Statement by Bongani Msomi – UDM Secretary General As we approach the holiday season, the United Democratic Movement (UDM) calls on drivers to be more vigilant and ensure that travellers reach their destination safe. We must curb the incidents of road rage; drivers and passengers must not be impatient. Pedestrians also must abide by the law and rather use bridges to cross highways. They must also not jay-walk while intoxicated. Let there be no injuries and fatalities as we usually witnessed, we can achieve this by making sure that drivers obey the rules of the road and rest if tired. The UDM also calls for visibility of law enforcement officials – it is their job to keep roads and people safe. Owners must ensure that their vehicles are road worthy. Please accept our well-wishes for those who observe Easter and those who are due for a period of respite, should come back rested. End
• My colleagues in other political parties, • Leaders of civil society organisations, • Fellow South Africans from all walks of life! 1. Welcome: • On behalf of the organisers, I welcome each one of you who have made the effort to be here today. • Your presence, as well the wishes of many other freedom-loving South Africans who could not be present, is a testimony that this cause is just. • We should be proud of this display of patriotism. 2. The National Day of Action: our purpose • We are gathered here to send a signal to the ruling party that, although we respect that the electorate gave it a mandate to rule, South Africans are concerned that it is allowing this land of ours to decline under its watch. • Amongst other burning issues, our people are most concerned about corruption, poverty, unemployment and lawlessness. But chief amongst these issues is our waning economy. • Recent events resulted in a plummeting rand, ratings agencies have downgraded South Africa and this will inevitably lead to a depression of our economy. • The knock-on effect of our Country’s economic ‘junk status’ will negatively impact our people. • Banks won’t lend us money and Government will struggle to service our debts. • Levels of poverty will rise, employment will decrease and no new job opportunities will be created. • Everyone will suffer. The rich will become poorer, but worse, the poor will become destitute. • When some of the top leaders of the ruling party apologised to President Zuma for publicly criticising his actions, one disappointed South African said this: “Deputy President is wrong. Secretary General is wrong. Treasurer General is wrong. Integrity Commission is wrong SACP is wrong. COSATU is wrong. Rating Agency S&P (Standard and Poor) is wrong. Concourt was wrong. Public Protector was wrong. SO, only Zuma is right?” I want to add: “the opposition is wrong”. We, the people who are here today, are wrong! • The powers-that-be remain unmoved, and become defensive, when loyal South African citizens raise such points. • We can’t continue marching forever. We MUST find a way to converge in under one roof to discuss South Africa’s future. • We must find a vehicle that will provide a safe space for us, irrespective of political affiliation, to hammer out a common vision, binding to all, of how we should address our Country’s problems. • We may soon need to have a summit of political, and leaders of civil society to exchange ideas on how to take South Africa forward. • Not only should we find solutions to our current set of challenges, but most importantly, we must leave behind a prosperous country for future generations. Thank you #ZumaMustFall: National Day of Action, UDM President Mr BH Holomisa, MP addressed the masses at the Union Buildings, Pretoria
Statement issued by Bongani Mosmi – UDM Secretary General The United Democratic Movement (UDM) is stunned and disappointed by the violent behaviour displayed by the ruling party’s youth league, African National Congress Youth League towards anti-Zuma protesters. ANC is supposed to be the custodian of our constitution which guarantees the freedom of association. The attacks and threats are totally unacceptable. We are observing the similar behaviour even to the officials who are ANC members in the Tshwane Metro and other areas who refused the permission to the organisers of the protest march. South Africa is a free country and this must stop. End
Joint media statement As leaders, we shall never abandon our responsibility to put South Africa first. Accordingly, the leadership of the African Christian Democratic Party, African Independent Congress, African People’s Convention, Congress of the People, Agang SA, Democratic Alliance, Economic Freedom Fighters, Inkatha Freedom Party and the United Democratic Movement have agreed to give expression to this commitment. We want to make every effort to rescue South Africa from this one-man-made quagmire. President Jacob Zuma, with the blessing and help of his sycophants, is actively undermining the work of our Chapter Nine institutions. The Constitutional Court found that he acted illegally; failed to uphold; defend and respect the Constitution with his disregard of the Public Protector’s remedial action on the Nkandla corruption. He is in violation of the Constitution and his oath of office, which makes Mr Zuma ineligible to be President of the Republic. President Zuma’s midnight cabinet reshuffle started a domino effect, with the rand tanking, South Africa’s downgrading by two ratings agencies, as well as the downgrading of some banks and Eskom. “Junk status” makes South Africa an unsafe investment destination and international banks will think twice before lending money to us. Our credibility is shot and the knock-on effects in terms of the cost of living is going to hit our poor people the hardest. The influence of the Gupta family on our President, including several ministers, means President Zuma has been bought by the highest bidder and that South Africa is being run from Saxonwold. From Wednesday, 12 April 2017, onward, the aforementioned political parties shall embark on a programme of periodic mass action to ensure that South Africans, and their country, are protected from the brutal hand of Mr Jacob Zuma. We now announce – to all South Africans, Africa and the world – that we have declared 12 April a “National Day of Action”. We are happy to report that there already are many civil society organisations on board, like SaveSA, as well as South Africans (from all walks of life) who have indicated that they identify with this cause. They have expressed their willingness to do everything within their power to make the “National Day of Action” a success. As part of our programme, political parties across the Country will mobilise their members and structures to engage in activities geared towards forcing the ruling party to recall their deployee. Or, to exert enough pressure that President Zuma will do the honourable thing and resign. We will have, and plan to, engage civil society formations, as well as our colleagues in other political parties to mobilise support for the people’s “National Day of Action” at the Union Buildings in Pretoria. We plan to engage in various activities – such as the “National Day of Action – over the coming days, weeks and months to show common cause i.e. to rescue South Africa from a slippery-slope. We extend an invitation to all South African citizens, other political parties, labour organisations, traditional and religious institutions and any other interested parties to participate in all the other protest activities in the pipeline. We also, and very specifically, extend an invitation to the ruling party, that claims to be the leader of society, to occasionally act with the people, and for the people. If they fail (as is their standard operating procedure) to hear the loud cries of South Africans to remove their “junk status” President, the people must unite in dictating their own destiny and punish the African National Congress in the 2019 National and Provincial Elections. END
Statement issued by Bongani Msomi – UDM Secretary General The United Democratic Movement (UDM) would like to convey a message of condolence to the families of two minors that were killed after an alleged consumption of food poison in the Western Cape meanwhile others are still in a critical condition in hospital. This is tragic and we are calling for a speedy investigation into finding the origins of the food they had ingested and someone must be brought to book for this tragedy that led to people losing lives while others are in a bad state. UDM also wishes a speedy recovery to those who still fighting for their lives in hospital and we hope they will be discharged soon. End
• Programme Director, • Future Leaders, • Ladies and Gentlemen. 1. Introduction Before I launch into the United Democratic Movement’s (UDM) vision and policy on certain issues, I want to sketch a bit of background of how we started, since that informs much of our policy and work. Almost twenty years ago, after I was unceremoniously expelled from the African National Congress (ANC), I started a consultation process with South Africans on the need for a new political movement or not. With those that followed me, we started the National Consultative Forum. As it happened, Roelf Meyer left the National Party around the same time and formed the New Movement Process. We were on the same page and established the UDM in 1997. It was clear to many of us, already at that point in time, that South Africa’s political landscape needed to change. And, as recent events have shown, that need still exists. But we can talk about that a little later. The UDM has had to box in the heavy-weight class since its inception and we acknowledge that our support has waxed and waned since 1999. In 2003 and 2005, chequebook politics robbed the UDM of talent, resources and influence when the so-called ‘floor-crossing legislation’ was still in action. The UDM fought that law, tooth and nail, because it allowed public representatives to leave one party for another, whilst those individuals did not have votes confer upon themselves. No! Voters made their mark behind the name of the UDM. We were happy that our efforts paid off when the legislation was abolished in 2009. This leads me to an argument that the UDM has made for some time i.e. that we need a mixed electoral system which draws from the strengths of both constituency-based representation (to ensure that an individual public representative is held accountable) and proportional representation. The UDM also advocates that South Africans should directly elect their President instead of having a person foisted on them by a ruling party. If we had used this system, we might have avoided the tears and embarrassment we have suffered at the hand of our current President. Directly electing their President allows the people to ‘hire and fire’ that person if they are dissatisfied with his/her performance. The UDM also strongly believes that candidates for Cabinet must be vetted at public hearings to ascertain whether they are fit for office. Once again, we might have averted the current leadership crisis, because in such a scenario we could ensure that our leaders in government are qualified and capable. Using such a system might be a bit cumbersome, but we can at least force some measure of stability and accountability. 2. The challenge of competing as a political party in South Africa There are inherent weaknesses in the funding model for political parties in South Africa. What that means for the UDM, and other smaller parties, is that we are hamstrung in performing our duties. Advertising costs money; public relations (PR) cost money and things like the core task of electioneering is particularly draining as most of our activists come from disadvantaged communities and we need to support them in their work. It’s literally a question of buying food to keep them sustained and keeping petrol tanks filled. Any party may have the most brilliant and creative solutions to our problems, but if you can’t effectively get your message out in public, it neutralises your hard work. We cannot get away from the fact that the current funding model for political parties is not conducive to multi-party democracy. The funds parties receive from the Independent Electoral Commission, as well as those that Parliamentarians receive to do their work (called the Constituent’s Allowance Fund), are divvied up proportionally based on the percentage of support a party gets at an election. In addition, the big companies that earmark money for democracy development (in their social responsibility kitty) also spend that money proportionally. What this means is that, the parties with a good election performance gets the lion’s share of the money. The result is that the strong become stronger, irrespective of their performance and policies, and the less-strong are weakened further. It is a vicious cycle. In addition, when we approach companies with sound reasoning as to why they should support the UDM, and therefore democracy in South Africa, we are told that they do not wish to sponsor the UDM, because it will lead to loss of business with government. The ANC, and even the Democratic Alliance, have millions-and-millions of Rands to spend on party and electioneering activities. In addition, there is some element of abuse of state resources to bolster party propaganda, especially at election-times. For your information, the UDM does not have, and never had, a PR company to develop sexy advertising campaigns and programmes. We have sustained ourselves through mere word of mouth. 3. Unpacking political realignment Our version of political realignment does not refer to a ganging up of opposition parties against the ruling alliance, but rather a regrouping of people around new concepts that were brought up in the wash of momentous political change over the years. The results of the last two National and Provincial Elections showed that the South African electorate wants a system where two large parties, of similar strength and size, compete for the mandate to govern. The UDM is of the view, that a healthy realignment of our political landscape will culminate in the emergence of two major political parties, with some smaller cause-based parties – as is the case in established democracies such as in the United Kingdom, France and the United States of America. 4. The emergence of coalition governance after the 2016 Municipal Elections Considering that we have different ideologies and philosophies, the so-called “smaller parties” have the challenge of finding each other. The advantage is that the precedent has been created in different places in the world where, political parties with different interests, work together without losing their identities. That said, the results of the 2016 Municipal Elections are a clarion call to all political parties to join hands with communities and civil society to provide visionary leadership to the Country. The UDM has always understood coalition government as a form of cooperation between political parties who agree on specific principles and programmes to address the challenges of service delivery. Central to these is the immediate need to create jobs, eradicate poverty, fight and uproot corruption and promote good governance. I must however admit that being a coalition partner in two municipalities, in the Johannesburg and the Nelson Mandela Bay metros is challenging. The wide spectrum of political philosophies of the various parties has inherent challenges. We don’t always agree, but we keep our minds open and work hard at finding each other. 5. A little bit more on our founding tenants The UDM’s vision reads as follows: “We are the political home of all South Africans, united in the spirit of South Africanism by our common passion for our Country, mobilising the creative power inherent in our rich diversity, towards our transformation into a Winning Nation.” The core values which the UDM upholds and promotes and upon which it fundamental policy positions are based are: • respect for life, dignity and human worth of every individual; • integrity in public- and private life; • the individual rights and freedoms enshrined in our Country’s Constitution; • tolerance and respect for the rights and freedoms of others; • solidarity in the common spiritual ownership of all that is good in our Country; • national self-discipline based on an acceptance that each right and freedom carries with it a corresponding and equal obligation and responsibility; • national moral regeneration towards a clear distinction between right and wrong, between what is acceptable conduct and what not, between good and evil; • economic policies based on moral values and; • freedom of religion and worship. Those are lofty, but achievable, ideals. For the purpose of today’s discussion, and to remain topical, I wish to focus on “integrity in public- and private life”. The reason why I want to do this, is to highlight the conundrum facing South Africa today. After the ANC Working Committee’s pronouncements yesterday, one South African summarised the situation as follows: “Deputy President is wrong. Secretary General is wrong. Treasurer General is wrong. Integrity Commission is wrong SACP is wrong. COSATU is wrong. Rating Agency S&P (Standard and Poor) is wrong. Concourt was wrong. Public Protector was wrong. SO, only Zuma is right?” I want to add: “the opposition is wrong”. We are in this mess, precisely because our Country’s President does not, judging by is actions, epitomise integrity in public- and private life. I am not going to unpack this further, because I am sure that you keep abreast of the news as it breaks, but feel free to ask tough questions in the Q and A session just now. 6. Some key UDM policies in a nutshell The UDM has batted on anti-corruption wicket since its inception and we never wavered. It is precisely because corruption bleeds the Nation dry that we keep our focus on this issue. Another of our points of departure is: “Government must do more”. Meaningful government intervention is needed to ensure economic growth and the UDM therefore advocates, what could be called, “conscious capitalism”. While the UDM recognises the valuable role that markets should play, it is of the firm belief that Government must play a key role in creating a stable policy environment and developing the economy for the benefit of our people. Government must have an awareness of purpose. It must be sensitive to our people’s needs, especially the most vulnerable of our society and, most importantly, it must be responsive in a constructive manner. One-in-three South Africans survive on grants. That is the harsh reality. And, although “Government must do more” can be interpreted as a mandate to make more money available for grants, that is not the best it can do. Government must in fact do more… to help people, to help themselves. Another issue, which I am sure is close to your hearts, is education. We have one of the most unequal societies in the world and our economy is not growing. An educated and healthy citizenry is needed to grow and develop our economy so that we are capacitated to eradicate poverty and inequality, and to generate employment. The UDM is of the view that South Africa must develop and maintain an education system that produces school-leavers and graduates that are equipped with balanced job-related and life skills to enter the job market, economy and greater society and be productive and responsible citizens. The genuine demand for free, and quality, higher education has unfortunately been turned into a political matter, which is effectively being abused by the contending factions of the ruling alliance. South Africa cannot afford a situation where education is used to settle political scores. We desperately need strong higher education institutions that produce students with the relevant skills for our socio-economic development. The UDM believes that special attention should be paid to poor students who are unable, or is struggling, to pay their tuition fees. We agree that subsidies for the children of domestic workers, or worse, unemployed persons, cannot be the same as those for the children of advocates, doctors and investment bankers. The reality is that there are those deserving students who need to be totally subsidised by government. But where will we get the money? Well, let’s start with a Government, which must stop splashing public money on wasteful and unproductive expenses. It is with a sense of loss that I mention that former Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan, last year, called on departments to save money and cut costs. It was reported, at the time, that R35,2 billion was spent on consultants, travel, catering and entertainment. The UDM has long held the view that the continuous outsourcing of government work, which ought to be done by civil servants, is expensive and perpetuates poor service delivery. 7. Conclusion On 27 September 2017, the UDM shall mark the 20th anniversary of its existence. We will celebrate this achievement by reviewing our policies and repositioning the UDM at centre stage of the South African political landscape and discourse. The UDM prides itself on being a ‘listening party’ rather than a ‘dictating party’. I therefore invite you to participate in this policy review process as this is a platform for young South Africans to share their concerns, express their hopes and participate in finding creative solutions to our problems. Make yourselves part of the UDM’s vision to make South Africa a ‘Winning Nation! Thank you Understanding the United Democratic Movement – Address delivered by Mr B Holomisa, MP (UDM President) at the ‘Understanding government’ week, 2017 ASRI Future Leaders Fellowship Program in Auckland Park, Johannesburg on 6 April 2017
Statement issued by Thandi Nontenja – UDEMWO Secretary General The United Democratic Movement Women’s Organisation (UDEMWO) is shocked and disturbed by the recent brutal rape and murder of 11-year-old Stacha Arendse whose body was found dumped in an open field not far from her home in Tafelsig. This atrocity happened within just a few days after the body of murdered Rene Tracy Roman (13), was discovered in a house on the same street where she lived. These horrific attacks against women and girl-children are adding up and has become endemic to the Western Cape. But, we see far too many such incidents right throughout the country. UDEMWO condemns these criminal acts and we call upon the members of the community to work together with the police to ensure that such cruel crimes are not committed. It cannot be that everyday someone dies at the hands of those whom they know and trust. We are thankful that the alleged evil doers are behind bars, but we find it worrying that the man arrested for the attack on Stacha is a convicted rapist who was out on six months’ parole. We therefore hope that justice be swift and that harsh measures will be taken against those found guilty – they must never be unleashed on society again. We urge the MEC of Community Safety in the Western Cape, Mr Dan Plato, together with all the relevant stakeholders to urgently intervene in curbing this growing trend of attacks on women and children in the Province. One soul is one too many.
Dear Mr Nqakula REQUEST FOR URGENT MEETING: JOINT STANDING COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE The above matter refers. In my capacity as a member of the Parliamentary Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence, I request that you convene an urgent meeting of the Committee to consider the widely reported and circulated ‘Intelligence Report’ [the Report] that purportedly has been the central reason for the change of leadership in the National Treasury. In order for the Committee to be able to consider this matter and deliberate, I further request that you direct the Minister of State Security, Mr David Mahlobo, and his Director General, to attend the meeting and brief us on the following, amongst others: 1. Whether the Report is a product of our local intelligence agencies? 2. Whether the Report is a product of foreign intelligence agencies? 3. Whether the Minister is satisfied with the origin and substance of the Report and, if so, to give the Committee further details? You will certainly appreciate the negative impact the Report has had on our economy and the Country’s subsequent downgrading to junk status. I hope you find this request in order and urgent. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement
President Zuma’s cabinet reshuffle has caused “radical economic transformation” of a different kind with Standard & Poor’s (S&P) Global announcement that South Africa’s sovereign credit rating has been downgraded to BB+. We might as well use the term “junk status” to describe our government. Mr Zuma bandies this phrase about, making a sweeping statement, without any clear policy detailing what his radical economic transformation entails. This not only confuses South Africans, but any international would-be investors are surely looking elsewhere to spend their money. Enough is enough! The African National Congress has clearly lost control of President Zuma, and by default the country, jeopardising any hope of a prosperous economic future. In line with what the opposition parties said today, the United Democratic Movement will exert even more pressure to have the Speaker of the National Assembly, Ms Baleka Mbete, accede to our call for a special, and urgent, meeting of the House to discuss a motion of no confidence in President Zuma.
Opposition Programme of Action This Programme of Action stems from already existing partnerships and other ad hoc co-operation arrangements which exist in the country’s metros and other municipalities, where the Opposition governs for all residents, regardless of their political affiliation. The opposition-led metros serve as important platforms to show what the Opposition can do for the people of South Africa, which present a tangible example of the work that we can do, when we united against corruption, state capture and other ills in society. Furthermore, we agreed that there is a need for a Summit that brings together Political Parties and Civil Society to discuss the state of South Africa. Going forward, we will at times act collectively and at times as separate political parties, depending on the nature of the issue facing the country. Our Programme of Action will be to put the people first, with the vision to build a better South Africa. National Day of Action to the Union Buildings It was agreed that as Opposition Parties, we will start the process of mobilising their structures from across the country for a National Day of Action to the Union Buildings. We are planning to have this mass action event as soon as possible. We will also be engaging Civil Society formations and other Political Parties to mobilise in order to support the people’s National Day of Action to the Union Buildings, so that we are united and not fractured in our call to save our country in the short-term. We therefore call upon all South Africans and the whole of Civil Society to support this mass action, where will speak with one voice calling for Jacob Zuma to remove himself from the Union Buildings, failing which he will be pushed, using democratic processes. Zuma cannot hold an entire country hostage. Motion of No Confidence Opposition Parties are fully behind the Motion of Confidence in Jacob Zuma and the call for the Speaker of the National Assembly to reconvene the House for a special sitting so that this matter of National Importance can be debated and voted on. The DA and EFF have already asked the Speaker to reconvene Parliament. The UDM have submitted a similar request today. We expect an urgent answer from the Speaker about progress made in scheduling the Motion, should we not be satisfied with her response, court action, supported by Opposition Parties will be taken. Given the crisis engulfing our society, we are confident that Members of Parliament will stay true the Constitution and their Oath of Office. The Motion of No Confidence is not about the removal the ANC. The ANC was voted into government by the majority, through the democratic project, which we respect. In the short-term, we are working to remove Jacob Zuma, and elect someone from the ranks of the National Assembly who is committed to South Africa, the people and the Constitution. Court Cases The Opposition support the two court cases which are currently before the Judiciary. The DA will be submitting papers for a Review Application which seeks to test the legal rationality of Jacob Zuma’s disastrous Cabinet Reshuffle. The EFF, UDM and COPE are currently before the Constitutional Court to probe the process and duty of Parliament to facilitate the impeachment of the President. Conclusion Opposition Party Leaders are united in their call for Zuma to go and our belief in the supremacy of the Constitution. The choice South Africans must make is: Zuma or South Africa. The two cannot co-exist.
Dear Madam Speaker MOTION OF NO CONFIDENCE IN THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC IN TERMS OF SECTION 102 OF THE CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA AND SECTION 129 OF THE RULES OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY With his unexplained, and seemingly unilateral, cabinet reshuffle the President of the Republic of South Africa, Mr JG Zuma, has effectively relegated the South African economy to junk status. Whether he considered the consequences his decision seems doubtful. South Africans will soon feel the pinch – but ultimately the poorest of the poor will be hardest hit when food, transport and other necessities become unaffordable. The United Democratic Movement adds its voice to that of our colleagues in other parties, and I herewith lodge a motion of no confidence in the President in terms of Section 102 of the Republic’s Constitution, as well as Section 129 of the rules of the National Assembly. Yours sincerely Mr Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP UDM Chief Whip
The United Democratic Movement has noted President Zuma’s cabinet reshuffle. The appointment of Malusi Gigaba as the new minister of finance is disconcerting, because of his clear association with the Gupta family. President Zuma is strengthening his hold on cabinet with the appointment of Sfiso Buthelezi as Gigaba’s deputy and it won’t be surprising if people start dismissing these two as indunas from the palace whose main objective would be to facilitate the further looting of resources. The fact that the Rand tanked yesterday evening, even before President Zuma made any announcement, is a sign that South Africa is in for a rough ride in the next few days up until it is clear what the new minister of finance plans to do. The “sideways promotion” of Faith Muthambi, Nkosinathi Nhleko and Bathabile Dlamini is disappointing, because they have failed in their previous portfolios. Instead of punishing them for their failures, they have been rewarded for showing loyalty to the President. Politically speaking, many of the ministers, who have been removed, still hold position within the African National Congress and, given the noise made by the Communist Party today, it would be interesting to see how the Communist Party ministers will react.
Statement by Bantu Holomisa, MP and UDM President The United Democratic Movement (UDM) notes the Constitutional Court’s instruction that the South African Social Security Agency (Sassa) and Cash Paymaster Services (CPS) are under obligation to continue to pay social grants on 1 April until another entity is able to do so. The ANC government has more-or-less blackmailed the Constitutional Court, for if it should have happened that social grants were not paid on time, Government could conveniently shift the blame for the non-payment to the Constitutional Court. It is however worrying that our Country is effectively being run via the court room, because the Zuma Administration time and again fails to perform its duties. It is clear that President Zuma, and his cohorts, are holding onto their positions of power for one reason only: to further loot the Country’s resources at the expense of the taxpayer. Forget, for a moment, all the other examples of this phenomenon and be conscious of the fact that the Sassa/CPS-debacle is especially reprehensible, because it happened at the expense of the most vulnerable in our society. If not for the Constitutional Court’s intervention, where would we be? This situation is an embarrassment for South Africa and the Zuma Administration (and Social Development Minister Bathabile Dlamini in particular in this instance) has again brought the country into disrepute. Their behaviour shows a lack of respect for the court. There is no accountability and worse, no consequences for those in power when they so spectacularly fail. The message to those who voted for the African National Congress (ANC) is clear. President Zuma, his Executive and the ANC have no respect for South Africans – nor do they have sympathy or show remorse. The ANC has clearly lost the plot and this arrogance can only be addressed in one way, cast your vote elsewhere. You have the capacity to punish the ANC for these misdeeds; come 2019 make proper use of your cross.
Question: 4 from Ms. L. L. van der Merwe (IFP) to the President Original Question: What steps does he intend to take against the Minister of Social Development who has allegedly led her department into a national grant pay-out crisis which puts the lives of the most vulnerable citizens at risk and allegedly shown a complete disregard for the rule of law and the Constitutional Court ruling of 2014 which declared the CPS/NET1 contract invalid and what lessons has the Government learnt from the looming grant crisis? 1. Mr. President, a word of gratitude must go to our civil society organisations, such as Black Sash and Freedom Under Law, for their resilience in advocating for the poor in the social grant crisis, which includes: • the alleged irregular use of personal details captured in a database in CPS’s possession, • the unauthorised selling of airtime to unsuspecting beneficiaries, • as well as other illegal deductions, which reportedly amount to no less than a whopping R500 million a month. Would it not be prudent for your government to approach the courts to issue an order that will empower government and enable beneficiaries to recoup the monies that were illegally taken through the illegal CPS/NET1 contract?
Honourable Speaker, and Honourable Members South Africans and, in particular, the poorest of the poor (whose livelihood by right) depend on social grants, must now place their hopes on the Constitutional Court to defend their rights and restore their dignity. The Constitutional Court must force our embarrassed government to pay the beneficiaries and to do so on time. Under normal circumstances, this matter should have been occasioned by an investigation of a judicial commission of inquiry. However, knowing who has to effect such an inquiry, we may as well forget about it. Hence, all hope is pinned on the Constitutional Court. The United Democratic Movement hopes that the Constitutional Court will issue a judgement that will restore the rule of law instead of a rule by law, wherein the powers of the accounting officers will be respected and the political interference by the executive authorities will become a thing of the past. The unscrupulous manipulation by politicians and the reported interference by the advisors of the President and the Minister of Social Development, undermining the role of appointed officials, is a clear demonstration of an irreparably corrupt government. The political directives that are interfering with the procurement processes are in fact corrupt transactions. It is the same Minister who, when her colleagues drove cars to a funeral of a late senior commander of uMkhonto we Sizwe in Willowvale, flew in a helicopter accompanied by the beneficiaries of the Cash Paymaster Services (CPS) contract. “Who hired this helicopter?” I asked myself, as I was present at the funeral and saw at the spectacular landing. We want answers. I thank you
Address by Mr ML Filtane, MP in the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa Honourable Speaker and Honourable members I wish to preface my contribution to this debate by saying that the United Democratic Movement (UDM) is keenly aware of the plight of farmers who have fallen victim to what we generally call “farm attacks”. The UDM, without reservation, condemns these acts of violence and murder, and lawlessness that has the daily characteristics of our communities but we wish to direct your attention to “another kind” of “farm attack”. On Friday the 25th of March 2016 – on a Good Friday – and ironically in Human Rights Month, a six-year-old boy was attacked by a baboon on a farm near Richmond; leaving him in critical condition. In addition to the attack on a human being, the baboons had endlessly destroyed the crops of the families living on the land. They were continuously exposed to physical danger and food insecurity, thus degrading their humanity and condemning them to poverty. The UDM is still repulsed by reports that the farmer had ignored the multiple warnings of the farm dwellers. The recent shooting of a farmworker in Limpopo by a farm owner claiming to have mistook him for a monkey, is another example of where farm workers and dwellers are treated as less than human. These examples are a clear indication that the relationship between farm dwellers, workers and owners, is at its lowest ebb. The lives of farmworkers and dwellers are not taken seriously by the land owners and they even give animals better treatment, and protection, than they do their workers whom they pay meagre wages. The South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) confirmed these observations when they briefed the Portfolio Committee on Rural Development and Land Reform in February 2017. They conducted site inspections, some unannounced, on farms throughout the Country and found, amongst others, that: • There is a challenge in accessing privately-owned farms in the Western Cape, Mpumalanga and Limpopo; • There have been several complaints relating to water and sanitation access on farms; • There has been a lack of access to food and electricity for farm dwellers; • Several farm families were allegedly forcibly removed from a farm in the Breede River Valley and placed in an informal settlement known as Spookie Town; and that • In Limpopo there is a prevalence of hate speech where farm workers are still called by the k – word. Farm workers and their families must be freed from continuous physical, social and economic isolation. Government needs to speed up its programmes aimed ensuring that farming families have access to services such as schools, healthcare, decent housing, water, sanitation and others. As a society, we must continue with our efforts to ensure the peaceful and mutually beneficial co-existence of farmers and farm workers; including the surrounding communities. A stern warning against the violation of human rights on farms must be issued. This kind of behaviour must be rejected by all of us and it must come to an end. An integrated approach must be adopted to ensure that the lives of farmers, farm workers and dwellers are supremely respected. It is time for us to join hands in the movement that work towards finding lasting solutions to the socio-economic challenges that face the farming communities in our country. South Africa must belong to all who live in – it both in word and in deed. Thank you
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) finds the revelations by today’s Sunday Times as damning of President Jacob Zuma, as it is of Minister of Social Development Bathabile Dlamini. The Minister acted on the basis of unsolicited advice from the President’s special- and legal adviser, Mr Michael Hulley, and despite the concerns and protestations of developmental officials and the South Africa Social Security Agency (Sassa). She undermined and defied the sound legal advice of one of the most renowned legal minds in South Africa, Advocate Wim Trengove SC, as well as other independent lawyers. The arrogance displayed by the Minister since this chaos became public, as well as the uninvited intervention of Mr Hulley, suggests that the President’s hand is at the centre of the crisis. The big question is: Who mandated Mr Hulley to attend meetings uninvited and unwelcome? His boss must answer this. The state law advisors seem to not have been involved throughout this process, yet Mr Hulley spends time doing what he is not appointed for. One would have expected the state lawyers, internal departmental and Sassa legal advisers to advise the Minister. It is very clear, that the Minister and the Office of the President have direct interests in making sure that the Cash Paymaster Services (CPS) contract is extended regardless of the legalities and the Constitutional Court order. This is another example of clear manipulation of the process, intended to grossly undermine the rule of law and accountability. The centrality of the President, through his adviser, means that he is part of this chaos. We were not surprised by Mr Zuma’s recent response to the loud call of South Africans to release the dubious Minister from her responsibilities. The fact that the President has decided to side with the Minister means he too is at fault. Clearly, the President and his minister are showing South Africans, the Constitutional Court and, in particular, the social grants beneficiaries the middle figure. It is for this reason that the UDM calls for the immediate resignation of both President Zuma and Minister Dlamini. If the African National Congress (ANC), as is always the case, fails to remove these questionable characters from service, South Africans must vote the ANC out of power in 2019 for its failure to put South Africa first. The ANC has always put itself and its corrupt leader above the interests of South Africans. It spouts words in favour of the people, yet its actions are against the people. Even this morning the ANC was on national television launching its so-called new policy proposal, yet their President and his faction are busy with faction battles and bankrupting the country.
Honourable Speaker and Honourable members The United Democratic Movement (UDM) supports the 2017 Fiscal Framework and Revenue Proposal and the Report of the Standing Committee on Finance. We appreciate that the Minister, as always, tried his best, notwithstanding the difficult circumstances occasioned by the bold call from the President for a budget that responds to the Radical Socio-Economic Transformation path as adopted by government. This was a very difficult expectation given the hard fact of a government which is wrestling with an unprecedented national debt challenge post the dawn of democracy. Consequently, and with respect to the land question, the budget failed to create hope for a speedy transfer of land to its rightful owners. This was further exacerbated after the ruling party subsequently objected to the possibility to expropriate land without compensation and or with compensation only to the improvements made in the land. There was no budget for extension of land expropriation beyond the Constitutional limit of 19 June 1913. Had we agreed to amend the Constitution, we would be talking a different story. Although the Minister had difficulty to manoeuvre for a radical budget, he has however confirmed that our monies as South Africans are in good hands. That is what all good citizens of this country at least want, in particular during such difficult time, when the economy is struggling to grow. People are jobless, poverty is on the rise and individual debts are the order of the day. This therefore brings an urgent challenge to the Minister, his colleagues in the Executive, the industry, civil society and citizens in general, to ensure that our economy grows and reduce the ratio between the revenue base and the debt. The austerity measures that were announced are welcome. However, government must implement these without compromising on the delivery of basic services to the poorest of the poor. Taking advantage of, amongst others, corporate income tax, government, working with industry should consider financial awareness campaigns at schools and communities in general. When society has an economy that is not growing, and citizens are heavily indebted, that then creates a deeper crisis and possible collapse of the entire economy and the nation. Lastly, the UDM still believe that it is possible to provide fee free higher education and training in particular for the poor, and that this has not been provided for. We, however, welcome the steps taken to improve the chances of our children achieving a degree without a crippling debt burden, post qualification. Thank you
• Dr Marianne Camerer, chair of this panel discussion • My co-panellist, Judge Albie Sachs • Colleagues and Emerging African Leaders 1. Learning integrity throughout my life I started my journey with integrity when I first learnt of trust, and accepting personal responsibility, as a herd-boy. Without these values, the cattle were not properly tended to and brought home safe in the evenings. In the early Seventies, I attended the Jongilizwe College for the Sons of Chiefs and Headmen. Here, teachers like Dumisa Ntsebeza (who in 1995 emerged as a Commissioner of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC)), taught us to be informed citizens. And, in the Mqanduli congregation of the late Anglican Reverend Bacon, I was taught duty and the social value of disciplined personal conduct. I was lucky to have had sound people in my life who taught me the value of integrity in personal life. The basics was therefore in place and applying these principles in my public life was a natural extension. I would be remis if I don’t give thanks for Madiba’s role in my life. He made such great sacrifices for his convictions. His endeavoured to live a life of integrity. I am not saying that he was infallible – he was but a man after all – but I learnt from his courage and perseverance. 2. Living integrity: the Transkei years My career in the military is a matter of public record. But please understand that it was the principles of integrity and having the courage of one’s convictions, that guided me in the decisions we took in 1987, which led to the Transkei being ran by Military Council. It was these values that steered us to unban 33 liberation organisations in the late Eighties and the release of all political prisoners. We did our best to “do the right thing”. But also, understand that those years were not easy and to stick to one’s proverbial guns meant that my life had been under threat many times. During these turbulent times, I remained conscious of the principles and standards of personal conduct instilled me by my childhood protagonists. 3. Political life in the New South Africa In 1994 I was elected to the ANC National Executive Committee and was the Deputy Minister of Environment and Tourism under Madiba’s leadership. But, after testifying at the TRC, I was expelled in September 1996. Once again, my principles landed me in hot water. I was in essence expelled after the ANC’s national disciplinary committee found me guilty of bringing the party into disrepute, because I had made reference to an historical event of corruption in the Transkei government era whilst I was justifying to the TRC why the families of deceased soldiers, who had been killed in a 1990 Pretoria-sponsored abortive coup, had to be compensated. In late 1996, I started on the road to the formation of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) when we consulted South Africans on the need for a new political party. Our National Consultative Forum met with Roelf Meyer’s New Movement Process, and the rest is history. Amongst the aims and objectives listed in the UDM Constitution is: “The Party shall fight corruption and restore the confidence of the people in all Government structures”. We have batted on this wicket since 1997 and, what it means is that, integrity in public life is at the core of our work. 4. South Africa today: the lack of integrity in government leaders The drafters of our country’s Constitution had the founding father of our democracy, Tata Mandela, firmly in their minds when they finalised their work. They made the reasonable assumption that all future presidents would always put South Africa first; respect the rule of law and uphold the Constitution. Thus, keeping the integrity of public office in good standing. Recent events (some-of-which were confirmed by the Constitutional Court regarding the need to preserve and protect the integrity of the public office and in particular by the Head of State) have proven the contrary. In the context of Chapter 5 of the Constitution, and other relevant legislation, there is a remarkable concentration of the President’s power of appointment – in particular that the President does so with his exclusive discretion. This observation is important. We know that both the Public Protector, and our courts, had to be invited to adjudicate in the rationality of several of the President’s appointments. Ministers have been found wanting when it comes to the keeping their offices in good esteem. The Minister of Social Development, who presides over a sensitive portfolio, does so without integrity. She is a self-confessed fraudster who misused flight tickets to a value more than R200 000. Maybe the system we use to appoint public office bearers, like ministers, needs review? Firstly, our electoral regime must give power to citizens to directly elect their head of state and public representatives. Secondly, we may need to introduce a system akin to other countries, where ministers are subjected to scrutiny by a multi-party forum before they are appointed. Generally, it seems as if the moral fibre of our society is in dire straits. The cancer of deceit and scandal has permeated to all sectors of society. In schools, we see male teachers harassing girls instead of imparting knowledge and teaching them responsibility. In religious communities, we see strange things where people are sprayed with Doom and fed snakes instead of being taught the values of trustworthiness, integrity and honesty. Politicians and public officials are misusing public money and they are awarded public money to defend their wrongs, even when the issues at hand are personal rather than departmental. 5. Accepting the role we play as leaders: living by example If you know something to be wrong and you accept personal responsibility for your conduct, what remains of your integrity if you go ahead and do that wrong thing? On the other hand, what remains when you know the right thing to do and you don’t do it? When confronted by such clear and gross wrongs as I was in Transkei and later in the ANC, I was incapable of acting contrary to my very deep convictions – and never will be. Of course you have to survive in life and especially in political life. You need to be flexible where flexibility is required, when it is possible. But the ultimate test for survival in human terms is whether you can live with your conscience. So far, I have managed to survive. I hope, when looking at my life as an example, you will feel inspired and have the courage to try to do what is good and what is right. I thank you Delivered at the Building Bridges Leading in Public Life – Emerging African Leaders Programme 2017 UCT Graduate School of Development Policy and Practice 5th – 17th March, Cape Milner Hotel Cape Town
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) welcomes President Jacob Zuma’s commitment in regards to the payment of social grants on the 1st of April 2017. However, South Africans must not be blinded. This is a self-created crisis by the most uncaring and reckless administration we have had since the dawn of democracy. After the appearance by the Minister of Social Development in front of the Scopa Parliamentary Committee on Tuesday the 7th of March 2017, UDM has more reason to be worried. She has deliberately failed to inspire confidence that government is indeed ready to pay grants. The fact that the negotiations with CPS are not concluded speaks volumes. We would indeed encourage a joint demonstration of commitment to the resolution of this crisis. It cannot be that government Ministers are unable to sing from the same hymn book on this matter. The Department’s and the Minister of Social Development’s actions are a deliberate disregard of the law and the highest court of the land. It has become fashionable for government leaders to ignore court orders. Surely, if the President is serious, action must be taken against her and anyone else on the wrong side of the law. Instead of working for the welfare of our vulnerable citizens, the Minister has spent her time focussing on internal party squabbles. It is exactly what we mean when we say that, under President Zuma’s leadership, the African National Congress has placed the people of South Africa last on their agenda. What preoccupies them instead, is their bottomless pockets, their friends and their organisation. Also, it is not surprising that National Treasury refused to support the department and minister in their latest actions, as this may be an illegal procurement of services as was found by the Constitutional Court three years ago. The fact that President Zuma’s minsters are not working together, to find a proper and legally correct solution to the problem, is a display of arrogance and a sign of a government without regard for the most vulnerable members of our society. We are still waiting for full disclosure and account from the Minister on the fact that over the years, CPS has developed a range of services for cellular airtime called (Umoya Manje), Insurance (Smartlife) and loans (Moneyline). Payment for these services are deducted before the grant is made. This has been one of the big daylight robbery acts of the most vulnerable citizens. We want to know whether this so-called new contract with CPS still carries these services and we want to know why if so. Abantu abahluphekileyo mabaganikwa iinkonzo abangakhange bazifune kananjalo bengazazi. Loomcimbi ka CPS uyewasetyenziswa ngenkohlakalo enjongiswe kubantu abadala nabahluphekileyo.
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) condemns in strongest terms the violent march that is currently taking place in Pretoria and surroundings. The march that was allegedly aimed at highlighting the high level of crimes engulfing our country and it is believed that these crimes are perpetrated by foreign nationals who are in the country illegally. As an Organisation, we understand where our people are coming from. There is no employment, human trafficking and prostitution are rife and the police are failing to deal with these negative developments in our communities. South African citizens seem to be on the receiving ends – They report crimes but police take their own time to respond hence they resort in taking law into their hands. The ANC-led government departments are not doing their work; our borders are open to illegal immigrants as they are not secured. The Home Affairs department is also failing to process timeously the application for asylums hence South Africa is experiencing quite a huge number of illegal immigrants. The UDM calls for the ANC to do a good thing and take care of its citizens otherwise the country is sitting on a time bomb where Africans will end up fighting each other.