STATEMENT ISSUED BY MR BANTU HOLOMISA, MP – UDM PRESIDENT The United Democratic Movement (UDM) notes that Advocate Pansy Tlakula has resigned as Chairperson of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC). She has at last seen the light, but it is a pity that she was forced to do so at great cost to government and political parties. There are now no more excuses; the Electoral Commission must immediately implement all the findings of the Public Protector, including those that fingered certain IEC officials. Let this be a lesson to other people in high places who believe they are untouchable and above the constitutional organs and courts of this country Read more on SABC
Media statement by Mr Bongani Msomi, UDM Secretary General Understandably so police brutality is an emotive issue in a country with our history. However, we never in our wildest dreams thought that, post-1994, we would again see brutal police violence. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) is concerned about the number of incidents of late of egregious police brutality and indiscriminate use of force. The ill-considered “shoot first-ask questions later” rhetoric by senior politicians and police officers sketches a bleak picture of a “new policing policy”. This is evidenced by Police Commissioner Riah Phiyega’s attitude towards the Marikana Massacre and now Free State MEC for police, Butana Kompela, has defended violent police action in Henneman where four alleged criminals were killed. The passing of Andries Tatane in 2011 and the death in 2013 of a Mozambican taxi driver after being dragged behind a police van – to name but two – are still fresh in our memories. When the families of Elais Thage and Tsholofelo Mothobi buried their children at the weekend much animosity was directed our police services. The UDM does not dispute that the police has a tough job and we support zero-tolerance to crime, but to laugh off police brutality makes a mockery of our laws and is immoral. Experts have said that it is not small number of officers who act illegally, but that the problem is systemic and widespread, and that it is going to keep on happening. In some instances communities feel justified in retaliating. Despite what our police leaders seem to be proponents of South Africa cannot tolerate a trigger happy police force. In this regard we believe that intensifying police training, especially in the code of conduct, and revisiting the curriculum to enhance overall levels of competence and capacity would be part of the solution. Those officers who make themselves guilty of abusing their positions of trust, should not be defended; they should face the full might of the law. We are hopeful that our new Minister of Police, Nkosinathi Nhleko, will well acquit himself of his job. The UDM however suggests that he institute a judicial commission of inquiry into police brutality to get to the bottom of this scourge.
Address by Mr LB Gaehler MP in the National Council of Provinces in the debate on Local Government: “Moving with utmost speed to provide water and sanitation to our people and eliminate the bucket system” Honourable Chairperson Honourable Members The United Democratic Movement (UDM) supports attempts by government to increase the speed at which the restoration of people’s dignity by amongst others providing quality, clean water to the people and quality sanitation and eradication of the remaining bucket toilets in our communities. Surely we can’t afford to always shift the target on this matter as it borders on constitutional rights. The 2012 Fourth Quarter Statistic South Africa Report, revised in October 2013 and released in May 2014, reveals amongst others, the following important information on this subject. • Out of 90.8% of South African households with access to piped water in 2012, only 79% of Eastern Cape households enjoyed such access. Although, we agree that this is an improvement compared with 56.3% of 2002, this gap affects more the most vulnerable and impoverish rural citizens and further expose them to other opportunistic deceases when the health systems is also in a state of collapse. There delayed intervention in this regards has multiple other social and economic consequences. • Nationally, 60.1% of households rated the quality of water-related services they received as ‘good’. However, this satisfaction rate is lower than the 76.4% recorded in 2005. Residents of Free State, Mpumalanga and Eastern Cape are reported to have consistently been least satisfied with the quality of water. Once again, the poor quality of water has adverse consequences for the social and economic wellbeing of the people and in particular rural citizens of the mentioned provinces. • The percentage of households with no toilets or bucket toilets decreased from 12, 3% in 2002 to 5, 3% in 2012. Households in the Eastern Cape accounts for 13, 4%, Mpumalanga (6, 4%) and Limpopo (6, 3%) were reported to be most likely to lack access to toilet facilities or to still use bucket toilets. The former, Minister of Human Settlement in her response to the Human Rights Commission report on Water and Sanitation in March 2014 said, “as government we have tirelessly worked in our quest to restore our people’s dignity, through, amongst other things, the Bucket Eradication Programme…..phase one of BEP will see the eradication of buckets in formalised townships of the Free State, Eastern Cape and Northern Cape. ….these provinces have the highest volume of bucket toilets….phase two will ensure the eradication of buckets in each of the South Africa’s nine provinces”. These commitments, Madam Chairperson, must at all times guide government commitment to the restoration of people’s dignity. At the centre of this programme is the immediate attention to be given to water and sanitation infrastructure in terms provision, upgrading and of regular maintenance. In some instances you have taps in communities where there is not a drop of water. The current sanitation infrastructure crisis confronting the ordinary citizens of Makana Local Municipality as well as the reported water infrastructure syndicate in KZN must receive an immediate attention and intervention as they are but just a tip of an iceberg on what maybe a greater challenge in an attempt to move with speed and provide water and sanitation to the people and in particular the rural poor. This infrastructure improvement and maintenance must be designed such that they also create local job opportunities and skills development. If deliberately, skills are developed and transferred to local people, then maintenance of water generators and other related matters can be transferred to ownership of local people. This approach will also ensure effective and direct democratic participation of citizens at local level.
Government has blinkers on when it comes to the consequences of poor service delivery, particularly at local government level. Disingenuous representatives of government stand on their soapboxes shouting that they are doing their jobs. Judging by the volcano of protests against poor service delivery that erupts every now and again in all corners of the country, this is patently untrue. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) is of the view that government either willfully downplays incidents or meets service delivery protests with vicious action using its security organs to silence any dissenting voice. To add insult to injury the ANC brotherhood instantly closes ranks when it comes to criticism levelled at them – even if it is constructive criticism. Much of the civil disobedience we see is a symptom of poor service delivery and it also is a double-edged sword. On the one hand, one can hardly blame a frustrated citizenry – who have no water, electricity, etc. – when they demonstrate and protest. On the other hand, where does one draw the line? We after all do not live in a lawless society and those who break the law must be arrested, make their cases in court and accept the judgements if they are guilty. One can philosophise indefinitely, but there is a fine balance between action and reaction and once the precedence of unmitigated violence has been established it spirals out of control and becomes the norm. What however boggles the mind is: why does government (at all three tiers) refuse to see this and intervene timeously, or even better, do their jobs right in the first instance? It is statements such as “…we don’t know how long the committee will take…” (after Ekurhuleni Mayor Mondli Gungubele announced an audit into Daveyton residents’ housing complaints) that elicits chaos. The problems should have been proactively addressed and the mayor should have had his answers ready. Media Statement by Mr Bongani Msomi, UDM Secretary General
Question to the President: Nkandla saga by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP and UDM President Honourable Speaker Mr President and Mr Deputy President, Ministers and Deputy Ministers Honourable Members Mr President, in the context of your report to the Speaker of the National Assembly, your posture, your claim of innocence and your commitment to correcting any wrongs that have been found and reported to by the various investigations into the Nkandla saga; Do you think you can, as head of state, make the work of the Ad hoc Committee easier by voluntarily presenting yourself to the committee and present your report in person? Thank you
Statement on behalf of the Multi Party Forum on the decision of the Constitutional Court on the matter of the IEC Chairperson We welcome the Constitutional Court decision on the matter of the Chairperson of the Independent Electoral Commission Advocate Pansy Tlakula. This decision vindicates the findings of the Public Protector and two other credible institutions that pronounced on the matter. We take our hats off to the whistle blowers who helped root out this maladministration and abuse of public monies. Advocate Tlakula and the African National Congress should hang their heads in shame and respect the decision of the highest court of the land.
Statement issued by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP – UDM President and Chairperson of the Multi-Party Forum We confirm that we yesterday received court papers as submitted with the Constitutional Court by the Chairperson of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), Advocate Pansy Tlakula. We have filed our answering papers. The political parties that are part of this action will be guided by the Constitutional Court and we hope that the matter will reach conclusion as soon as possible. In the meantime, we call on the Electoral Commission to deal decisively with the other recommendations of the Public Protector, amongst others that: • the disciplinary processes be started against all staff members who were fingered in Advocated Madonsela’s report; • the lease agreement, found dubious by no less than three independent and credible institutions, be cancelled. The Commission’s indecisiveness, regarding the implementation of the Public Protector’s findings and recommendation, make us doubt their commitment to the promotion of the ethics of good governance. The excuse advanced in the past about waiting for legal opinion must not be used to kick to touch
Address by Mr ML Filtane, UDM Member of Parliament, in the National Assembly – Vote 33 Rural Development and Land Reform Honourable Chairperson Minister and Deputy Minister Honourable Members • Rural revitalisation and intervention in its economy is a priority matter as many rural areas remain in crisis with regard to resources and service delivery whilst the majority of people live in abject poverty after 20 years of democracy. • One major flaw of economic policy in the last 20 years has been the failure to bring infrastructure in rural areas on par with that in the cities without urbanising rural settlement. The socio economic consequences of this flaw are what we continue to witnesses; chronic housing shortages, millions forced to live in shacks and many other social ills. • The Untied Democratic Movement (UDM) supports aggressive and radical intervention in rural development, which will ensure that this matter does not become a political football. • The post settlement land programme is not producing the desired effect. • Questions raised by the public during public hearings on legislation are still outstanding and we are not clear as to when will the department submit its responses. • The department shares a vision – “to create vibrant equitable and sustainable rural communities and food security for all” with the department of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries. However, the latest statistics on food security reflect that over 11 % or 5.6 million South Africans still live in abject poverty, with no food security at all. What does the department propose to do to improve this situation? • That the door has been opened for more land claims to be submitted, whilst the department is currently behind with the settlement of already validated claims, leaves one wondering how and when these new ones will be accommodated. The Annual Performance Plan of the Department for the financial season 2014/15, targets to finalise 239 claims out of 983 outstanding and yet it is quite on how and when the 744 is going to be finalised. The fact that the department has reported staff shortage and limited budged, the question remains – will this just be a populist statement or are there some pragmatic plans to address this apparent problem? • The outstanding claim by the people of Baziya in the Eastern Cape leaves bitter taste in their months even to this hour. We invite the department to supply sufficient account of this prolonged delay. • Land reform – my biggest concern here is that, there is no statistical report on the socio economic achievements over the previous term and yet funds continue to flow to this function. • There is an urgent need for management to eliminate the inconsistencies between the department’s Annual Performance Plan and its own targets as well as to adhere to the prescribed reporting periods. • The department’s model for economic development is not comprehensive enough hence it is lacking in sustainability, some critical basic elements are missing from the equation. • Land acquisition by foreigners needs to be capped at a certain percentage of our land. Even so, we need to look at the value-adding factors which the acquirer will bring to the country’s broader objectives like; long term employment, skills development and provision of food security. • The UDM notes with concern the huge transfers of public funds to the Ingonyama Trust and we hope the Department will report on this matter. The UDM supports budget vote 33. Thank you
Statement in Parliament by Mr LB Gaehler, UDM Member of Parliament Honourable Chair and Honourable Members Land redistribution aims to correct the injustices of the past. The Natives Land Act of 1913, a piece of legislation which ratified and legalized the exclusion of South Africa’s black majority from land ownership in favour of the white minority. This has left behind a legacy of both dispossession and oppression. Citizens however have voiced out their grievances, post 1994, with regard the lack of post-settlement support, creating a situation where some individuals have had to sell back land given to them by government. The United Democratic Movement firmly believes that land should be restored to their rightful owners with support and skills development, so there is no uncertainty and tension. When this is done, we believe that the needs of South African farmers need to be prioritized by developing policies to subsidize farmers that will enable them to fairly compete against their international counterparts. We believe in the creation of the necessary infrastructure that will create jobs and encourage the growth of more employment-creating agricultural-related enterprises to ensure that migration to urban areas is slowed down. Build infrastructure to support agricultural activity, such as irrigation schemes that have been proven to be successful in the past. One stop Agricultural Service Centres should be established in rural areas, where emerging farmers can ask for advice, veterinary services, access the necessary tools and knowledge to run their farms as businesses and also have a market for their produce. I thank you
Memo to: Mr Terry Tselane, Vice-Chairperson of the Electoral CommissionFrom: Bantu Holomisa (Chairperson of the Multi-Party Forum and UDM President) Copied to: Judge Thami Makhanya, Rev. Bongani Finca, Ms Raenette Taljaard, Advocate Thuli Madonsela, leaders and representatives of other political parties ===================================== Dear Mr Tselane The abovementioned matter has reference. The Electoral Commission is on record that it has accepted the Public Protector’s report 13 of 2013 captioned: “Report on an investigation into allegations of maladministration and corruption in the procurement of the Riverside Office Park to accommodate the head offices of the Electoral Commission in 2011”. It is also a matter of public record that Commission Chairperson Pansy Tlakula has in her personal capacity lodged papers at the Pretoria High Court to review and set aside the Public Protector’s findings and recommendations against her. This was confirmed at a meeting between the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) and the Multi-Party Forum on 1 April 2014. We have received information that the Chief Electoral Officer (CEO), Mr Mosotho Moepya, has allegedly paid R500 000 from the IEC’s coffers to pay for Advocate Tlakula’s legal fees. We herewith enquire if the Commission is aware and/or has approved the expense. If it is indeed aware and/or has approved these expenses, how does the Commission justify its decision whilst Advocate Tlakula has engaged in these legal battles in her personal capacity and on basis was such a large amount paid even before the review has commenced? Two credible organisations have fingered this person as having done irreparable damage in terms of the IEC lease agreement i.e. no value for money, and yet she has the audacity use state moneys to fight her personal battles. We hope to receive your response to this enquiry by the end of this week. Yours sincerely Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President and Chairperson: Multi-Party Forum
His Excellency, Mr JG Zuma, President of the Republic South Africa The Minister of Social Development Chairperson of the South African Human Rights Commission Chairperson of the National Council of Churches This matter has reference. I recently visited many of the surrounding mining townships and villages in the North West and Limpopo – amongst others, Marikana, Impala No 9, Ntabeni and Smasha Block. The women and children of these communities are worse affected and are quite literally starving. Families explained that in the past their children were given food on a daily basis at their schools and that this is no longer the norm. Because family members have gone on strike, children go to school hungry, return home hungry and mothers and fathers are unable to buy food. I suggest that delegates from the Presidency, the Ministry of Social Development, the Human Rights Commission and the National Council of Churches go to see for themselves the dire situation these communities are in. We call on you to help these women and children on humanitarian grounds. Should you need any additional information please contact my office Regards Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) pays tribute to a friend and comrade, the late Chris Hani, on the 21st anniversary of his assassination. The unwarranted murder of Chris Hani robbed South Africa one of its most charismatic and principled sons thus drastically changing the course this country would have taken. Hani’s unshakable belief in the eradication of poverty, prosperous and corruption free South Africa, amongst many other noble ideas, would have undoubtedly steered this country firmly towards the original values as enshrined in the constitution. We must never forget, as we look back towards the tragic moments of his brutal killing, that his untimely death united our people who became more resolute that our freedom could no longer be delayed. However, 20 years later corruption is now pulling the rug right under our feet. The promise of that freedom and the dream of 1994 of re-construction and development, and better life for all, has become illusive for the majority. We in the UDM believes that South Africa today requires a leader, like Hani, who has a passion for the poor, justice, equality – and therefore the love of a nation. South Africa yearns for a true and steadfast leader whose belief in integrity, the unity and prosperity of our people will touch millions in this country. In commemorating Hani’s life we remember him with fondness believing that he had planted enough seeds for South Africa to be able produce another outstanding leader like him during these troubled times.
The United Democratic Movement is disappointed, but not surprised, that President Zuma has once again side-stepped the issue of Nkandla in a desperate attempt to kick for touch. His response, as articulated by his spokesperson Mr Mac Maharaj, is inadequate and almost contemptuous of the Public Protector’s office. It is an indication of how little respect they have for the Public Protector as an institution that derives its power and legitimacy from our constitution. The President, consistent with his party and his government’s views, continues to put the inter-ministerial report, and now the police and the Special Investigating Unit (SIU), at the same level as the office of the Public Protect or. The inter-ministerial report places the president and government as a judge in their own case. This is unacceptable. No other intuitions can be considered more credible than the office of the Public Protector. The president must not hide behind the SIU, whose work and credibility cannot be equated with that of the Public Protector. We will rally all opposition parties to respond adequately to these delaying tactics of the president.
With Implats’ announcement that it would consider abandoning its new R11bn Leeuwkop platinum mine, unless it could redesign it as a mechanised mine, is bad news for South Africans who are desperate for work, especially from nearby communities. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) is of the view that “go-betweens” are not the way to go. As former members of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) – still smarting from the loss of NUM’s status as the strongest union – they have a petty interest in ensuring that this dispute is never resolved. There is also an element of the ruling party elite, as BEE deployees, who are hindering progress. The strike has gone on for too long and inevitable retrenchments are looming. With a clear understanding of the plight of mineworkers, the UDM urges the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (Amcu) and the management of Implats, Anglo Platinum and Lonmin to give face-to-face negotiations another try.
Today marks yet another milestone in our journey towards political realignment. Our announcement takes forward the discussions which started after the 2009 elections when it became apparent that South Africans yearned for a viable alternative. This process had stalled, in part, as the Independent Democrats (ID) joined the Democratic Alliance (DA) and the internal ructions with the Congress of the People (COPE). Recently, more than 800 delegates representing COPE branches from eight provinces that were left out of COPE’s recent National Congress held a summit in Bloemfontein to map the way forward. The summit mandated Mr Mbhazima Shilowa to engage with the United Democratic Movement (UDM) to take the realignment debate forward. The result of the talks between the two delegations was that these branches will support and mobilise for the UDM in the forthcoming general elections. The process of integration and preparing an effective elections machinery across the country is currently under way with joint meetings at provincial levels. A national structure to oversee this process has been put in place. The long-term plan is to work for political realignment and this entails that we will work with other progressive formations in the future. No party in South Africa can ever win an election unless it appeals to the vast majority, especially the poor and unemployed who do have not access to basic services. As outlined in the UDM’s manifesto it is imperative that we focus on the following issues: • Good governance. • Economy • Quality education • Feeding SA – food securing and rural development • Quality health care • Safety and security • Protecting the environment and • Election reform We call on all South Africans, especially those who voted COPE in the last elections, to rally behind the UDM in the forthcoming elections. While Mr Shilowa will not be party to such integration for personal reasons, he supports the process and will actively work for its success in the short, medium and long term. This is our country let’s take charge and not allow corruption to destroy the gains of our freedom. Thank you Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP Mr Mbhazima Shilowa
Congress of Traditional Leaders of South Africa (Contralesa) President, Chief Phathekile Holomisa says former president Nelson Mandela was born to lead. Holomisa says Madiba’s elders from the Abathembu Tribe, never anticipated that he would lead the country one day. Madiba passed away on Thursday night at his house, Houghton, Johannesburg. Holomisa says: “As an adviser, councillor to the Kings he was playing a critical role in the royal councils of Abathembu and I am sure the elders never anticipated that he will be a leader beyond that stature, so he fulfilled their hopes and expectations more than they had held then. He was born to lead. In fact when he went away from the Mthembuland to the City of Johannesburg, he naturally became a leader.” On Sunday, different prayer services were held for former statesman in South Africa and in other parts of the world. United Democratic Movement leader and Mandela family member Bantu Holomisa attended a prayer service at Regina Mundi in Soweto. Holomisa described Madiba as a man who fought for the country and encouraged South Africans to continue to embrace his legacy. Holomisa also made it clear that there won’t be any violence after Madiba’s funeral. “South Africans have proven wrong the international world that there will be violence in the country. There won’t be any violence in South Africa.” An official memorial service for Madiba will be held at FNB stadium on Tuesday and he will be buried in Qunu, Eastern Cape on Sunday.
Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP (UDM President) to Leaders of the Opposition on uniting the opposition at Mannah Lodge, Kempton Park, Gauteng Presidents and leaders of Political Parties, Colleagues, Ladies and Gentlemen 1. INTRODUCTION We are gathered here to, amongst others, measure the progress we have made since the advent of democracy in South Africa. We need to assess whether we, as a Nation, are still on track in fulfilling the original agenda, which is to improve the lives of all South Africans. There have been some positive changes, but we are far from reaching the ideal that is described in our Constitution. We unfortunately see far too many incidents of racism, ethnic tendencies, nepotism, corruption, violence, crime, religious intolerance and the widening gap between the rich and the poor… the list goes on. 2. ASSESSING THE CURRENT POLITICAL LANDSCAPE The United Democratic Movement (UDM) believes that multi-party democracy is our only defence against one-party dominance and dictatorship – we are finely balanced between opportunity and disaster. Looking at the 2009 election results, we notice that the African National Congress (ANC) lost ground in eight out of the nine provinces. Unfortunately, most opposition parties failed to capitalise on this and the ANC managed to absorb its national setback with a very strong showing in KwaZulu-Natal. It is vital that we, as opposition parties, correctly analyse the State of the Nation and the status of the Multi-Party Forum in order to develop the best strategies for electoral victory in 2014. 3. HISTORY OF POLITICAL PARTIES WORKING TOGETHER You will recall that we established the first version of the Multi-Party Forum in 2008. This forum included parties from both inside and outside Parliament. A number of issues were discussed and agreed upon, those are: a. Party funding; b. Electoral reform; c. The Independent Electoral Commission’s (IEC’s) level of independence; d. The decision making powers of Political Liaison Committees (PLCs); e. The practical side of elections and the way in which they are run; f. The role of the media (e.g. the SABC and ICASA); g. Creating an enabling environment of participatory democracy and; h. Intra- and inter-party democracy. For more details on the aforementioned, I have brought copies of the: “Draft resolutions of the Multi-Party Forum with specified long and short-term goals as agreed upon at the meeting of the Multi-Party Forum with the Independent Electoral Commission on 7 April 2008”. Sadly most of these resolutions could not be implemented, because the ruling party and its IEC simply did not want to come to the table and talk sense. It is clear that we cannot continue to bat on this wicket; we need to take a different approach lest the outcome of this process ends in the same way. 4. LESSON LEARNT FROM 2009 ELECTION The results showed that the South African electorate wants a system where two large parties, of similar strength and size, compete for the mandate to govern. This proved to us that we should explore ways in which we could bring about such a balanced party political system. 5. WHY ARE WE HERE? The discussions we have had thus far, have led us to the point where we must now move forward and give the voters a clear picture of how we want to work together in future. We need to interrogate the various options on the table and be clear about what we want to present to the voters. Political leaders have made various statements and phrases like: “uniting the opposition”, “merging”, “cooperating”, “coalition”,“alternative”, “alliance” and “realignment” were bandied about. People have different understandings of what these concepts mean. In the meantime expectations have been raised with the South African electorate. People, who saw us working together on issues like the Information Bill, expect us to formalise our relationship. We have the challenge of finding each other, considering that we have different ideologies and philosophies. The advantage is that the precedent has been created in different places in the world where, political parties with different interests, work together without losing their identities. We have a perfect local example. Look at the ruling party, where communists, capitalists, traditionalists, liberals, unionists and even their old foe, the National Party, sit at the same table and speak with same language. We cannot deny that we have common concerns, amongst others: the economy, corruption, service delivery, unemployment, poverty, education, health, the environment and civil disobedience. I hope that we will leave this meeting today having agreed on how we will walk the road to 2014 and which route we will take. How will we “unite the opposition” and which model and vehicle will we use? What would our common language and message be? Would we be able to accommodate other stakeholders, such as civil society, labour, business, youth formations, traditional institutions, faith based organisations, special interest groups and the public at large, and how we will achieve this? 6. THE WAY FORWARD The UDM agrees that we should formalise our cooperation. We cannot afford the same mistake, where each party goes it alone (as we did in the past), because it would be a waste of valuable time and resources. We would miss an opportunity to make the paradigm shift needed to ensure that our Country and her people prosper. The UDM proposes that opposition parties contest the 2014 National and Provincial Elections under one banner, but that we retain our identities. This can be done by forming an alliance (we describe an alliance as a pact, coalition or friendship between two or more parties, made in order to advance common goals and to secure common interests). An alliance agreement, governing cooperation between the different stakeholders, should be drafted as soon as possible with a clear mission, vision and objectives and it should also define the role of each stakeholder. This would enable us to pursue a set of agreed upon goals, whilst each party retains their independence. Some of the benefits of such an alliance include, but are not limited to: a. Substantially improving competitiveness; b. Sharing competencies; and c. Bundling competencies and resources across provinces. However, the success of such an alliance depends on our ability to create a win-win outcome for all stakeholders. Formalising the current arrangement would guide our interaction with the public, because the current configuration creates confusion. Should there be consensus to form an alliance, as we proposed earlier, we should establish an umbrella body where all stakeholders contest the 2014 elections under one banner, without losing their identities. To achieve this we will have to register this umbrella body as a political party with the IEC. We must strive to be as inclusive as possible and we should champion equality and transparency: One thing is certain, if we agree on this course of action, we have an enormous task ahead of us and very little time to accomplish our goals. The responsibility of making this “project” work cannot rely on only one party. We will have to be practical and establish a Committee of Parties, that will act as a steering committee, which is mandated to among others: a) Facilitate the development of a name, logo, colours, vision, mission, core principles, etc.; b) Draft a memorandum of understanding/constitution/contract between stakeholders; c) Give a platform for stakeholders which they can use to reach consensus on issues of common interest; d) Coordinate, consult and interact with all stakeholders; e) Develop a strategy of how to approach organisations and bodies outside the sphere of politics; f) Develop mechanisms that will give structure to stakeholders’ participation in the 2014 elections, for example the compilation of candidates lists, fielding party agents, etc.; g) Develop a project plan with timeframes and deadlines; h) Develop a model for fundraising and putting the necessary checks and balances in place; i) Develop a communication and marketing strategy; j) Design an organisational structure, with subcommittees; k) Suggest a decision-making/leadership structure; l) Develop a mechanism to resolve deadlocks; m) Suggest an administrative support structure; n) Convene a plenary of stakeholders as and when necessary. 7. CONCLUSION We have heard several points of view today, and the UDM hereby tables its own. We are ready to contribute to the debate that follows. We must however remind ourselves that time is of the essence. South Africans are waiting to hear what the future holds. We must resolve on what we are going to do and we must do it soon. In the final analysis, our success depends on our ability to pursue electoral strategies that will help us develop a compelling vision for the future and revive public interest in politics. We should focus on that which unites us and not that which divides us – our common goal should be fulfilling the original agenda, which is to improve the quality life of all South Africans. Thank you.
Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP (UDM President) at a Provincial Council of the UDM in the Eastern Cape, Khanyisa High School, Mthatha on Sunday, 3 February 2013 Provincial Leaders of the UDM in the Eastern Cape UDM Regional-, District- and Branch Leaders Public representative of the Party UDM members 1. State of the Nation in brief We are nearing the end of the first term of Jacob Zuma as President of this Country. He repeatedly committed his government to address the high levels of poverty, to create jobs and to eradicate corruption. Yet we sit here today, having witnessed what has happened to South Africa with Jacob Zuma at the helm. The ruling party is running out of ideas to combat unemployment; our people still sit in the squalor of their poverty; and the levels of misappropriation of Government money and corruption have reached new heights. How can you say to the people: “We fight corruption” whilst you sit with your hand in the cookie jar. The ruling party and their leaders have become masters of the art of paying lip service. How is it possible for our Communications Minister to think that it is okay to award a tender to her boyfriend? Why is it somehow acceptable to have tuck shops, tennis courts and houses for extended families built at the expense of our people and call those national key points? Why do we allow some people to have unrestricted access to parastatal funds just because they have employed family members of the President? It now becomes apparent what the obsession with the Information Bill was: it is a case of wanting to hide that which they know is wrong by using legislation to achieve this. It reminds us of the old Apartheid laws. We have the task ahead of us to educate the citizens of this country. We must help them to understand how this abuse of state resources is affecting the image of this country and how it is being sold to highest bidder. They must understand how this looting spree affects them in their daily lives. Our education system is in a shambles and this province in particular used to have an education system that produced great leaders. We have all seen how this Government reacts to people whose voices are raised in concern – instead of going to the people with their ears open, they go with a closed fist. It seems as if ANC’s rule is being sustained by the state security forces, which brutally squash dissenting voices and have no qualm to take lives in the process. Instead of protecting our people from violence, they are the ones who attack our people. The United Democratic Movement (UDM), as well as other opposition parties, but mostly the South African public in general, must take a hard look at the status quo; make a thorough analysis and decide on what is next. President Zuma was given the opportunity to govern and he cannot get around the fact that he and his government have badly let South Africans down. We are standing at a crossroads and we have the opportunity to change our minds. Are we going to sit still and allow this state of affairs to go one? Or are we going to be brave and say: “No more!”; we deserve a good and effective government for the benefit or our people. 2. State of the Province 2.1. State of infrastructure, roads and railways Already in June 2009, the UDM told Parliament and President Jacob Zuma, of towns in the former Transkei that found themselves in an economic and service delivery crisis. We are now in 2013 and the people of this province still suffer the pangs of neglect by those trusted with the duty to deliver services. Whether you are from East London, Cape Town or Durban, the moment that you enter the Transkei you realise that you are entering the Third World. The N2 is a highway of death – with congestion and a road surface dotted with potholes and there are far too many accidents on the road between East London and Kokstad. The problem could be resolved with an electrified railroad between these centres and a new railroad built to connect Kokstad and Mthatha. The Eastern Cape health system is a travesty; the state of our education is amongst the poorest in the Country; electricity supply is insufficient, service delivery is atrocious; and so the list goes on. 2.2. The province’s budget For years we have lamented the Provincial Government’s inability to spend its budget in the right manner. We must now, however, ask whether this budget is sufficient in addressing the needs of the people. Is enough money allocated to, amongst other things, upgrade and maintain roads and railways, schools, hospitals, etc? 3. State of the UDM the Eastern Cape 3.1. Challenges facing the Party It is unfortunate that the UDM in the Eastern Cape has struggled to achieve the targets as set out in our Ascendancy Profile. Most of the external challenges are beyond our control, but we certainly are, or should be, able to control internal challenges. Politics are inherently competitive, but we should never loose sight of our vision: “We are the political home of all South Africans, united in the spirit of South Africanism by our common passion for our Country, mobilising the creative power inherent in our rich diversity, towards our transformation into a Winning Nation”. If we agree that this “project” is still worthwhile, we need to approach it in a fashion where, in the end, the Party is the winner. If we do not overcome the challenges facing us, we will not succeed in the 2014 National and Provincial Elections. 3.2. This Provincial Council We meet here today to discuss these internal challenges. We must be frank with each other; honest about our shortcomings and sincere in our commitment to build this organisation. One of our major obstacles has been that some people think the Party is their personal fiefdom. Another is our poor internal communication and the dissemination of information down to grassroots level. Good leadership involves the translation of plans into reality. A leader must understand his/her mandate and honour that mandate. Now, more than ever, the Party’s leaders in the Eastern Cape must get their act together, put their differences aside for the benefit of the UDM in preparation for the upcoming elections. 4. Realignment of the South African political landscape Before we tackle the realignment debate, I remind you that we must argue with the goal, of improving the quality of life for all South Africans, in mind. 4.1. History The UDM has been a proponent of political realignment since its inception. At our last National Congress, in 2010, we agreed that realignment is not the absorption of one party by another. The 2009 election results showed that the South African electorate wants a system where two large parties, of similar strength and size, compete for the mandate to govern. 4.2. Progress made by the Multi-Party Forum In recent months opposition parties increased their cooperation efforts by working together in Parliament. Most notably, we joined hands to oppose the Protection of State information Bill, as well as the motion of no confidence in the leadership of the President and that of the African National Congress. The Multi-Party Forum met on 25 January 2013 to discuss the way forward. We agreed on some common concerns, amongst others: the economy, corruption, service delivery, crime, unemployment, poverty, education, health, the environment and the recent displays of civil disobedience. 4.3. The National and Provincial Elections 2014 At the aforementioned Multi-Party Forum (MPF) meeting, the UDM proposed that opposition parties contest the 2014 National and Provincial Elections under one banner, but that we retain our individual identities. We agreed that we should consult with our structures and obtain the necessary mandate before our next MPF meeting on 12 February. In part, this is what we are doing today. To enrich our discussions, I have brought a compilation of documents that gives the details of the UDM’s long standing views on realignment. 5. Conclusion We are standing at the precipice of making the paradigm shift required to make a positive change for South Africa’s democracy. I wish you the fortitude needed to be honest about your commitment to the original agenda, which is the bettering the quality of life of all South Africans, and in particular the citizens of this great province. I thank you
Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP (UDM President) to Parliament in reply to the State of the Nation Address on 19 February 2013 Mister Speaker, Mister President and Deputy President and Honourable Members Mister President, I would like to extend my sincere congratulations on your re-election as the President of the African National Congress (ANC) at the party’s 2012 Mangaung Conference. It was gratifying to see that, contrary to popular belief and media speculation; the Conference was peaceful. Coming back to the business of the day, South Africans from all walks of life have over the past few days shared their views on your 2013 State of the Nation Address. In this regard, the United Democratic Movement (UDM) would like to add its voice by proposing solutions to some of the critical issues affecting South Africa. In doing so, we will avoid rehashing and repeating what has already been said. The overreliance of state departments on consultants and independent contractors requires urgent attention. According to the Auditor General’s report, national government departments spent R33.5 billion on consultants between 2009 and 2011, whilst provincial departments spent another R68.5 billion. In other words, government departments spent a staggering R102 billion on consultants during that period. This is a damning indictment of a modern day public administration. It is also clear that there are serious structural and organisational deficiencies which cause departments to procure the services of consultants to do that which the taxpayers pay them to do. The Public Service Commission should be requested to investigate and write a report on the causes of this overreliance of state departments on consultants and independent contractors. The truth of the matter, Mr President, is that the goals of the National Development Plan will not be realised if Government continues to appoint incompetent people. The billions of Rands wasted on consultants could have been used to create jobs. While on the subject of job creation, we believe that it is possible to reduce unemployment. This can be done by Government refurbishing all the abandoned factories in areas such as Dimbaza, Butterworth, Queenstown and Mthatha in the Eastern Cape; KwaMhlanga in Mpumalanga; Ekurhuleni in Gauteng; Thohoyandou in Limpopo and Mmabatho in North West with a view to create jobs for the youth. We should partner with leading international companies in textile- and steel manufacturing industries, in a mentorship programme for the youth. Upon completion of this mentorship programme graduates should be put in charge of these factories. The much talked about youth wage subsidy should be structured in a way that accommodates a programme of this nature. In the past, a lot of raw materials were processed domestically, but today these factories close in droves. The common denominator is their inability to compete with imports from countries where their governments subsidise their products. We are concerned about the business community’s perceived preference of employing foreign nationals over South Africans. This trend has been observed in industries like security and hospitality in particular. We need to address this as it has serious implications for social cohesion. We have to consider whether businesses should not be compelled to ensure that sixty to seventy percent of their staff complement is made-up of South Africans. We must also deal with the tensions caused by the takeover of businesses in townships, small towns and rural areas by foreign nationals. These tensions are created by, amongst other factors, the fact that these businesses do not create jobs for local people – they are run by the foreign owners and their families. There has been much talk about the greening programme for South Africa. Packaged properly, these programmes have the potential to create job opportunities for semi-skilled workers. Such job opportunities could range from projects to combat soil erosion to creating community forests, and so on. You mentioned infrastructure development as one of Government’s apex priorities. It would help public debate as well as progress monitoring, if Government publishes the infrastructure development map including projects that are run by State Owned Enterprises (SoEs). For example, last year I wrote you a letter requesting your infrastructure committee to consider building a railway between Mthatha, Kokstad, Queenstown and East London. The purpose of the railway line would be to improve public transport in these areas and reduce traffic thus reducing the high rate of accidents on the N2. The development of a monitoring mechanism is very important Mr President in that it enables one to keep track of progress. For instance, are you aware that the company that was tasked with the construction of the Mthatha Airport terminal building has left the work unfinished? We are however pleased with the progress made by the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) on the runway. While still on the subject of infrastructure development, today I received a letter from Mr Muthala, Principal of the Tshadama Secondary School in the Vhembe District of Limpopo. Mr Muthala talks about the difficulties facing the teachers and 480 learners in eight classrooms. The school has been teaching many of its learners under trees. Despite these challenges, it managed to achieved a 100% pass rate in physical sciences and this without a laboratory. Their overall pass rate for 2011 was 69% and this increased to 96% in 2012. The school claims that the Education Department has not helped it with the request to build extra classrooms. Mr President, I have the pleasure of handing you this letter so that you can ask the relevant departments to look into it. We have taken note of your announcement that you will deal decisively with violent protests and strikes. According to the Multi-Level Government Initiative (which tracked protests in South Africa between February 2007 and August 2012) in the first eight months of last year, a total of 79.2% of protests turned violent. In other words, in eight out of ten service delivery protests ended up in violence. This unprecedented increase in service delivery protests, together with the use of violence, is cause for concern. Not only are the poor are unhappy with the levels of corruption, maladministration and poor service delivery, at the various Government levels, but they are so desperate for Government’s attention that they resort to violent civil disobedience. We look forward to seeing Government taking steps to address the underlying causes of this problem. We ought to ensure that our efforts to create peace and prosperity in the world do not distract us from our primary mandate of ensuring the safety and security of South Africans. I thank you.
Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP in the Parliamentary Debate on deployment of SA National Defence Force to Central African Republic 23 April 2013 Mister Speaker, Mister President and Honourable Members, “They had gone to CAR to assist. We never anticipated that we would be attacked. Somebody said when they were interviewing me, is it that maybe we were failed by our intelligence that had not picked up that we were going to be attacked”. This is what the Honourable Minister of Defence told the Nation two weeks ago. The Minister would have given better answers had she demanded an operational report from her Commanders. Her argument that she “did not anticipate to be attacked” is incomprehensible, considering that the CAR government briefed her of the imminent offensive from the rebel forces during her visit to that country late last year. It was during this meeting that the CAR government requested reinforcement from the South Africa government. The Minister came back and briefed the President about this request. Subsequently, President Zuma announced the deployment of an additional 400 troops in CAR with the mandate to disarm, demobilise and integrate the rebel forces into the army as well as protect the SANDF’s 26 trainers in CAR. Given this unambiguous mandate, it is puzzling to hear the Honourable Minister claim that she and her Commanders did not anticipate to be attacked. The existence of the operational report mentioned above would have given us specifics on details about the people who failed our troops in CAR and in the process disgraced our country. This report is important if we are to avoid making similar mistakes in future and to ensure that we take punitive steps against those who did not carry out orders. The same report would interrogate the allegations that our troops were deployed in that country to protect former President Bozizé and the business interests and assets of some politically connected South Africans. While talking of former President Bozizé, he made a startling revelation in December last year, when he publicly complained that his government was being targeted for giving mining rights to South Africa and China. The question now remains: “To what extent have these mining rights been diverted away from South African State owned mining companies in favour of a select few politically connected individuals and companies, such as Chancellor House, as reported?” It is becoming a norm in the African continent for countries to help other countries in exchange for their resources. In light of all the above, we should ask ourselves whether our presence in CAR served national interests or narrow party political interests. However, the reluctance of Government to establish a Commission of Inquiry to look into this matter compels us to be in agreement with those who claim that our troops in CAR were used to ensure that the looting spree in that country continued unabated. I wish to conclude by stating that, no amount of cover-ups and misinformation will prevent the truth about what happened in CAR from eventually coming out. Thank you.
Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP in the Parliamentary Debate: Budget Vote 28 on Economic Development (07 May 2013) Mister Speaker, Ministers and Deputy Ministers and Honourable Members, The UDM supports Budget Vote 28. According to Statistics South Africa’s latest Labour Force Survey the rate of unemployment in South Africa has increased to 25.2 percent during the first quarter in 2013 from 24.9 percent in the last quarter in 2012. This means that more than 100 000 South Africans are without work since the last quarter in 2012. The unemployment rate deteriorates to approximately 36.7 percent when the number of discouraged work seekers is factored in. This dismal performance regarding employment proves beyond reasonable doubt that government’s economic policies have failed to grow our economy at the levels required to reduce unemployment and eradicate poverty. This occurs against the background of the ever-increasing gap between the haves and haves-not. In addition, South Africa seems to be on a fiscal slippage. In the year 2007/2008 our budget balance declined from a surplus of 1.7 percent, to a deficit of 5.2 percent in the year 2012/2013. Our debt-to-GDP ratio has increased from 23 percent in 2008 to approximately 40 percent in 2012/2013. Corruption and wasteful expenditure in government have reached crisis levels. With the bleak picture I have sketched thus far, it is not difficult to conclude that South Africa is on the slippery slope to become a sub-investment grade country. We need to take decisive steps to turn the situation around and there are unfortunately no shortcuts to long-term success. To reduce unemployment, government needs to develop an environment that is conducive for small and large businesses to flourish. Not the current situation where you find companies that employ workers from neighbouring countries. So-called outside investors, that we find in every corner of South Africa, do not give work to South Africans, but exclusively employ their family and friends. We have to consider whether businesses should not be compelled to ensure that 60 to 70 percent of their staff complement is made-up of South Africans. Government can develop the aforementioned environment by, amongst other things, ensuring that there is the required level of labour flexibility in the economy. This means that the labour market framework should enable businesses to frame appropriate responses to changes in market conditions. For this to succeed, government would need to reign in its alliance partner, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), which seems to only be interested in protecting the interests of the employed at the expense of the unemployed. In the past, many raw materials were processed domestically, but today most of these factories close down in droves. The common denominator is their inability to compete with imports from countries where such products are subsidised by their governments. Government needs to root out corruption and wasteful expenditure in the system and needs to adopt policies that are aimed at reducing its deficits and debt accumulation. In conclusion, government’s proposed review of the current tax system should not see the light of day until the aforementioned measures have been taken into account and until such time that taxpayers get value for the money they pump into the fiscus. I thank you.