The scathing report of the Public Protector on the so-called Nkandla “upgrades” probably marks one of the darkest moments in the history our country since the advent of democracy in 1994. The findings that President Zuma has once again violated the Executive Members Ethics Code through his failure to act in protection of state resources, that he tacitly accepted the implementation of all measures at his residence and has unduly benefited from the enormous capital investment, must be offensive to any nation that takes pride in the values espoused in its constitution. No individual can be above our nation and our laws. We agree with the Public Protector when she says, “…if government becomes lawbreaker, it breeds contempt of law”. The report, in finding guilty various ministers and departments, is an indictment of our government and the ruling party. Advocate Madonsela’s report exposes the conspicuous lack of shame of the ruling party, its ministers and its leaders. The Comrades in Corruption have a propensity to deceive the citizenry in defence of its susceptible president and each other. The ministers’ calculated deception and ex facto justification of the spend is an indication of how institutionalised corruption has rooted itself in government. The fabric of our nation’s probity has been corroded and confidence has waned in the leadership, body politic and integrity of our nation – all because of one man and what was done in his defence. The ANC’s continued disregard of the many voices of conscience, inside and outside its ranks, and failure to put South Africa first, is a clear indication that only the voters can stop them now. We therefore urge voters to send the message loud and clear: “We Can Stop Corruption”. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) also pays tribute to the late Mandy Rossouw who exposed this scandal through her courageous and diligent journalistic work. Her extraordinary work reinforces our belief that a free media remains one of the pillars of our constitutional democracy. There is no doubt that somewhere up there she looks down upon South Africa with a broad smile. In addition, we continue to be impressed with the meticulous and diligent way in which the Public Protector and her team carries out their functions. We have full confidence in the constitution and all its institutions that are meant to strengthen our democracy. After having witnessed this situation unfold, it is clear that electoral legislation in South Africa must change to allow the people to hire and fire their own president. We cannot sit; do nothing and suffer the consequences. We, as the people, must take responsibility and take charge. Now is the time for our nation to stand up against corruption. We can change what has become systemic corruption if we rise to the challenge.
Today marks yet another milestone in our journey towards political realignment. Our announcement takes forward the discussions which started after the 2009 elections when it became apparent that South Africans yearned for a viable alternative. This process had stalled, in part, as the Independent Democrats (ID) joined the Democratic Alliance (DA) and the internal ructions with the Congress of the People (COPE). Recently, more than 800 delegates representing COPE branches from eight provinces that were left out of COPE’s recent National Congress held a summit in Bloemfontein to map the way forward. The summit mandated Mr Mbhazima Shilowa to engage with the United Democratic Movement (UDM) to take the realignment debate forward. The result of the talks between the two delegations was that these branches will support and mobilise for the UDM in the forthcoming general elections. The process of integration and preparing an effective elections machinery across the country is currently under way with joint meetings at provincial levels. A national structure to oversee this process has been put in place. The long-term plan is to work for political realignment and this entails that we will work with other progressive formations in the future. No party in South Africa can ever win an election unless it appeals to the vast majority, especially the poor and unemployed who do have not access to basic services. As outlined in the UDM’s manifesto it is imperative that we focus on the following issues: • Good governance. • Economy • Quality education • Feeding SA – food securing and rural development • Quality health care • Safety and security • Protecting the environment and • Election reform We call on all South Africans, especially those who voted COPE in the last elections, to rally behind the UDM in the forthcoming elections. While Mr Shilowa will not be party to such integration for personal reasons, he supports the process and will actively work for its success in the short, medium and long term. This is our country let’s take charge and not allow corruption to destroy the gains of our freedom. Thank you Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP Mr Mbhazima Shilowa
by Bantu Holomisa The United Democratic Movement (UDM) condemns the Democratic Alliance’s (DA) decision to march on Luthuli House. Nowhere in the world has a political party marched on another political party to air its disagreements and concerns on policy positions and government programmes. The march should be on the Union Buildings, the seat of Government, rather than on the headquarters of a political party. It is ironic that the DA, which always pontificates about the importance of separating the party and the state, conflates the two on its decision to march on Luthuli House. This ill-considered and unnecessary march is going to cost the safety and security cluster millions of Rands that should be spent on crime fighting strategies. It also creates a bad precedent and promotes a culture of political intolerance.
By Mrs Thandi Nontenja – UDEMWO Secretary General Child rape is totally out of hand. Following the recent reports of child rape cases across the country, another nine-year old girl was badly burnt, raped and left for dead in the Cape Flats. Earlier this month a 37-year old father was arrested and charged for raping his 17-year old daughter. These reports are shocking and serious measures must be taken to protect our children. The United Democratic Movement Women’s Organisation (UDEMWO) advocates a zero tolerance system to punish, deter and rehabilitate offenders while supporting and restoring dignity and justice to victims. Just a month ago South Africa participated in the campaign 16 days of Activism, such launches hosted by the government are exorbitantly expensive, but there is no evidence that projects programme produces the results we would like to see, which is awareness, and change of attitude, that results in the protection of children and women Law enforcement, together with community leaders need to meet and devise strategies to fight these demons that haunts our communities and causing pain and grief to many South Africans.
by Teddy Thwala, UDM Youth Vanguard President The United Democratic Movement Youth Vanguard (UDMYV) congratulates all learners who have successfully completed their matric examinations as a result of hard work and dedication throughout the 2013 academic year. For those who have not succeeded, the UDMYV also wants to encourage you to try again and not give up. It does not end here! It is however disconcerting that in South Africa to pass some subjects with 30% or 40% is acceptable. Our school system promotes mediocrity it bestows favour of those who scrape through rather than rewarding those who work hard. A pass of 30% means that you are clueless about 70% of the work. The UDMYV welcomes the phasing out of Outcome Based Education (OBE), but the Department and the Minister must stop chopping and changing the curriculum at whim. This is confusing for the teachers and learners because they have to adapt every time this happens which is unfair to both parties.
This past year has shown evidence that our Nation is on a slippery slope to becoming a third class nation with its citizens relegated to poverty and struggle. 2013 was littered by far too many corruption scandals, miscarriages of justice and a government that seems hell bent on staying this course. We witnessed the shocking verdict in the Andries Tatane case; the fiasco with the deployment of South African soldiers in the Central African Republic and the scandalous handling of hearings into the Marikana Massacre. Government’s indiscriminate use of its security agencies to quell service delivery protests; the Independent Electoral Commission’s lease agreement scandal and the International Relations Director General’s doubtful spending of half-a-billion Rand in the name of the African Renaissance Fund. The corruption and maladministration at the Universal Service and Access Agency of SA (USAASA). Government’s bungling of the Walter Sisulu University strike; the Tripartite Alliance’s internal strife and petty politics negatively affecting service delivery; the imposition of the e-Tolling system in Gauteng and then of course, Nkandlagate. 2014 brings with it an opportunity for us to recommit to the original agenda: to improve the lives of all South Africans. With the pending national and provincial elections, we hope that South Africans will have opened their eyes and see that the party they have trusted since 1994 have, as time has gone by, abused that trust and used them as voting fodder to enrich the few. To each person in our Rainbow Nation, we hope that 2014 brings with it prosperity and opportunities to better your life and those of your children. Happy New Year
Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP at the celebration of Human Rights Day at Marikana, North West on 21 March 2013 Programme Director, Deputy President, Secretary General, UDM National Executive Committee Members, UDM Public Representatives and members of the Party, People of the Bojanala Region Fellow South Africans Thank you to all of you who have come today to make this celebration possible. The structures of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) in the North West in particular have worked very hard to bring us all together; thank you. To our Secretary General, Mr Bongani Msomi, our National Treasurer, Mrs Thandi Nontenja, a special word of thanks for the hard work and hours of sweat. HUMAN RIGHTS IN SOUTH AFRICA Human Rights Day is a reminder of the tragic 1960 Sharpeville Massacre, in which the police opened fire and killed 69 people at a peaceful demonstration against the apartheid pass laws. Today, South Africans of all races use this day to celebrate our unique Constitution which gives equal rights to all. We also take stock of the progress we made to promote, develop and protect human rights in South Africa. Despite the quantum leap from an oppressive regime to one of the most liberal constitutions in the world, human rights violations in South Africa occur all too frequently. INEQUALITY OF SOUTH AFRICA’S CITIZENS It cannot be denied that much has been done for our people, but we must be honest and say that there are too many of us that have no houses, no access to water and sanitation, others walks miles to get to hospitals and clinics, children are taught in mud schools and people don’t have jobs. Millions of our people go to bed on an empty stomach. We all know that poverty is the greatest human rights violation. Co-existing with these high levels of poverty, is extreme inequality, with the gap between the rich and poor widening on a daily basis. ROLE OF UNIONS Another issue related to human rights is the critical question of how best to put the majority citizens in the mainstream of the economy. That said, it is worth noting that the Lonmin workers decided to take the fight about remuneration and working conditions to their employers. You took it upon yourselves to unshackle the workers from the yoke of poverty and inequality. It was brave of you to bypass the middleman, the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), when you realised that it was no longer serving your best interests. It is encouraging to see that you continue to fight for your rights despite the challenges facing you. However, you should remember that removing the middleman was just the first step. One of the most critical steps in this process, is that you should continue to familiarise yourselves with the laws of the land. This is extremely important in helping you to frame the appropriate response to whatever challenges come your way. In this regard, we commend the leadership of the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU) for the sterling work in guiding and supporting you during the negotiations. Mining houses must invest more to cultivate direct relationships with their employees. We call on the management of mines to have an open-door policy and give their employees the opportunity to talk about the matters close to their hearts. I would, however, like to give you a word of advice on the controversial issue pertaining to the access, or lack thereof, of the mineworkers’ to a provident fund worth R22 billion and NUM’s investments schemes. For many years I have been helping ex-mineworkers to claim for their pension funds without success. It is worrying that none of these ex-mineworkers have ever benefited from these schemes of the investment arms of the trade unions. I have yet to come across a mineworker who has received dividends from these investments. It seems as if some trade unions are using workers as their cash cows. This is daylight robbery! We must say NO to this exploitation of workers! In this regard, I would advise you to approach the Farlam Commission and request it to summon the South African Chamber of Mines, NUM, the Department of Labour and the Department of Health to explain where the workers’ monies are. The root of the unhappiness that led to unnecessary deaths of mineworkers was the conditions of service and as such we expect that the Commission would be keen to assist you to trace your invested monies. Even if it means that Judge Farlam must ask the President to extend the Commission’s terms of reference to cater for this important matter. NATIONALISATION OF MINES – SHARING IN THE WEALTH The debate around the nationalisation of mines has been raging for quite some time and I bet that last word was not said at Mangaung. As long as there is no transparency about who really benefits from mining in South Africa, this problem will not go away. Our fathers have been working in these shafts for years without reaping the benefits from this wealth. It seems that we were foolish to think that after 1994 things would change. Instead we see a selected few, parachuted into the mining industry under the guise of Black Economic Empowerment (BEE), who have absolutely not ownership and no control. Perhaps, if we had share schemes for the mineworkers we would be talking a different language today. It is for this reason that the UDM has been calling for an economic indaba, on the same scale as Codesa, so that we can thresh out these contentious issues. A GOVERNMENT MAKES IT WORSE INSTEAD OF BETTER The ANC-led government’s decision after 1994 to hastily remove subsidies from key industries, such as agriculture, textile, and so on, is on of the reasons for high levels of poverty and unemployment. To make matters worse, the money Government used to pay for the subsidies is now being channelled to dysfunctional institutions and cadre enrichment schemes. The Tripartite Alliance has also institutionalised corruption, in that, through its investment arms it is always first in line for government tenders. This means that the ANC is both player and referee. The current government does not have its priorities straight. Even if you look at the budget allocations of provinces, there seems to be disparity between what the requirements are and how much resources are given. One can only be baffled when you hear of another elite project to be launched that will line the pockets of the Comrades in Corruption. MARIKANA MASSACRE We stand today on piece of ground that has seen much heartache and sadness. What happened here is a stark reminder of how easily human rights are infringed upon. It is unfortunate that the voices of the people are so suppressed, not only in Marikana, but in other parts of the Country. It reminds us of the Apartheid era, when the Government did not want to listen to its people and they abused their power by sending the police to silence the people. By doing this, the Government played the police against the people and destroyed the hard-earned trust. The Farlam Commission would have failed in its duty if it does not scratch deep enough to determine the extent of involvement of the political heads of this Country in sending the security forces to crush peaceful protests. CONCLUSION In the past, no opposition party would have been given a chance to speak to the people of this area. We thank AMCU for their non-partisanship and that they made it possible for political leaders and other stakeholders to talk to the mineworkers. As a result of this attitude, you now know that you have monies that are due to you. As we leave here today, we must live the dream that is described in our Bill of Rights. The Bill of Rights is the cornerstone of our democracy and enshrines the rights of ALL the people of this country; it affirms the value of human dignity, equality and freedom. It is no good to pay lip service and say: “Never again”. We must each have our rights, but we also have our responsibilities as citizens of this Country. We must work hard to find each other and make South Africa a Winning Nation. I thank you.
Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP on Freedom Day in the Vhembe Distrtict in Limpopo on 27 April 2013 Programme Director, Deputy President of the UDM Secretary General of the UDM, UDM National Executive Committee Members, UDM Limpopo Provincial Leadership, UDM Public Representatives and members of the Party, People of Vhembe Region, Fellow South Africans; Thank you to all of you, who have come today, to make this celebration possible. The structures of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) in Limpopo have worked very hard to bring us all together; thank you. The commemoration of Freedom Day reminds us of the heavy price our struggle heroes and heroines paid for the freedom we now enjoy. This day gives us an opportunity to reflect on the progress we have made since the advent of democracy in 1994 as well as the challenges we face today. Truth be told, we started well in 1994. We built a democratic dispensation based on the noble ideals of protecting human rights and promoting freedom. This, together with the exemplary manner with which we managed the pre-1994 negotiations and the transition that gave birth to a new political dispensation, made South Africa a beacon of hope for Africa and the rest of the world. Indeed, we made tremendous progress since then. However, nineteen years later, a closer look at our country reveals serious regression. Today, South Africans have to put up with a faltering and underperforming economy that seems incapable of growing at the levels required to reduce unemployment, to eradicate poverty and inequality. This underperformance occurs against the background of the ever-increasing gap between the haves and haves-not. Our education system ranks among the worst performers in world. This happens despite the huge amount of resources the country ploughs into it. The poor state of our education fails our children and jeopardises their future. Our primary healthcare system is falling apart. Hospitals and clinics are short-staffed, they have no medicines and patients are treated with disdain. Corruption in the government is rife despite its assurances to the contrary. The Comrades in Corruption loot state resources daily and with impunity through tenderpreneurship and bogus schemes. This handicaps service delivery and results in many violent service delivery riots around the country. Even prospective investors shun South Africa as an investment destination because of the high levels of corruption, and our people pay the price. Government uses every opportunity to abuse power by intimidating those who challenge or disagree with it. The ruling alliance’s overreaction to Bret Murray’s Spear Painting is a case in point. To make matters worse, government officials are appointed based on political affiliation rather than merit. Government prioritises elite projects and spend billions of Rands on projects, such as the Gautrain, instead of ploughing this money into service delivery. Weak leadership paralyses every sphere of government. Nowhere is this more evident than in the high rate of policy turnover; each new minister brings a new policy. With each new appointment, there is poor or no implementation of either the inherited or new government programmes. This creates confusion and instability, because the people do not know what to expect from government and, more importantly, how evaluate its performance. This regime does not respect the rule of law. We see how it reacts when the courts do not rule in its favour. You will recall that in 2009 the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) took an administrative decision to drop all corruption charges against President Zuma paving his way to the Union Buildings. This has caused irreparable damage to the reputation of our justice system, because people now believe that, in our justice system, politically connected and powerful individuals “are more equal than others”. Compare the way in which President Zuma was treated, to that of the former ANC Youth League (ANCYL) President, Julius Malema. State institutions have been used to harass and destroy him. I am not here to defend Mr Malema; he is a shrewd politician he can do that for himself. Contrary to the monster his detractors portray him to be, Mr Malema has carried himself in a dignified manner during this difficult time in his life. In fact, he has thus far displayed more respect for the rule of law than some of the senior leaders of the ruling party. Other challenges facing our Nation today include, but are not limited to, high levels of crime, dysfunctional local government councils and a lack of sustainable development programmes. With the bleak picture I have sketched thus far, it is not difficult to conclude that we are on a slippery slope to a dysfunctional state and anarchy. To turn this situation around, we need to intensify our efforts to ensure that elected leaders consult with the electorate and account for their political decisions and programmes. Improving the efficacy of this vertical form of accountability has numerous benefits. Chief among these benefits is that it enables the people to keep track and evaluate the performance of their government. There are instances where people are afraid to question the performance of government departments due to fear of reprisal. We should use this process to ensure that no one is victimised for demanding delivery. There are also cases where government deliberately misinforms the public, such as the recent controversy around deployment of South African troops to the Central African Republic (CAR) for an unspecified mission. Democracy is subverted when elected politicians do not consult and account to the electorate, and when they deliberately misinform the public about some of their decisions. Given the victimisation of our people, as mentioned above, I applaud you for your courage in collecting the service delivery complaints of the people of Limpopo. You did this despite the fact that you might be victimised. A special thanks therefore to the people of the Capricorn, Thulamela and Aganang Municipalities for forwarding their complaints to us. The UDM councillors and the leadership of this province have done a sterling job of encouraging communities to come forward with their service delivery complaints and concerns. I thank you for your hard work. Ladies and gentlemen, this process is gathering momentum. As I am speaking to you, we will be receiving more complaints from the people of this province. A quick look at the list of service delivery complaints from 20 villages in Ward 22 reveals the same regression I mentioned earlier. Tomorrow I will however meet with Chief Lambani and the people of this community at the Chief’s kraal to talk about their worries. As with the other people, with whom we have interacted in this province, the people in these villages complain about (among others) having no water and no electricity; their roads are impassable and their schools and clinics poorly equipped. With such a long list of service delivery complaints, some of which constitute serious human rights violations, we wonder whether the Human Rights Commission is playing its proper role. You wonder whether it has not also just become another employment agency for the ruling party’s cadres. Once we have received all your complaints, we will hand them over to President Zuma for attention. To the UDM structures in the province, these complaints provide a clear indication that our people are unhappy with the current government. You will recall that the UDM was once the main opposition party in this province. The floor-crossing legislation however cost us that status. We need to work hard regain it. We have to crisscross the province to recruit members and to swell our ranks. We must make it clear to all and sundry that the UDM is here to stay and that we have an important role to play in South Africa. We will not surrender, nor will we allow ourselves to be swallowed by another political party. We have to make people understand that efficacy of the service delivery chain would, among other things, be achieved in the face of adequate electoral competition between South Africa’s various political parties. One party dominance breeds arrogance of power, complacency, corruption and poor service delivery. I thank you.
Article by Bantu Holomisa published in the New Agenda During my career I have witnessed many governments come and go. As a former head of the Transkei Military Government, I have had an overview of what the Apartheid Government and the Bantustans had done, in comparison with what the current government is doing. The previous regime’s policies and abuse of human rights is well documented; including some homelands. Although I was heading this discredited institution, I was able to forge close links with all the liberation movements, when we ascended to power, as my government lent a shoulder in fighting for the freedom of all South Africans. One of the reasons why we supported the struggle was that we were hopeful that the new government would address the backlogs and imbalances of the past, especially in the townships and homelands. Indeed when the African National Congress (ANC) ascended to power in 1994 we can say that they started well. They made much progress in areas such as electrification, access to water and providing homes for the poor in the cities. However what shocked South Africans is the poor quality of the infrastructure they were given. Electricity is not reliable; water projects are launched only to break down after a few months and the RDP houses are worse than those built for blacks by the Apartheid government. Many towns have become slums because of the poor maintenance of infrastructure across the country. Where they had failed completely was on the question of employment. We see stark difference between the economic policies of the partners in the ruling alliance and in the past twenty years they have spent much energy vacillating between which routes to follow. Unemployment and poverty is a direct contradiction of freedom. Real freedom – political, social and economic – provides dignity to a nation. On the other hand, unemployment and poverty undermines it. South Africans are suspicious and mistrust government because of perceptions that it is not equitably distributing the resources of the country. A new privileged political elite exclusively enjoys the resources. There is no consensus on a macro-economic policy that can transform the economy in a manner that could create and spread wealth wider and improve the lot of the disadvantaged majority. There are in particular concerns about the inadequacies and contradictions of the fiscal and industrial policies. Our economy suffers from jobless growth due to the confusion created by an ambivalent tripartite alliance. This ruling clique preaches elimination of unemployment in the streets and legislate retrenchments and greater unemployment in Parliament. In the past 16 years, the United Democratic Movement (UDM) has been calling for GOVERNMENT TO DO MORE! Government has a responsibility to intervene and protect the South African economy and South African jobs when necessary. Whilst Free Market Capitalism is the best economic system developed by humanity, it is still fraught with weaknesses and failures that must be actively managed. The situation in South Africa is compounded by high levels of corruption. The UDM has over the years been involved in exposing many of these scandals. We have the resolve and commitment to fight corruption, and take on any party, no matter its history or power, to ensure that South Africans have the ethical governance that they deserve. These are but some examples of the UDM’s active role in national politics and the further consolidation of South Africa’s democracy. As our actions and words have proved, the UDM is a viable, trustworthy and reliable opposition party.
Joint media statement by the UDM and the NP The National Party (NP) and the United Democratic Movement (UDM) have jointly decided that the pending court case regarding the UDM members who have resigned from the NP whilst retaining their elected positions on the Pretoria City Council, not be proceeded with. It is a joint viewpoint that the situation in the country in the national interest requires from everybody to rather concentrate on the bigger issues. Policy differences between the two parties are not dissolved by this agreement, but in further decision-making regarding relevant issues in Pretoria, the interests of all the residents of the city will be the determining factor.
Statement by Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer The release of Finance Minister Trevor Manuel’s medium-term budget policy statement has introduced a new, transparent direction for South African fiscal policy. For this he needs to be congratulated. Although all the news is not encouraging, especially the scaled-down forecast for growth of the GDP, the opening up of fiscal policy planning is a fresh approach that will prove to be of immense assistance to local and foreign investors. It also expresses a much-needed confidence in the capabilities of the department and ministry of Finance and the general direction in which South African fiscal policies are heading. One concern, though, is regarding the introduction of a contingency and policy reserve, totaling R5bn. Proper control of these funds would be needed to prevent irregularities and the improper application thereof. Clear control guidelines need to be spelled out by the minister.
Statement by Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer The alarming regularity with which farming people are attacked and murdered has long since reached critical proportions. The possibility mooted by President Mandela last week that the atrocities may be committed by wild elements formerly belonging to MK, was a frank admission opening up a possibility of ending this rule of terror. The UDM, however, is concerned that nothing substantial has apparently since been done. We request government, as a matter of urgency, to compile a list of all possible suspects and to comprehensively plan how all of these will be traced and their activities investigated. If gangs like these are indeed existing and operating, they are a scourge and a menace to our society and our democracy. The full force of the law needs to be speedily brought down on them, otherwise the government will be seen as having dismally failed a large community of its citizens. We shall monitor the situation closely in the interest of the many South Africans living and working on farms, who are now living under the unacceptable and constant sword of violence and murder.
Statement by Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer The UDM is extremely grateful for the agreement reached at Nedlac on the presidential jobs summit planned for the second quarter of 1998. We have taken note of the two phased approach towards the summit and the follow-up phase envisaged. Although proper planning is essential, it is a pity that this most desperate need of so many of our fellow South Africans took so long to receive the proper attention it deserves. It is, however, clear that sufficient new jobs are not going to be created by government and big business alone. The only way to achieve sustainable success in this area, the UDM believes, will be to start with relevant programmes at grass roots level, targeting individuals and households. We need to bring jobs to the townships. In the quest for urgent and creative solutions to this priority issue, the UDM will hold an economic workshop early in the new year. This workshop will involve experts in the respective fields of economic planning, labour and related issues. The UDM will therefore be in a position to creatively take part in the consultation and negotiation phase towards the proposed presidential summit. If the war against unemployment is not won, a sea of desperation and hopelessness will obliterate many of the good things that South Africa has achieved so far. Unemployment needs to be an urgent national priority.
Statement by Bantu Holomisa The finding by the Public Protector that Minister Zuma had made some misleading or exaggerated claims about the cost of medicines in South Africa in an apparent bid to justify her medicines bills, is a further infringement by a minister that is now really overstaying her welcome. With this, Minister Zuma has misled Parliament and the population at large. Under the circumstances, signing of the Bills by the President should be delayed until the Public Protector has conducted further investigations. The Public Protector has proved himself to be a worthwhile, independent watchdog of Government. We now trust that Government will also respect the authority of the Public Protector and not allow him to be targeted as had happened to the Auditor General. Two things are now required: Firstly, the urgent need exists to investigate the applicable international conventions in order to determine which are beneficial to South Africa. A clear policy is needed regarding our official stand towards international copyright conventions and the right of intellectual property. Secondly, the Minister of Health has now certainly crossed a bridge too far. This matter is a classical case of abuse of power by the minister concerned. Notwithstanding the good work she has done, her disregard for accuracy and correctness, brusque and undiplomatic treatment of involved parties in the health field and her ham-handed handling of her ministry has made her a liability. By allowing her to stay on as minister, Government will send a clear message that it condones a ministry where the only principle apparently is that the end justifies the means. Zuma should go.
Statement issued by Roelf Meyer Over the recent past, the idea of closer co-operation between opposition parties in our country, has been mooted a couple of times. This idea has to be exposed for the futile exercise in hopelessness it essentially is now that the NP has announced plans to hold such a summit early next year. These ‘plans’ are essentially similar to proposals the DP has made earlier and can be interpreted either as a concerted effort by the two parties to get such a summit off the ground, or a hijacking by the NP of a DP initiative. Fact is that efforts on these lines will be futile if the crucial issue, namely a restructuring of our politics, is not addressed. The bigger picture is that South African parliamentary politics is presently being conducted along racial lines, with the essentially ‘white’ parties in no position to threaten the majority, essentially ‘black’ party, notwithstanding attempts by the ‘white’ parties to rearrange themselves. These efforts will rather increase the racial polarisation by being interpreted as a ganging up against the ANC, even if attempts to draw in the IFP, which is regarded as a Zulu traditional niche party, is successful. These attempts will be futile in changing the present numbers game in our politics. Without successfully increasing their support bases, the combined support of the parliamentary opposition parties will not even reach 25% according to recent polling figures. This is an even more emasculated opposition than at present. The only viable answer is to restructure the politics out of the present racial rut and present South Africans from all communities with political parties that appeal on grounds of their values, visions and policies rather than the racial ticket. This means that parties need to shed the image and baggage that presently prevent members from other communities to vote for them. The NP and DP, for example, will never in their present forms be able to attract meaningful black support. This is the political reality around which the NP and DP are conducting their futile egg-dances. Without making this paradigm shift, they are destined to become withering niche parties with nothing more than curiosity value. The parties will therefore have to reinvent themselves. The NP cannot expect black support for itself as a party or its idea of an opposition summit while clamouring for consolidation of its (essentially white) support base. The UDM was born as a result of the determination to present to South Africans a party free from historical baggage, with sound core values and well-grounded policy positions suited to the needs of the real South Africa. It has already proved itself by attracting support from literary all communities in the country. It is at present the only party able to draw substantial support in ANC strongholds, as illustrated by rallies in the Eastern Cape, where 20 000 supporters attended, the North West Province, Mpumalanga and the Northern Province. While the DP and NP are busy rearranging the deckchairs on their political Titanic, the UDM is building a substantial party on its vision of a party for all South Africans, aiming at making South Africa a winning nation to the benefit of all her people.
Statement by UDM Media Manager on behalf of Roelf Meyer This morning I visited Mr PW Botha at his home in Wilderness. It was a private visit that was already arranged two months ago to coincide with my visit to the Southern Cape and Mr Botha’s availability. The visit had no connection with Mr Botha’s present relations with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, although the issue did come up during our discussions. It needs to be noted that Bantu Holomisa and I have always been of the opinion that co-operation with the TRC is imperative in order to uncover the full perspective of the past. With this in mind, the UDM will seek to play a role, if possible, to find a solution to the present impasse between Mr Botha and the Commission. Mr Botha undoubtedly possesses information of infinite value for the Commission to be able to fill in its picture of the past. The challenge will now be to determine the best possible way in which this transaction can be accomplished. Legal steps, under the circumstances, may not be the ideal solution, resulting only in further alienation.
Statement by UDM Media Manager A regional leader of the Freedom Front, Mr Danie Theron, has resigned and joined the UDM of Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer. He was chairman of the Pretoria South East Region of the FF. His decision, he said, was based on the increasing racialisation of our politics and the fact that parliamentary opposition does not seem to be able to garner adequate support to be any threat to the ANC. ‘More and more people realise that ethnic-based parties such as the FF and NP will never be able to draw the numbers necessary for taking them into government. It is high time that South Africans of all walks of life, over ethnic and cultural boundaries, take hands to end crime and create economic growth, job opportunities and racial harmony,’ he explained. The political playing field has changed, he said, and a new, fresh approach is necessary to unite South Africans and create a new patriotism in order to face our socio-economic challenges in a responsible way. ‘I can totally identify with the vision of Roelf Meyer and Bantu Holomisa and shall assist in realising it. I believe the UDM could be the official opposition after the 1999 elections’, Mr Theron said.
Statement by UDM Media Manager Gauteng MEC Ms Jessie Duarte has accused the UDM of being involved in violence on the East and West Rand and implicated the party with training paramilitary units. This is, of course, utter nonsense. The UDM is a democratic party. We reject violence in all forms as means to obtain political power. We have done so emphatically in the past. We have made it clear beyond any doubt that there is no room in the UDM whatsoever for perpetrators of violence. We believe in democracy and we believe in peace. Let there be no misunderstanding about this. If Ms Duarte has any concrete evidence of violence or paramilitary training anywhere in Gauteng, we expect her as political head of the SAPS in Gauteng to make the evidence public and prosecute the perpetrators. As a person of integrity, we know that she will not willingly be tempted into becoming part of a cheap campaign of political disinformation. In recognising her lapse of judgement, we are confident that she will now either substantiate her claims, or keep quiet. The UDM again emphasises that it is not connected to any such accusations and has no knowledge whatsoever of any such information. If people are prosecuted in the process, and some of them are indeed identified as members of the UDM, their membership will immediately be nullified. The UDM does not condone or plan violence in any form, and does not entertain perpetrators of violence. Fact of the matter is that violence in these areas is not a new phenomenon. It existed years before the launch of the UDM. It can, in fact, be traced back to the pre-1994 actions of the ANC aligned SDU’s. A number of ANC leaders have since unsuccessfully tried to put an end to this monster they have spawned themselves. To accuse the UDM now, is nothing but a crude attempt to shift blame. Ms Cheryl Carolus, acting Secretary-General of the ANC, has also tried to sow suspicion against the UDM by trying to paint a picture of connivance and secret dealings regarding the backgrounds of Messrs. Holomisa, Meyer and Spaarwater. Again there is no evidence to back up the flimsy, opportunistic and half-baked allegations. Mr Spaarwater was indeed an official in National Intelligence, but also in Constitutional Development, where he played a major part in setting the scene for the constitutional negotiations leading to our democratic elections in 1994. He was involved in the first meetings between the previous government and the ANC, specifically Mr Thabo Mbeki. He was furthermore no supporter of the governing party at the time, and indeed left the DP to join the UDM. The public will recognise this for the smear campaign it is, born out of apparent panic and a bullying mindset. This is exactly the kind of political attitude that belongs to the past. Let us rather look at the future and use our energy to build South Africa into the great nation that we can, and want to, be.
Statement by UDM Interim National Management Committee of the UDM The Interim National Management Committee of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) met for the first time yesterday, after the launch of the party on 27 September 1997. At the meeting, a number of issues were discussed. Provinces reported back on progress made during the first month in business, the positive state of the membership drive and progress made in establishing branches of the UDM. This wide report indicated positively on the fact that the UDM is already – after being in operation for just a month now – functioning as a party on the national level. Management positions were also approved for the UDM’s National Office. These appointments are: Director: Management Services Annelizé van Wyk; Treasurer Takis Christodoulou; Director: Research Joel Mafenya; Director: Policy Development Maritz Spaarwater; Director: Provincial Organisation & Development Kobus du Plessis. The UDM furthermore strategised around several important political issues. The ongoing violence in KwaZulu-Natal received special attention. The UDM finds this continuous violence totally unacceptable and considers it a serious threat to the process of democracy. The UDM leadership will consider visiting some of these hot spots on a fact-finding mission. Serious concern was raised by the Committee on the apparent lack of ability or will of the government to normalise the situation.
Statement by Roelf Meyer The incident where students voiced their grievances from the parliamentary gallery, displayed a crudeness and an unacceptable lack of discipline that the UDM repudiates in the strongest terms. This is exactly the kind of counter-productive and repellent behaviour which actually does a disservice to the cause of the perpetrators. What is true, though, is that Government should heed the cultural needs and problems of communities in South Africa. This incident was about the perceived nonchalance from Government to enforce the constitutional rights in this case of the Afrikaans language. Government should do well to listen to the voices of all cultural communities and to see to it that their rights are scrupulously guarded. The notion by any cultural community of expressing themselves in political terms, however, is unfortunate and one that does not bode well in a multi-cultural country. Cultural expression is a group activity, but any attempt to form a political grouping around cultural unity, is an alienating process which does not serve the cause of the cultural group or the interest of the country.
Statement issued by UDM Media Manager The UDM supports the Government wholeheartedly in its condemnation of the attempted coup d’etat in Zambia. In a democracy, there should be no other option of changing government, than through the ballot. The UDM will always assist towards establishing and supporting democracy as wide as possible, both nationally and internationally.