties
Statement issued by Roelf Meyer Over the recent past, the idea of closer co-operation between opposition parties in our country, has been mooted a couple of times. This idea has to be exposed for the futile exercise in hopelessness it essentially is now that the NP has announced plans to hold such a summit early next year. These ‘plans’ are essentially similar to proposals the DP has made earlier and can be interpreted either as a concerted effort by the two parties to get such a summit off the ground, or a hijacking by the NP of a DP initiative. Fact is that efforts on these lines will be futile if the crucial issue, namely a restructuring of our politics, is not addressed. The bigger picture is that South African parliamentary politics is presently being conducted along racial lines, with the essentially ‘white’ parties in no position to threaten the majority, essentially ‘black’ party, notwithstanding attempts by the ‘white’ parties to rearrange themselves. These efforts will rather increase the racial polarisation by being interpreted as a ganging up against the ANC, even if attempts to draw in the IFP, which is regarded as a Zulu traditional niche party, is successful. These attempts will be futile in changing the present numbers game in our politics. Without successfully increasing their support bases, the combined support of the parliamentary opposition parties will not even reach 25% according to recent polling figures. This is an even more emasculated opposition than at present. The only viable answer is to restructure the politics out of the present racial rut and present South Africans from all communities with political parties that appeal on grounds of their values, visions and policies rather than the racial ticket. This means that parties need to shed the image and baggage that presently prevent members from other communities to vote for them. The NP and DP, for example, will never in their present forms be able to attract meaningful black support. This is the political reality around which the NP and DP are conducting their futile egg-dances. Without making this paradigm shift, they are destined to become withering niche parties with nothing more than curiosity value. The parties will therefore have to reinvent themselves. The NP cannot expect black support for itself as a party or its idea of an opposition summit while clamouring for consolidation of its (essentially white) support base. The UDM was born as a result of the determination to present to South Africans a party free from historical baggage, with sound core values and well-grounded policy positions suited to the needs of the real South Africa. It has already proved itself by attracting support from literary all communities in the country. It is at present the only party able to draw substantial support in ANC strongholds, as illustrated by rallies in the Eastern Cape, where 20 000 supporters attended, the North West Province, Mpumalanga and the Northern Province. While the DP and NP are busy rearranging the deckchairs on their political Titanic, the UDM is building a substantial party on its vision of a party for all South Africans, aiming at making South Africa a winning nation to the benefit of all her people.
Admin
20 Nov, 1997
Roelf Meyer visits PW Botha
Statement by UDM Media Manager on behalf of Roelf Meyer This morning I visited Mr PW Botha at his home in Wilderness. It was a private visit that was already arranged two months ago to coincide with my visit to the Southern Cape and Mr Botha’s availability. The visit had no connection with Mr Botha’s present relations with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, although the issue did come up during our discussions. It needs to be noted that Bantu Holomisa and I have always been of the opinion that co-operation with the TRC is imperative in order to uncover the full perspective of the past. With this in mind, the UDM will seek to play a role, if possible, to find a solution to the present impasse between Mr Botha and the Commission. Mr Botha undoubtedly possesses information of infinite value for the Commission to be able to fill in its picture of the past. The challenge will now be to determine the best possible way in which this transaction can be accomplished. Legal steps, under the circumstances, may not be the ideal solution, resulting only in further alienation.
Admin
16 Nov, 1997
Freedom Front leader joins UDM
Statement by UDM Media Manager A regional leader of the Freedom Front, Mr Danie Theron, has resigned and joined the UDM of Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer. He was chairman of the Pretoria South East Region of the FF. His decision, he said, was based on the increasing racialisation of our politics and the fact that parliamentary opposition does not seem to be able to garner adequate support to be any threat to the ANC. ‘More and more people realise that ethnic-based parties such as the FF and NP will never be able to draw the numbers necessary for taking them into government. It is high time that South Africans of all walks of life, over ethnic and cultural boundaries, take hands to end crime and create economic growth, job opportunities and racial harmony,’ he explained. The political playing field has changed, he said, and a new, fresh approach is necessary to unite South Africans and create a new patriotism in order to face our socio-economic challenges in a responsible way. ‘I can totally identify with the vision of Roelf Meyer and Bantu Holomisa and shall assist in realising it. I believe the UDM could be the official opposition after the 1999 elections’, Mr Theron said.
Admin
05 Nov, 1997
ANC’s disinformation campaign against the UDM
Statement by UDM Media Manager Gauteng MEC Ms Jessie Duarte has accused the UDM of being involved in violence on the East and West Rand and implicated the party with training paramilitary units. This is, of course, utter nonsense. The UDM is a democratic party. We reject violence in all forms as means to obtain political power. We have done so emphatically in the past. We have made it clear beyond any doubt that there is no room in the UDM whatsoever for perpetrators of violence. We believe in democracy and we believe in peace. Let there be no misunderstanding about this. If Ms Duarte has any concrete evidence of violence or paramilitary training anywhere in Gauteng, we expect her as political head of the SAPS in Gauteng to make the evidence public and prosecute the perpetrators. As a person of integrity, we know that she will not willingly be tempted into becoming part of a cheap campaign of political disinformation. In recognising her lapse of judgement, we are confident that she will now either substantiate her claims, or keep quiet. The UDM again emphasises that it is not connected to any such accusations and has no knowledge whatsoever of any such information. If people are prosecuted in the process, and some of them are indeed identified as members of the UDM, their membership will immediately be nullified. The UDM does not condone or plan violence in any form, and does not entertain perpetrators of violence. Fact of the matter is that violence in these areas is not a new phenomenon. It existed years before the launch of the UDM. It can, in fact, be traced back to the pre-1994 actions of the ANC aligned SDU’s. A number of ANC leaders have since unsuccessfully tried to put an end to this monster they have spawned themselves. To accuse the UDM now, is nothing but a crude attempt to shift blame. Ms Cheryl Carolus, acting Secretary-General of the ANC, has also tried to sow suspicion against the UDM by trying to paint a picture of connivance and secret dealings regarding the backgrounds of Messrs. Holomisa, Meyer and Spaarwater. Again there is no evidence to back up the flimsy, opportunistic and half-baked allegations. Mr Spaarwater was indeed an official in National Intelligence, but also in Constitutional Development, where he played a major part in setting the scene for the constitutional negotiations leading to our democratic elections in 1994. He was involved in the first meetings between the previous government and the ANC, specifically Mr Thabo Mbeki. He was furthermore no supporter of the governing party at the time, and indeed left the DP to join the UDM. The public will recognise this for the smear campaign it is, born out of apparent panic and a bullying mindset. This is exactly the kind of political attitude that belongs to the past. Let us rather look at the future and use our energy to build South Africa into the great nation that we can, and want to, be.
Admin
04 Nov, 1997
UDM: New Party Structures
Statement by UDM Interim National Management Committee of the UDM The Interim National Management Committee of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) met for the first time yesterday, after the launch of the party on 27 September 1997. At the meeting, a number of issues were discussed. Provinces reported back on progress made during the first month in business, the positive state of the membership drive and progress made in establishing branches of the UDM. This wide report indicated positively on the fact that the UDM is already – after being in operation for just a month now – functioning as a party on the national level. Management positions were also approved for the UDM’s National Office. These appointments are: Director: Management Services Annelizé van Wyk; Treasurer Takis Christodoulou; Director: Research Joel Mafenya; Director: Policy Development Maritz Spaarwater; Director: Provincial Organisation & Development Kobus du Plessis. The UDM furthermore strategised around several important political issues. The ongoing violence in KwaZulu-Natal received special attention. The UDM finds this continuous violence totally unacceptable and considers it a serious threat to the process of democracy. The UDM leadership will consider visiting some of these hot spots on a fact-finding mission. Serious concern was raised by the Committee on the apparent lack of ability or will of the government to normalise the situation.
Admin
28 Oct, 1997
Student turmoil at Parliament
Statement by Roelf Meyer The incident where students voiced their grievances from the parliamentary gallery, displayed a crudeness and an unacceptable lack of discipline that the UDM repudiates in the strongest terms. This is exactly the kind of counter-productive and repellent behaviour which actually does a disservice to the cause of the perpetrators. What is true, though, is that Government should heed the cultural needs and problems of communities in South Africa. This incident was about the perceived nonchalance from Government to enforce the constitutional rights in this case of the Afrikaans language. Government should do well to listen to the voices of all cultural communities and to see to it that their rights are scrupulously guarded. The notion by any cultural community of expressing themselves in political terms, however, is unfortunate and one that does not bode well in a multi-cultural country. Cultural expression is a group activity, but any attempt to form a political grouping around cultural unity, is an alienating process which does not serve the cause of the cultural group or the interest of the country.
Admin
28 Oct, 1997
Unsuccessful coup d’etat in Zambia
Statement issued by UDM Media Manager The UDM supports the Government wholeheartedly in its condemnation of the attempted coup d’etat in Zambia. In a democracy, there should be no other option of changing government, than through the ballot. The UDM will always assist towards establishing and supporting democracy as wide as possible, both nationally and internationally.
Admin
26 Oct, 1997
UDM Rally in Rustenburg
Statement by Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer In Rustenburg this afternoon, Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer, joint leaders of the UDM, addressed 3 000 supporters at a rally organised by the North West provincial structures of the UDM. Amidst cheering and numerous vivas! from the crowd, Holomisa stressed the importance of the UDM’s economic policy in closing the gap between the ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots’ by taking care of the huge national problem of unemployment. Regarding the relationship between the mine workers’ union Mouthpiece and the UDM, he reiterated the Movement’s position that no alliance between the UDM and any workers’ union is presently on the cards. He stressed, however, that individual members of unions are ‘most welcome’ to join the UDM. He added that there are also members of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) who have already joined the UDM. This, he said, will likely be to remain the official policy of the UDM until after the national elections of 1999. He also criticised the mine workers’ violence in the North West Province, stressing the need for a peaceful settlement of grievances. Roelf Meyer criticised the national Parliament for the procedures adopted in voting the Promotion of Multi-Party Democracy Bill through the parliamentary committee on Constitutional Affairs. The Bill aims at providing and regulating state funding for political parties, and makes provision only for those parties already represented in Parliament. It is, Meyer said, ‘further gravy for the existing gravy train.’ Although the UDM had requested an opportunity to make an oral representation, arguing that the effect of the Bill will be to keep the playing field as uneven as possible against those not yet represented in Parliament, this request was handled in such a way that it virtually gave the UDM little if any chance of participating in the debate. ‘It is understandable that parties represented in the Committee would feel threatened by a newcomer with the clear potential to unsettle their support bases’, he said. ‘What is unacceptable and reprehensible, however, is that an institution of Parliament should assist the parties’ obstruction by denying access to the UDM through its highly dubious procedural arrangements.’ He put on record the UDM’s strongest protest against these arrangements, adding that it is no permanent set-back, as the UDM will definitely be represented in Parliament after 1999. At a media conference at the conclusion of the rally, Holomisa appealed for an independent commission of inquiry into violence on the mines, which should exclude government, because the NUM as a government ally should already be represented. The terms of reference of the Commission should be look at the circumstances surrounding the violence and how best to manage the situation. Get the politicians out of the way, he said, also referring to President Mandela’s unsuccessful attempts to broker peace in this field. Referring to the PAC’s Patricia de Lille’s revelation of top-notch ANC politicians as ‘apartheid spies’, Holomisa commended her for her courage, adding that the ANC handled the matter in a very doubtful way. Roelf Meyer explained that the policies of the UDM are at present being fleshed out, and that the final policy positions should find the best and most effective answers for South Africa’s most pressing problems. We should set ourselves a target of finding these answers and making South Africa a world-class nation in ten years’ time, he said. In this, he added, government is not showing any clear direction. Policy-wise, GEAR can’t be faulted, but it is not working down to grassroots level. GEAR is good, he said, but where are the jobs? There is also no proper delivery of crucial services throughout the country, he added. Holomisa attacked the way in which the ANC government is managing the important issue of privatisation. For three years now, he said, government has been talking about the issue, and if this process is to continue in the way it is doing at present, ‘we are going the mortgage the country by 1999.’ Responding to a question, Holomisa said that he believes that there was an ANC clique behind his ousting from the ANC. This clique, he added, ‘exploited Madiba’s kindness’ in getting the President to act against him.
Admin
16 Sep, 1997
The integrity of the new party
Statement by Roelf Meyer The new political party to be launched on 27 September will endeavour to designate the problem of civil order as one of the highest priority for South Africa. This would include making our society criminal-hostile to the greatest possible extent, rooting out corruption and fostering national moral regeneration. In order to achieve these goals, the protection of the integrity of the party and its membership needs to be a top priority. We simply cannot endeavour to occupy the moral high ground and simultaneously harbour potential criminals in our midst. To this end we are formulating a code of conduct for our members and representatives. It follows that no-one who may be in a position to compromise the integrity of the party by his or her association, should be allowed as members. Anyone with a pending court case against them should, until such time as he or she is acquitted by court, refrain from associating him or herself with the party. Applying these criteria, it follows that Sifiso Nkabinde and Lucas Mangope will not be in a position to join the new party until such time as their pending court cases have run their respective courses.
Admin
30 Aug, 1997
UDM: Preparatory conference: 30 August 1997
statement issued by NMP Media Manager Representatives of the provincial co-ordinating structures and the national office of the New Movement Process met in Bloemfontein yesterday for a national preparatory conference to report back on the country-wide consultation process and to prepare for the launch of the new party on September 27, 1997. The conference marked the end of the three month long consultation process where ideas and inputs from thousands of South Africans were garnered in order to inform on the need for a new political party, and the points of departure, policy framework and vision and mission of such a party. A report back on these was done by the provincial representatives and summarised by Roelf Meyer. In preparation for the national launch on 27 September, the following resolutions were unanomously and enthusiastically adopted by the conference: To support the establishment of a new political party on 27 September 1997, jointly with the National Consultative Forum, with a view to assuming the responsibility of governing the Republic of South Africa at the earliest opportunity. To mandate the leader of the New Movement Process (NMP), Mr Roelf Meyer, to lead the NMP into the formation of the new party on 27 September 1997. To nominate Mr Roelf Meyer and Gen Bantu Holomisa to jointly lead the new party until its first full congress, which is to be held not later than 30 June, 1998. To mandate the joint leadership to decide on the name, symbols and colours of the new party. That any political party wishing to join the new party on 27 September 1997, should disband beforehand. Their members can then join the new party as individuals. The leader of the National Consultative Forum, Gen Bantu Holomisa, joined the conference with a message from the NCF, which was received with acclaim. The entire conference expressed its extreme excitement and enthusiasm for the launching of the new party: Throughout South Africa there is a spirit of anticipation for a realignment in politics, which is also one of the main objectives for launching the new party.
Admin
26 Aug, 1997
Retirement of Mr FW de Klerk
Statement by Roelf Meyer The announcement by Mr FW de Klerk came as quite a surprise. Together with the whole of South Africa, we want to thank him today for the courage and vision that he displayed in 1990, which have helped to lift our country out of the rut of the past and put it on the road towards democratisation. For that, our country will remember him for ever. After 1994, it became increasingly clear that the National Party could not carry through the transformation in South African politics, in spite of good intentions. Mr De Klerk’s retirement gives further momentum to the restructuring of the South African political landscape and I have no doubt that many more people will now reconsider their political positions. Regarding the NP, this situation will now probably have the effect of speeding up the movement towards provincialisation and marginalisation. I can wholly understand Mr De Klerk’s decision not to lead the NP any longer, and wish him well on his retirement.
Admin
22 Aug, 1997
NP legal action against Pretoria councillors
Statement issued by NMP Media Manager The following observations can be made regarding court procedures started by the National Party against the 8 Pretoria councillors who have joined the New Movement Process: It is contravening the policy of the NP, namely that provision must be made in the Constitution allowing elected representatives to exercise their own free will regarding party loyalties. Mr De Klerk himself has, on a number of occasions, requested that the anti defection clause be scrapped. It creates a climate of non-participation with the NP court cases alienate people. It contravenes the promotion of multi-party democracy and the promises by the NP itself that it will work together to create a realignment of the political scene. It leaves the impression that the NP is only concerned about its own interests and only wants to restructure politics on its own terms. It is clear that something drastically needs to be done to restructure the political scene. Dissatisfaction with the ANC nonwithstanding, no opposition party has been able to achieve any gains from the situation. Results of the latest survey conducted by the HSRC, confirm this: ANC support has dropped to 53%, but the opposition has even fared worse, with a grand total of only 21%. The only solution is therefore to strengthen multi-party democracy by creating a new political formation. This is exactly what the NMP is busy doing. It is incidentally also the decision the 10 Pretoria councillors have reached, in line with the broad interest of South Africa. The moment this happened, the NP again lapsed into its style of practising politics through litigation. What is also significant, is the apparent division in the NP’s own ranks. At the end of July, subsequent to final decisions on the Executive Council posts in the Pretoria council, Mr Sam de Beer and myself were discussing the NMP proposal, namely that the NP should retain chairmanship of the Exec Council. It then came to light, though, that the NP has already reached an agreement with the ANC, in terms of which the NP will lose the chairmanship. The question is: Who managed these negotiations? Whilst discussions were again initiated between Mr De Beer and myself during the past couple of days, the process of issuing the court orders was continued. Again it leaves the impression that there is division in NP ranks. The NMP has all the time been of the opinion that we must look at the future regarding restructuring of politics and contributing to multi-party democracy. It is therefore counter-productive to launch any action to the detriment of opposition parties and to the benefit of the ANC. This was also the view of the NMP councillors, and I reject emphatically the allegation that their actions have benefited the ANC. If the NP wants to test voter opinion under present circumstances, an ideal opportunity presents itself with the coming election for Students’ Representative Council at the University of Pretoria. The election is held on party political base. During 1996, the NP participated and did the best from all political parties. This year, the NP has failed to even nominate any candidates, evidently because of lack of interest.
