The United Democratic Movement (UDM) welcomes the findings of the Competition Commission regarding 17 major banks operating in South Africa accused of price fixing in international markets and manipulating the South African currency. The Competition Commission has been courageous in its fight against corruption, especially the private sector. Most of its findings have withstood scrutiny and we therefore believe that in this instance it has also done its work with precision. Once this is confirmed (including the settlements that the banks are open to, as well as the decision of the Competition Tribunal) the UDM proposes that National Treasury should ring-fence the proceeds of any confirmed crimes to intervene in the human settlements sector challenges. It is our view that the huge backlogs in building new houses, fixing the defects in the already-built structures, as well as the ultimate eradication of informal settlements, could receive a big push from the good work of the Commission. The UDM calls on government to move with speed in the transformation of the banking sector in favour of the people of South Africa, but in particular, the disadvantaged majority.
Honourable Speaker, Honourable President and Members The task of creating a developmental state where the primary mandate is to build an inclusive economy by fundamentally changing the status quo in favour of the poor majority, who find themselves in the rural hinterland, is now more urgent than ever before. Further and any unnecessary delay will have grave consequences for our hard-won freedom and the governability of state. In this regard, South Africa must indeed review the many agreements entered into before, and at, the Codesa negotiations. Such an exercise will identify the bugbears which makes it difficult to ensure that all citizens enjoy equal economic freedom. Whilst our welfare system has helped millions, who would have gone to bed with empty stomachs, the painful truth is that the super-exploitative economic system the new South Africa inherited, continues to produce structural inequality and remains enemy number one. The United Democratic Movement suggests that radical economic transformation should not just be mere rhetoric and we believe that: • Patronage and corruption must fall, and that prudence and good governance must rise; • Free education must not be “free of quality”; but it must produce young adults, and especially black young adults, who are ready to operate new enterprises and be job-creators rather than being job-seekers; • Whilst progress has been made with housing delivery; the minister should have clear, achievable timeframes for the correction of the defects in some of the existing buildings and act decisively against those found to be on the wrong side of the law; • Recent reports on alleged maladministration, and possible corruption in the department of water affairs, is worrying. If true, it flies in the face of the spirit of the announced radical economic transformation. Speedy action must be taken, especially given the current drought. • In agriculture, we need to train more agronomists with practical skills to utilise and manage the land once it is returned to the people. Indeed, and in the words of OR Tambo whose centenary we are commemorating, liberation has no meaning without the return of the country’s wealth to the people and therefore the existing economic arrangement must be radically changed to the equal benefit of ALL South Africans. I thank you
Honourable Speaker, Honourable President and Members As we enter the 23rd year of our democracy, we see a rise in the levels of anxiety and anger among citizens, with anarchy knocking at our door. Notwithstanding these trends, the United Democratic Movement (UDM) acknowledges the great strides South Africa has made since 1994. The most disturbing reality is that we see an increase in the politics of patronage, uncontrollable corruption, the collapse of government institutions, a high unemployment rate, lack of development, failing health and education systems, widening inequality, chronic poverty and ineffective provincial governments. With regard to provincial governments; the question is, do we really need these glorified homelands or rather strengthening the local sphere of government and let national government take control and introduce the lacking uniformity. We are commemorating the late OR Tambo; an undoubted champion of the struggle for a just and free society. It would be interesting to know his thoughts on the so-called leaders who have dumped the deprived masses and took care of themselves at the expense of the poor. We believe that no individual party’s policy conference could proffer all the sustainable solutions to the challenges we face as a nation. This is even more apparent when the governing alliance lacks policy coherence; thus threatening investor confidence. It is in this regard that the UDM resolved that, in preparation for 2019 and beyond, we will during this year convene a consultative conference which will be open to all citizens, to amongst others: • Take stock of the 22 years of our democracy; • Identify areas of intervention to bring about meaningful economic transformation; • Review the legislative framework that impedes fundamental socio-economic transformation, including the Constitution; • Develop mechanisms to stop corruption and maladministration; • Take stock of the quality, qualification and placement of our civil servants including those who provide security services to the nation; • Improve our constitutional democracy with the introduction of a people-driven electoral system; • Introduce legislation for transparent political party funding; and • Find a lasting solution to reduce tension between the social partners at NEDLAC in particular labour, government and business. At the envisaged National Consultative Conference, we shall also evaluate the agreements between the ruling party and the apartheid government pre- and during the Codesa negotiations. Meaningful transformation, including the transfer of land and control of the economy, will never realise so long as those agreements are used as scarecrows and lock the majority of our citizens outside the economic mainstream. South Africans, it is our collective task to ensure that the ideals of a truly democratic and prosperous society as envisaged by OR Tambo and others, are realised. In this regard, I encourage you to take advantage of the proposed conference to ensure that we reclaim the original objective of the struggle we have so dearly fought for. I thank you
Statement issued by Thandi Nontenja, UDEMWO Secretary General The country is marking another 16 days of abuse against women and children but the battle is far from being over. As the United Democratic Movement Women’s Organisation (UDEMWO), we feel that nothing much has been done to successfully combat the problem. If women are still petrified in their own homes and communities, it shows clearly that there is something wrong with our society. Every day there are reports of women being raped, assaulted and murdered and in most cases the perpetrator is someone the victims knows. What is more saddening is to see a culprit walking free due to lack of evidence. We are calling upon the hand of justice to be punitive to those found guilty of these inhumane acts. Also the quietness of the department of women adds more sadness to the pain. The department is not paying more attention on matters affecting women and only interested in marking these days as governmental events. We find ourselves asking what the department for women really championing if it is failing on its mandate. Violent acts against women and children take place throughout the year hence the call by the UDEMWO for 365 days of activism. We would also like to encourage more men to take part in campaigns that are to protect women and fight against violence towards them. End
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) is appalled to learn that President Zuma is considering establishing a judicial inquiry into the closure of the bank accounts of the Guptas’ Oakbay Investments. The President confirmed this after being asked the following straight-forward question during the oral question session in Parliament on 23 November 2016: “Mr. President, on the 2nd September 2016, you told the nation that the statement made by Minister Zwane was not representing presidency, cabinet or government and is unfortunate. However, five days later, on the 7 September, Minister Zwane said in this House “the inter-ministerial committee made five recommendations to cabinet. Four of the recommendations were approved … and one was referred to the president for further consideration as it was not within the purview of cabinet to take a decision on the matter”, now my question is, what is the status of this recommendation as it cannot be left hanging forever?” To my astonishment, the President replied that… “the recommendation in being considered”. This is answer by the President is disturbing because: Firstly, this consideration is confirmed on the eve of the arrival of the rating agencies on out doorstep and at a time when our economy is struggling to breathe. Secondly, this is a direct departure of not contradicting his statement of the 2 September. The President further said, that the “the unfortunate contents of the statement and the inconvenience and confusion caused by the issuing thereof, are deeply regretted”. Thirdly, and notwithstanding the serious allegations filed in court by the Minister of Finance, the President deems it necessary to continue considering a judicial inquiry. Amongst these, is an allegation that the Minister is doing favours for the Gupta family, and that his department has withheld information related to its approval of a transfer of R1.5 billion from a trust account held with Standard Bank to the Bank of Baroda in India. We would have thought that the President would be consistent with his 2 September statement to dismiss the recommendation and allow the private relationship that exists between banks and their clients. This is so because any bank customer, who has a complaint about his or her bank, may approach the Ombudsman for Banking Service (OBS). This action by the President makes him an ombudsman of the Gupta family.
Statement by President Bantu Holomisa, MP The United Democratic Movement, noted the reported resignation of Mr. Brian Molefe, the Chief Executive Officer of Eskom. The damning revelations in the report of the Public Protector on the State of Capture and the subsequent remedial actions therein, are unbearable. Whilst, his office has informed the nation, that his resignation is not an admission of wrong doing; the UDM is of the firm view that Eskom in general and Mr. Molefe in particular featured extensively in the report of the State of Capture. We hope that many others, like him, who are implicated by the report will do the right thing, and go home. Mr. Zuma must lead by example in this regard, and resign. However, resignation should not exonerate anyone from accounting and taking full responsibility for their actions during their time in office. Whilst we welcome his departure, we strongly believe that his institutional knowledge and memory, will assist the judicial inquiry into the State of Capture. Accordingly, we hope that he will fully cooperate with the Independent Judicial Commission to be instituted by the President as determined by the Public Protector. End
Fellow South Africans We are here today to talk about the challenges we face as a Nation and we wish to send a strong message to Government. Our Nation finds itself on the slippery slope of corruption, lawlessness, anarchy and dissatisfaction. We must capture the lost ground of the past 22 years. We are frustrated. We are tired. We are hungry. We don’t have houses. We don’t have jobs. Election promises that were made, such as free education, have not realised. Our resources are syphoned out of the Country at the expense of our people. The agencies, that are there to protect the interest of the public, are being openly abused and/or undermined. We want things to be better. We want our people to be happy and to be proud South Africans. The big question is: can we trust the current establishment to lead the nation out of this quagmire? For instance, instead of delegating representatives of Government to talk to dissatisfied citizens, they dispatch the police. The Marikana example, and other related incidents, remain the tragic products of this style of leadership. Must this country wait for the ruling party’s congress next year for them to elect new leadership whilst the country is burning in the meantime. Even if they choose new leadership, there is no guarantee that those new leaders will be able to address the current challenges. If not for the work of the opposition parties in Parliament, the situation would have been worse; but it can no longer be the opposition parties alone, being tasked to find solutions. Don’t you think it is each of our responsibility, as citizens of the country, to work together in finding solutions? All sectors of civil society should participate in a dialogue. During the negotiations, after the Municipal Elections of 2016, the African Christian Democratic Party, the Congress of the People, the Democratic Alliance, the Economic Freedom Fighters, the Freedom Front Plus, the Inkatha Freedom Party, the United Democratic Movement and the United Front, agreed in principle that it is necessary for the Nation to meet. In this regard, we proposed that a National Convention should be held as a platform to discuss the problems facing South Africa today. Some of the issues we need to talk about date back to the Codesa era. We can no longer afford a situation where discussions around South Africa’s problems devolve into a talk-shop or yet another useless bosberaad. Should there be an emerging consensus at the proposed National Convention that there is a need to change legislation, it should go straight to Parliament for ratification. We must not lose momentum. We must harness the energy we’ve generated thus far, and use it to find solutions to the current challenges. For anyone who is interested in reading more about the concept of the National Convention, the proposal that the UDM sent to other political leaders yesterday, is available on https://udm.org.za/road-map-towards-south-african-national-convention-udm-perspective/. Thank you Delivered at St Alban’s Cathedral, Pretoria
This document is a suggestion of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) to find a way towards the hosting of a National Convention, as agreed upon in the Co-governance Agreement for Local Government between the several political partners. INTRODUCTION The participating political parties have agreed on four main challenges confronting South Africa i.e. poverty, unemployment, inequality and corruption, which requires that the nation unites around a strategic and fundamental interventionist programme of action. Our constitutional democracy is unitary in nature with elements of federalism. Government, the organs of state, legislation, the role of Chapter Nine Institutions and the national fiscus, fall within the national sphere. Accordingly, and if any strategic intervention is to be made, to aggressively address the four challenges, such intervention must be done at a national level – both in terms of form and content. After our meeting on 7 August 2016, of the Congress of the People, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), the United Front (UF), as well as the UDM, we developed a framework to form the basis of any discussions about co-operation and/or coalition. The aim of this proposal was to guide these parties in case they were approached by either the African National Congress (ANC) and/or the Democratic Alliance (DA) about the possibility of forming part of governments in certain municipalities. Our goal was to obtain a commitment to finding answers to the various challenges facing South African on the short, medium and long term. There is no denial that some national issues impact daily on how local government operates, e.g. water, land, electricity, environment, etc. During that period of negotiation, other parties joined this initiative, such as the African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP), the Freedom Front Plus (FF+) and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP). Our discussions culminated in an agreement that was signed with the DA. The ANC was however not interested in engaging with us about our wish-list. The EFF, in the end, did not form part of any coalitions, but they indicated that they would support other parties in countering the ANC in municipal councils. The coalition partners agreed that after municipal governments were put in place, we would meet again to map the way forward in implementing the goals we articulated in our agreement. Some of the key issues, that were identified during out talks, were however not within the ambit of local government, but could only be addressed at a national level. As was articulated in our co-governance agreement: “These challenges include, but are not confined to, land reform, electoral reform, education and how it is financed, the independence of Chapter 9 Institutions, and the professionalization of the civil service.” One of the stated goals was to hold a National Convention to address these and other issues of national importance. There is no doubt that the agreements that culminated in the new dispensation were not cast in stone, they served a certain purpose at that point in the time. There are however still challenges that impact today and we need to review those decisions. An evaluation of the past 22 years, and identifying inherent deficiencies in the management of government, is a complex exercise that needs to have stakeholders give input so that we arrive at a holistic solution to South Africa’s problems. Some of the frustrations are people express with civil disobedience and the general anarchy are attributed to the agreements that were made at Codesa. The complaints about the lack of economic emancipation, struggles to get access funding, as well as land and property issues are well documented. We hear calls such as that the ANC sold out the people and that some of the concessions made, were not in the interest of the disenfranchised masses. THE PURPOSE OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION A National Convention will provide a platform for stakeholders from all sectors of society, and South Africans in general, to find each other and map a way towards: • Economic emancipation of all South Africans; • Eliminating corruption • Land reform and property ownership; • Bolstering Chapter Nine Institutions; • Basic and Higher Education • Health and social welfare • Professionalization of the civil service; • Electoral reform; • Legislation governing the funding of political parties; and • Any other matters of national interest. We cannot deny that many policies have been developed and then chopped-and-changed. As an example, let us look at the Reconstruction and Development (RDP) programme right through to the latest National Development Plan (NDP). But this constant shifting of the goal-posts and the tensions between government, labour and business, scuppers implementation time and again. PARTICIPANTS AT THE NATIONAL CONVENTION To achieve the objective of maximum participation in the proposed National Convention and to ensure buy-in, the participation of the following participants is envisaged (but are not limited to): • Government departments (at all three tiers); • Parliament and provincial legislatures; • The National Planning Commission; • All Parastatals; • Chapter Nine Institutions; • Financial institutions like the Reserve Bank; • National Development Council; • Professional Associations and Governing Bodies; • The Judiciary; • Business; • Religious communities; • The media • Traditional institutions and bodies; • Labour and unions; • Civil Society and Non-Governmental Organisations; • Institutions of higher learning (Intellectual community) and student bodies; • Special interest groups and issue based organisations; • Women and youth based organisations; • Political parties; and • The South African citizenry. Certainly, to resolve the chronic challenges confronting our nation, we need to tap into our collective wisdom. Codesa delivered political freedom, but more still has be done with regards to economic emancipation and our economic policies in general. For instance, the divergent opinions of business, labour and government creates a situation where there is no consensus on what kind of macro-economic policy South Africa should have. The intention must be to ensure that all South Africans can participate fully in determining their future. In this regard, the National Convention will be a tool to ensure maximum and meaningful participation of all stakeholders. COORDINATION OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION: NOT ANOTHER TALK-SHOP For a proper and a productive dialogue at a forum of this magnitude, the following important points must be considered: • As the initiators of project, the participating political parties, should have a meeting with Leader of Government Business in Parliament, Mr Cyril Ramaphosa, as soon as possible to unpack the idea of a National Convention and garner government support. • A National Convention Planning Committee (NCPC) should be appointed and convened to develop a framework to guide all participants at the proposed National Convention and plan what form it should take. • The NCPC should meet and discuss the appointment of an independent person with a certain gravitas as its chairperson. For instance, a person such as retired Chief Justice Ngcobo could be considered as a person who would ensure impartiality and who has the necessary knowledge and wisdom to make sure that participants, with divergent and/or conflicting ideas, can engage constructively and reach consensus. • This is a long-overdue exercise where we can make introspection as a nation. Government must fund the proposed National Convention, because a sponsorship model will not work. A scenario where a company could sponsor the event, but would also wish to be a participant, might be accused of “buying” influence to ensure a certain outcome. • It would be realistic to have the proposed National Convention somewhere in 2017/18. • The proposed National Convention cannot be just another talk-shop or a useless bosberaad. Should consensus emerge on the issues discussed, immediate action (with attending time-frames) should be taken to ensure that that the National Convention’s resolutions are implemented. For instance, if there is legislation that needs to be changed, Government must set the ball rolling as soon as possible. Such resolutions should not be subjected to more ideological debates in Parliament and changes to existing legislation should be ratified without delay. • The National Convention will also have to mandate the NCPC to manage and monitor the implementation of its resolutions. • The NCPC must always accountable to the National Convention, in other words, the people of South Africa. CONCLUSION We need to capture the lost ground. South Africa has been on the slippery slope with scandal after scandal, even at the highest office, and we need to reignite South Africans’ pride in their Country and confidence in government. We need to convince the world that South Africa is a well-run state and a worthwhile investment destination and not a junk status nation. The National Convention must emerge with a comprehensive blue print for a flourishing South Africa. We must remain committed to the Country and its citizenry and always put South Africa first. Thank you Prepared by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP – UDM President
Address by Mr B Holomisa, MP (UDM President) at the Civil Military Relations Conference 2016,CSIR International Convention Centre, Pretoria on 27 and 28 October 2016 · Programme Director, · Chairperson of the Defence Force Service Commission, Professor Van Harte, · Colleagues, · Ladies and Gentlemen 1. Introduction Allow me to join the Chairperson of the Defence Force Service Commission in thanking the sponsors who made this event possible. As I was seated here yesterday, I was reminded of the time in 2009, when our soldiers marched on the Union Buildings. I was called on the day and requested by the President (through the then Minister of Defence, Ms Lindiwe Sisulu) to join other South Africans in trying to solve the problems raised by the aggrieved soldiers. We have travelled a long distance since then. A special word of thanks to our main sponsor, Saab, a Swedish company. As we all know Sweden played a leading role in supporting the struggle to liberate the country. 2.Apartheid and the military of yesteryear Before the dawn of our new democracy, the Apartheid government had readily, and unscrupulously, used its armed forces to implement its schemes against the liberation movements, anti-apartheid activists and the homelands that collaborated with the liberation movements. Heart wrenching testimony at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) revealed that their missions included train massacres, hostel and township violence, the permanent isolation of freedom fighters and the murder of “enemies of the state” such as the Cradock Four. I have personal experience of this and you can Google how many people from the South African security forces of the previous government, testified at the TRC about plots to assassinate me. 3.Civilian oversight in the reconstitution and management of the military after 1994 The amalgamation of the South African Defence Force, the Bantustan security forces, as well as the armed wings of the African National Congress, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania and the Inkatha Freedom Party, was challenging in itself. But, because of the Apartheid stigma attached to the military, and other paramilitary organisations, the new government placed disproportionate emphasis on civilian oversight. South Africa ended up with several statutory bodies that form part of civilian oversight, such as: 1. the Ministry of Defence and Military Veterans, 2. the Portfolio Committee on Defence and Military Veterans, 3. the Joint Standing Committee on Defence, 4. the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence, 5. our Commander in Chief, the President, 6. Parliament itself, 7. the Defence Force Service Commission (DFSC), 8. the Military Ombud, and then of course 9. the media. We all agree that civilian oversight is essential, but it cannot be at the expense of the safety of South Africa’s borders and our citizens. Indeed, all the aforementioned bodies, must at all times ensure that the SANDF is in a constant state of readiness. This principle is internationally applied. For us, the question should be: is it necessary for an out-and-out civilian to function as the military’s accounting officer as an additional step to safeguard civilian oversight? There are several examples, in other countries, where this works well, but this is because of their culture of conscription. This means that the managers at the helm of the armed forces are steeped in military strategy and administration. This is enforced by the relevant lawmakers who are also products of the practice of conscription. In my view, this arrangement does not work in South Africa. Simple things like, delays in approving requisitions, disagreements on what the necessities are and a Secretary for Defence (SecDef) who is constantly abroad, adversely impacts on the SANDF’s capacity to fulfil its mandate. As a result of delays, and a lack of decisive leadership at SecDef-level, much needed funds are sometimes returned to National Treasury. When we moved around the military bases across the country, as part of our work as the DFSC, we engaged with SANDF personnel. They made it abundantly clear that there is too much bureaucracy involved and that it is in conflict with military culture. Given this situation, Parliament may have to review this area and perhaps consider making the Chief of the SANDF its accounting officer. This will eliminate the situation where Minster has to waste her time to mediate between the SecDef and the SANDF Chief, as she alluded to yesterday. 4. Parliament’s role in civilian oversight All state institutions are accountable to Parliament and it is therefore incumbent upon it to ensure that the SANDF operates within the law and does abuse its power. Parliament’s oversight work, however, does not start and end with legislation, it also includes the actual exercise of its influence on the organs of state that fall within this portfolio. It further includes monitoring, investigation and making recommendations on how defence challenges could be addressed. 5.Consultation with Parliament Parliament must demand to be kept abreast of South Africa’s involvement in United Nations and the African Union’s peacekeeping efforts, as well as involvement in conflict situations before troops are deployed. However, instead of being briefed in the House, we read of military deployments in the papers and then, after the fact, Parliamentarians would get the information in annual reports. This is not good enough. To make matters worse, there are plenty examples where Parliament only gets roped in once things have gone wrong. This happened, for example, when the South African government, in 2013, assisted François Bozizé in the Central African Republic and thirteen of our paratroopers were killed in Bangui. For Parliament to fulfil its oversight mandate, it is important that it has timeous and sufficient information. This demands transparency on the part of the Department of Defence, the Minister and the military’s top brass. Side-lining Parliament is dangerous and it makes accountability impossible. 6.The Arms Deal: As a striking example of the lack of consultation There is a strong impression that the Executive runs roughshod over Parliament. For instance, in 1999, the Department of Finance warned the responsible Cabinet Sub-Committee about the risks involved in the Arms Deal. Yet, they went ahead with the deal, in spite of this sound advice. Parliament was never asked to sanction the deal. It had only exercised its oversight function in relation to the charges of corruption and conflicts of interest around the transactions. Aside from the obvious problems, one also has to consider the ArmsDeal’s shopping list, which consisted of boats, submarines, helicopters and fighter aircraft. These are the tools of the navy and the airforce. Why did the army, which operates on land, not get apparatus such as armoured trucks, personnel carriers and so forth? Because of this ill-advised arms purchase, and constant budget cuts over the years, the army has backlogs in maintaining and updating their prime mission equipment. On a side note: not only are South Africans still servicing the R70billiondebt, but we must also pay for the costs of the SeritiCommission of Inquiry that amounted to almost R140million. 7.Dissatisfaction within the SANDF Tension between defence management and military unions must be speedily alleviated. Parliament, as part of its oversight function, has a responsibility to harmonise these relationships. Parliamentarians should also be concerned that, on the one hand, troops complain about commanders and, on the other hand, commanders complain about the lack of disciple within the ranks. The conditions of employment of our servicemen and women are not up to scratch. There is a constant stream of complaints about the state of their equipment and poor training. Parliament has a role to play in addressing these matters. 8.The SANDF’s budget There is, what has been described as, a persistent disconnect between the defence mandate, government’s expectations and the allocation of resources. In addition, the Executive and National Treasury should not willy-nilly cut the military budget without applying their minds, because it appears as if there is a lack of understanding of what our defence priorities are. When statements are made such as: the staff complement of the SANDF should be reduced by 10,000 members, one cannot help but wonder on what research such decisions are based. Despite socio-economic conditions, South Africa should earmark at least 2% of its GDP to the defence budget. This is in line with international standards. If the question is asked: “Where should the money come from?”, we just have to think of the fact that government departments wasted R35,2billion (in the 2015/16 financial year) on consultants, travel, catering and entertainment. The call by the Minister of Finance for financial discipline should be heeded and wasteful government spending must be stopped. Political decision-makers should open their ears and listen when our military commanders warn that South Africa’s defence budget is insufficient. Parliament has a role to play in ensuring that the budget is adequate so that our defence requirements are accommodated. 9.Who should champion the SANDF’s cause? Given Parliament’s oversight role, our Members of Parliament (MPs) are the logical people to fulfil this important function. The Portfolio Committee on Defence and Military Veterans should be more assertive in championing the cause of our servicemen and women. In general, Parliamentarians must familiarise themselves with the challenges that the SANDF face by visiting our military bases. I think they will be shocked to see the state of disrepair of infrastructure and equipment; even looking at simple things such as the habitability of barracks. MPs must also acquaint themselves with the work of the Defence Force Service Commission, so that they can exert pressure on the Minister and the Department of Defence and Military Veterans, to implement the recommendations of the Commission. 10.Conclusion If we are to succeed in bridging the gap and advance civil military relations, in a manner that deepens democracy, we require a collective effort with an unwavering commitment to our country and her people. Thank you
Councils disruptions: UDM condemns ANC barbaric acts The United Democratic Movement (UDM) condemns in the strongest terms, the ANC’s barbaric acts in councils designed to introduce administration by the African National Congress government. This destabilization Programme is clear – ANC just cannot accept the recent elections results. So ungovernability – is their motto. ANC’s programme is clear if one were to consider that the destabilisation happened in three Metros that the ruling party lost during the local government elections that is; Greater Johannesburg, Tshwane and the Nelson Mandela Metro. This is unfortunate since the ANC is supposed to be the custodians of our democracy. We cannot allow aligned unions to the ANC to be part of the destabilisation and threat to the newly installed metro administration as we have witnessed in Tshwane yesterday. The ANC leadership must take responsibility of what has occurred in these metros and as UDM, we expect the ANC to apologise to the South Africans and such acts are putting our democracy at risk. We call for punitive actions to be taken against the ruling party’s councillors who are culprits. It time that ANC accepts the defeat and move on. Statement issued by: Mr Bongani Msomi UDM Secretary General
Honourable Baleka Mbete, MP Speaker of the National Assembly PO Box 15 Cape Town 8000 Dear Madam Speaker #FeesMustFall: REQUEST FOR URGENT DEPLOYMENT OF MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT TO INTERVENE AND ASSIST IN FINDING SOLUTIONS A precedent was created last year, during the terrible xenophobic attacks where we, as the Parliament of the People, were dispatched to calm the situation and try to find solutions to the problems we faced as a nation. Whilst the United Democratic Movement (UDM) supports the principle of free education, the #FeesMustFall campaign, in its current form, is out of control. The fact that the academic year has been interrupted and the destruction of learning infrastructure, personal injury, arson and vandalism is unacceptable. The UDM believes that the current state of affairs at our tertiary institutions warrants urgent attention and that we do everything in our power to try to find a speedy and lasting solution. We have a responsibility as leaders in our communities to see if we cannot find independent persons to mediate between students, institutional representatives and government stakeholders. While we understand the heavy workload of Parliamentarians ahead of the Medium-term Budget Policy Statement later this month, we request that Members of Parliament be sent to our communities and the affected institutions to speak to the citizens of our country and the disillusioned students. We all have a responsibility to build a South Africa in which we all look forward to the sunrise of our tomorrow. Your sincerely, Mr Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP UDM Chief Whip
We have been watching one after the other Zuma-scandal hitting South Africa. The United Democratic Movement believes that the proximity of the Zuma and Gupta families is creating uncertainty – with even cabinet ministers not singing from the same hymnbook. It is clear that Mr Zuma is no longer in control and the nation is on autopilot. The African National Congress must wake up and ask Mr Zuma to step down; or they must recall him immediately. Statement issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) is shocked and disappointed by the state of affairs within the Gauteng Human Settlements Department, where more than R900 million is being withdrawn by Treasury, after the Department had apparently, amongst other things, failed to and/or unlawfully spent the budget. The withdrawal of the funds, meant for the creation of sustainable and integrated human settlement, clearly shows that the Department is incapable of delivery to our suffering people. Housing is one of the key factors that impact on the dignity of our people and their quality of life, but we have servants in the government sector who don’t take their mandate seriously and spend money unlawfully. As a result of these kinds of failures the public has, out of desperation, taken to the streets in protest to demand houses. UDM calls for the Department to be placed under administration and that Treasury should conduct an investigation into the matter. Those who are found to be on the wrong side of the law must be brought to book. Statement issued by: Ms Thandi Nontenja UDM National Treasurer
The United Democratic Movement Women’s Organisation (UDEMWO) would like to convey a message of condolences to the family and friends of Fezekile Ntsukela Kuzwayo better known as Khwezi. We as UDEMWO are saddened by her sudden departure. Khwezi fought a good fight and she displayed a true example of imbokodo especially during her dark hour when those she trusted took advantage of her. She was amongst the few fearless women of our time. Her sudden passing leaves us with many questions than answers. As UDEMWO, we feel that Khwezi has not been celebrated and the hand of justice has failed her dismally during her rape trial against President Jacob Zuma. UDEMWO is surprised by the contradictory conduct shown by the ANC Women’s League towards Khwezi that is now calling her a hero. The treatment and the abuse she endured are beyond imagination but she pressed on. The treatment against Khwezi gives a clear indication that women in this country are taken for granted and it saddens us as women. We hope that her courage will be an example to other women. She may have passed on but her spirit leaves on. Statement issued by Mrs Thandi Nontenja UDEMWO Secretary General
Thank you for affording the United Democratic Movement (UDM) the opportunity to participate in this meeting and contribute to a discussion that will hopefully find lasting solutions to the current impasse at our higher education institutions. 1. Introduction During the first democratic elections in South Africa in 1994, I was privileged to be chosen as part of the Top 8 persons who campaigned for the African National Congress (ANC). We crossed the length and breadth of the Country and I personally addressed over a 105 rallies in our villages, towns and cities from January to April that year. At all of these electioneering events, the issue of free education took centre stage. Based on this election promise, amongst others, the ANC was voted into power and thus given a mandate to fulfil the election promises it made. When the ANC made its assurances in 1994, it did not qualify its promise of free education by saying it would only include a certain group of people. No, it was free education for all. Sadly, 22 years after the fact, young South Africans still do not have access to free education. Instead we see our youth violently protesting the state of affairs at a cost of around R600 million to the public purse thus far. Although the UDM condemns the damage to public and private property in no uncertain terms, we cannot help but have some sympathy with our students’ plight. The ANC has been in power for more than two decades and has yet to fulfil the mandate given to it by the people. To further confuse matters, the security cluster chooses to mislead the nation and hide behind conspiracy theories; alleging that a “third force” is at work. The UDM rejects these excuses outright. 2. The Fees Must Fall campaign and the work of the Fees Commission As a result of the ANC’s empty promises, we are now facing a very dangerous situation where our children have taken matters into their own hands. It is worthwhile to note that, during the past century, it has been students who affected change in their countries – the protest action of students in Egypt, in the past few years, is a good example. In response to the Fees Must Fall campaign, President Zuma instituted a commission of inquiry into the broader issues affecting the funding of higher education i.e. the Fees Commission. However, instead of waiting for the outcome of the Commission’s investigation, the Minister of Higher Education and Training, Mr Blade Nzimande, has now announced interim measures, effectively suggesting that university councils may increase tuition fees to a maximum of 8% for the 2017 academic season. This has been touted as the maximum that government can afford to cover poor students and the so-called “missing middle”. These interim measures could, however, be perceived as pre-emptive to the work of the Fees Commission and borders on undermining the process. In addition, such interim measures provide no lasting solution to the current crisis. It is unsustainable. The UDM suggests that fee increases should be halted pending the outcome of the work of the Fees Commission. If there is an urgent need to make funding available, let government take the funds being wasted on non-priority issues and divert those to higher education. 3. Turning higher education into a political football The genuine demand for free, and quality, higher education has unfortunately been turned into a political matter, which is effectively being abused by the contending factions of the ruling alliance. South Africa cannot afford a situation where education is used to settle political scores within the ANC. We desperately need strong higher education institutions that produce students with the relevant skills for our socio-economic development. 4. Higher education and its role in the economy We have one of the most unequal societies in the world and our economy is not growing. An educated and healthy citizenry is needed to grow and develop our economy so that we are capacitated to eradicate poverty and inequality, and to generate employment. Higher education is a social mobility mechanism, which both the poor and middle strata sees as a ladder into an affluent society. In other words, getting a degree is a passport to employment and a better life. The UDM has confidence in the Fees Commission’s process as spearheaded by leaders in academia and broader society. 5. The poor must have access to higher education The UDM believes that special attention should be paid to poor students who are unable, or is struggling, to pay their tuition fees. We agree that subsidies for the children of domestic workers, or worse, unemployed persons, cannot be the same as those for the children of advocates, doctors and investment bankers. The reality is that there are those deserving students who need to be totally subsidised by government. The lack of such support is the reason why, in part, students are still up in arms and toyi-toying, resulting in the closure of many campuses on the eve of final exams. 6. Finding a sustainable, lasting solution to the crisis Nobody wants to see an escalation of campus violence and vandalism, which destroys the assets invested to educate our future leaders. The UDM believes that it is possible to make higher education accessible to all and that this has to be done. In order to do so, we require ethical leadership from all stakeholders, including those dealing with law and order. The UDM therefore lauds the open and honest dialogue amongst all stakeholders to find a way forward. In addition, the UDM calls upon the private sector to look into other ways of increasing their financial support to students in order to make education affordable to the poor and the working class. Government, on the other hand, must stop splashing public money on wasteful and unproductive expenses. Just this past week, we heard that government departments have not yielded to Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan’s call to save money and cut costs. It was reported that R35,2 billion was spent on consultants, travel, catering and entertainment. The UDM has long held the view that the continuous outsourcing of government work, which ought to be done by civil servants, is expensive and perpetuates poor service delivery. As a crisis measure, the Finance Director General should convene an urgent meeting with all other Directors General to place a moratorium on wasteful expenditure. In so doing, government can start channelling saved funds into higher education, other needy areas, in order to rescue the current situation. The UDM also feels that the forthcoming meeting of stakeholders in higher education called by President Zuma is likely to be another talk-shop. The nation expects nothing less than the release of an interim report by the Fees Commission on the work that they have done thus far. We are fed-up with useless indabas that produce no real solutions to the nation’s problems. It is a sad fact that President Zuma has failed the country in a situation where we need his decisive leadership. We hope that the President realises that his Education Minister, with the announcement of the fees hike, is in essence undermining his decisions and pre-empting the recommendations of his Fees Commission.
Dear Mr Mashinini REQUEST FOR AN URGENT MEETING OF THE LEADERS OF ALL POLITICAL PARTIES REPRESENTED IN PARLIAMENT The above matter has reference. It has come to my attention that the African National Congress (ANC) has declared the Deputy Chairperson of the Independent Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC), Mr Terry Tselane, an enemy. It is alleged that, at the IEC National Results Centre (in Pretoria) for the 2016 Municipal Elections, the Secretary General of the ANC, Mr Gwede Mantashe and his deputy Ms Jessie Duarte, in the presence of the State President (who is also the ANC’s President) caused a stir by confronting Mr Tselane and, amongst others, alleging that he: Was an enemy of the ANC; Was conniving with the opposition parties against the ANC; Had single-handedly removed teachers as IEC electoral officers during the 2016 Municipal Elections in order to benefit opposition parties; and that His behaviour has benefitted the opposition parties. These are serious allegations, considering that it was made against a member of the Electoral Commission. It is interesting to note that Mr Mantashe seems to be confirming that the appointment of teachers as electoral officers, is designed to disadvantage opposition parties and unduly benefit the ANC. Such an admission vindicates the view always held by opposition parties with regard to the ‘exclusive’ appointment of teachers as electoral officers. Many of these teachers, if not all, are members of a Cosatu affiliated teachers’ union, Sadtu. Cosatu is in alliance with the ANC and has always taken a firm decision to support the ANC in every election that has taken place since the advent of democracy in South Africa; its decisions binds Sadtu and its members. These allegations place a grey cloud over other Electoral Commissioners. It will not be far-fetched to question whether their loyalties are with the country, its citizens and the Constitution or with the ANC. This is important, because from these allegations, it is clear, that any Electoral Commissioner who does not sweeten the ANC will be regarded as an enemy and will be dealt with accordingly. These developments may necessitate that the current composition of the Electoral Commission be urgently scrutinised to ascertain whether they are all in the service of the nation or in the service of a political party. I am also made to believe that the ANC has begun to question Accenture, a company that has been contracted and worked with IEC to provide technical solutions for a stable technical environment to support elections processes. In my recollection, the credibility of this company has never been questioned by the ANC and it is interesting that it is only now emerging after the elections results that have shocked the ruling party. It begs a serious question; why does the ruling party now have an issue with Accenture and why was this matter never tabled at the appropriate body i.e. the National Party Liaison Committee. I am also aware that the ANC is allegedly considering to alter the current party representation on the IEC’s Party Liaison Committees in favour of proportional representation. We wish to obtain a detailed understanding of this development and its rationale. The alleged meeting that took place on Monday, 19 September 2016, at Luthuli House, which was attended by some of the ANC ‘top six’ and Electoral Commissioner, is of serious concern. It is further disturbing that it is alleged that some of the issues raised above were discussed in the said clandestine meeting. Accordingly, I request that you convene an urgent meeting of all the leaders of parties represented in the South African Parliament to consider, amongst others, the matters raised above. I hope this will be attended to urgently. Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement
BACKGROUND Reference is made to our meeting held on Sunday the 7th of August this instant, in which we produced a guide for engaging other parties, in particular the ANC and the DA, on a possible coalition governments in some of the local councils. You will recall that in the guide document we proposed that there be a National Convention which, many citizens have welcomed and viewed it as an initiative to create hope for the better. It is very clear that the pressing challenges of poverty, unemployment, inequality and corruption can no longer be tolerated by citizens of the country. Electorate have made a clarion call for a visionary leadership of the country to emerge and be charged with the responsibility to provide a road map towards resolving these challenges. Through the ballot box, they have instructed all political parties that participated in the elections to urgently converge under one roof to provide a decisive leadership. It is the function and responsibility of political and societal leaders to ensure that the clarion call made by electorate is attended to without delay. Accordingly, a proposal towards the convening of a National Convention requires an immediate consideration and commitment by all leaders of political parties and other leaders of society. Such a proposal should constitute part of agreements to be entered into by political parties in coalition governments and be extend to all other parties. THE PURPOSE OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION The envisaged National Convention shall be seized with the following matters, amongst others. These were identified in our guide to engage with the ANC and the DA as medium to long term priorities. • Economic Emancipation of all South Africans biased towards the historically excluded groups. • Resolution of the land question; • Property ownership; • Nationalisation; • Electoral system reforms; • Party Funding Legislation; • Strengthening of the Chapter nine institutions; and • Any other related matter of national interest. These priorities demands very tight and clear time-frame that shall bind all and be agreed to. PARTICIPANTS AT THE NATIONAL CONVENTION South Africa is at cross roads as it is rudderless because of poor or lack of proper leadership. Accordingly, the participants in the National Convention must be extended to all citizens through maximum representation from, amongst others. • Political parties; • Religious bodies; • Traditional institutions; • Labour; • Non-Governmental Organisations; • Institutions of Higher Learning; • Issue based organisation; and • Other Civil Society Organisations. The South African crisis situation demands that we adopt an approach that is all inclusive and pragmatic. One of the credits to our country is our ability to resolve challenges through dialogue. Certainly, in resolving the current crisis, we need to borrow from our recent past. CODESA delivered political liberation with more still to be done on the economic front. Such more work demands that we collectively craft and adopt a binding consensus on the matters raised above and others. The intention must be to ensure that the people of South Africa are able to participate fully in determining and directing their future. In this regard, systems and methods of maximum and meaningful consultation with the communities shall have to be put in place and implemented with no fail. FACILITATION AND COORDINATION OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION For a proper and productive dialog amongst citizens in a representative forum of this magnitude, it will be important that: • That an all-inclusive National Summit be convened to develop and adopt a framework to guide all participants and role players of the National Convention. This National Summit shall precede the National Convention. Political parties both in coalition governments and outside the coalition governments shall have the right to participate in the summit including all sectors of society. • That the Office of the Chief Justice be requested to assist with personnel to facilitate and guide discussions both in the summit and the convention. This personnel may include retired jurists and other citizens of prominence with not vested interests either than being citizens of the country. This personnel shall be part of a National Convention Steering Committee that shall be appointed by the National Summit. • Although the intention is to ensure that all political parties participate, the process should resist from being held hostage by those who have no vested interest in resolving the pressing matters confronting our nation. In this regard, those who are not confident of this route, shall be persuaded through and by action. CONCLUSION The proposed National Convention must emerge with a comprehensive blue print of a road to be traversed by the country in dealing with all the matters raised above with strict time-frames and resources. A cooperation by all political parties is what South Africans have called for in these elections. Accordingly, parties that agree on the convening of the National Convention must ensure that it is convened and is a success. We must remain committed to the country and its citizens at all times and put South Africa first. Such a convention would fail it does not establish implementation committees with targets and time-frames under the guidance of the Convention Plenary. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) views this approach and process as a consolidation of a programmatic and developmental relations that should exist between and amongst all political parties, the civil society and the citizenry. It is also a mechanism to redefine ‘coalition’ as a ‘cooperation’ that is driven by a desire and commitment to contribute to the betterment of the lives of all people than just a desire to swallow or co-opt other political parties and or sectors of civil society. Bantu Holomisa UDM President
INTRODUCTION The 2016 Municipal Election was a watershed for our country with the advent of a possible cooperation of political parties. Emphatically, the electorate have spoken loudly against one party arrogant dominance, corruption, nepotism, the disregard of the rule of law, the failure to provide basic quality services, and mediocre in the sea of poverty, unemployment and inequality. In this regard, they have in not less than 27 municipalities, decided to test all political party’s commitment to the need for a caring government. They have done so by reducing the dominance of the ruling party and by refusing to endorse any other party as an automatic alternative to govern. Certainly, the policies and the performance of the ruling party as a government have received a strong critic and more importantly, a sense of how best to address the challenges faced by South Africa has also been given a platform to rise. South Africans are mindful of the dangers that are inherent in a one party dominant state and believe that the best way of securing the constitution and, with it, the future success of South Africa a commitment by all political parties to a cooperative governance through coalitions. The envisaged cooperation creates a possibility for a platform to agree on minimum to maximum actions in response to the triple challenges confronting South Africa. Indeed this is a great and significant shift in the body polity of our nation. Cooperation also demands that the parties recognise that the time is opportune for a re-alignment of South African politics led by parties who can lead social forces brought together by a shared commitment to a new vision and policy agenda for South Africa. We will engage in discussion that will advance the interests of all citizens towards a common platform and unity in action. In this regard, the parties welcome the discussions with all other parties that are interested in the service of the people. Accordingly, we view these discussions to be more about cooperation of political parties in the servicing of the citizens. In whatever cooperation we agree on, we shall always be connected with the base of its support and be true and diligent representatives of their cause and aspirations. Any cooperation must at all time respect the views of the electorate as expressed through the ballot paper. We shall not go into political marriage where we are destined to be swallowed up or serve other political parties’ agenda, but will remain true to our vision and mission as independent parties, and will favourable consider participation in a major realignment of policies. COOPERATION (COALITION) BASED ON A COMMON AGENDA We believe that the glue that must bind all political parties is the commitment to provide basic services to the all citizens irrespective of their socio economic circumstances. Of immediate necessity is the agreement on the following. 1. Service delivery relate matters • Provision of clean water and in particular to rural hinterland; • Provision of quality shelter for all those who deserve and qualify with speed, and eradication of informal settlements; • Electrification of all rural areas and provision of reliable electricity to all; • Better waste management systems for social and economic beneficiation of citizens; • Putting an end to E-Tolls; • Regulation of the informal trading including street vendor hawkers; • Prioritisation, formalisation and integration of the Early Childhood Development as part of the mainstream education system; • Vigorous and meaningful actions intended to create sustainable jobs; • An immediate review of the procurement (tendering) system to favour amongst other Local Economic Development and beneficiation; • Reviewing of the current property valuation and rating system; • Improving of the billing system to ensure that citizens pay for services they consume; • Creation of the dedicated units for regular maintenance of the infrastructure; • Eliminating corruption at all levels of government; • Removal of the current Head of State who has been an embodiment of corruption; • Finalisation of the proper naming of the Capital City of the South Africa; • Provision of Free Education to all deserving citizens; • Immediate suspension of the envisaged Nuclear deal; 2. Budget Implications/ review Amongst other things to be agreed on as a matter of urgency, is the review budget so that it responds to the issues raised above. National and Provincial Governments are already in the process of the mid-term budget review and municipalities will be entering this process very soon as they have just adopted IDPs and Budget two months ago. Accordingly, as parties we strongly agree, that the next six months should be used to review and realign budgets in order to ensure maximum resourcing of the above priorities. 3. Constitutional Reforms In this regard, the parties felt very strong that whilst other matters are of long term nature, a very clear and binding timeframes must be agreed to by all. We further propose a firm commitment amongst all political parties to the convening of an urgent National Convention, led by political parties and all other social partners, to consider and resolve on the following, amongst others: • Land question; • Property ownership; • Nationalisation; • Electoral reforms; • Party Funding Legislation; • Strengthening of the Chapter nine institutions. At the centre of the proposed National Convention should be how best to address the urgent need of Economic Emancipation of all citizens in particular the historical disadvantaged individuals and groups. 4. Further issues It is common knowledge that South Africans have registered their displeasure with how government has been using the available resources. In this regards, cooperation must also look at how the size of the cabinet reinforces the need to spare resource and redirect them to service delivery. Parties are firmly proposing a review and realignment of cabinet functions with the intention of reducing the size of the cabinet. The appointment of Mayor and other political heads at local government must appreciate the need to a working cooperation. In this regard, the parties may have to consider whether the Executive Mayoral system is best suitable to deliver or the Executive Committee Systems. Whatever we may agree on, centrally should be a system that recognises all participants whilst ensuring less bottlenecks in servicing the people. It must also place the people at the centre of their own development. This also applies to the appointment of Municipal Officials from the Municipal Managers to other managers and lower staff members. The purpose must be to keep public service as a professional function and always separate the state from a political party. Conclusion A cooperation by all political parties is what South Africans have called for in these elections. Accordingly, parties that agree on what has to be done going forward, must ensure delivery of efficient and effective services to the people, and pursued unity of purpose in earnest. Perhaps the saying: Individually you are fierce warriors, but when you fight as one you are most powerful better sums up the approach. We must enter into cooperation on objectives that do not derail us the mandate of the electorate and our manifestos. In the crafting of a frame-work for a possible cooperation, it must be clear upfront why it is desirable for us to embark on that as a both a tactical and strategic way forward. Centrally, any coalition/cooperation require a strong commitment to the need to service the people thus putting community first.
Mr Jacob Zuma should rather look at his organisation which is currently contradicting the positive gains of our history under his leadership. Who has ever thought that a liberated South Africa would be led by a questionable character like himself who lavishly and exclusively spends taxpayers monies without having any regrets, thereby superseding the negative conduct of former Apartheid Presidents. Shockingly superseding! His organization is promoting lawlessness and politics of thuggery as we speak. Realistically, today South Africa is burning because of ANC’s infighting which he claims to be growing. What a contradiction! The ANC’s implosion has unfortunately led to both public and private property being caught in a crossfire of the ANC’s infighting. The sooner he packs his bags the better . He is an embarrassment to South Africa. It is true they fired me because they were paving way for their corrupt tendencies – from Sol Kerzner to Gupta’s capturing of the ANC. So who is fooling who? Haaaaaaa! Statement issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
Dear Minister Mokonyane MANDILENI COMMUNITIES IN THE EASTERN CAPE SUFFER BECAUSE OF LACK OF WATER SUPPLY – WE SEEK YOUR INTERVENTION During my recent travels through the country on the campaign trail, I visited the Mandileni community outside Mount Frere in the Eastern Cape on Thursday, 7 July 2016. The people in this community suffer a number of hardships and complain of a lack of service delivery; most notably the lack of a reliable, healthy water supply. The area is completely dry and at the moment the residents of Mandileni share an unfenced water-well with livestock. To make matters worse, the well will not produce water for much longer. Upon enquiry I have discovered that the Alfred Nzo District Municipality does not have the capital, nor the capacity, to assist these people in dire need. I herewith plead for your immediate intervention and assistance, and suggest that you dispatch departmental engineers to the area to find a long-term solution and that, in the meantime, maybe tanks could be erected to store water and/or the South African National Defense Force could cart water to the desperate villages. Kindly advise Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement
Dear Honourable Minister Joemat-Pettersson and Eastern Cape MEC F Xasa UNFULLFILLED PROMISE FOR PROVISION OF ELECTRICITY AT MQHELE A/A , XHORA, MBHASHE MUNICIPALITY – EASTERN CAPE The above matter has reference. Here under is a complaint laid to me in a meeting I was invited to by the community of Mqhele on 30 June 2016, held at their community hall. Their main complaint is lack of fulfillment by authorities who promised them that their area would be electrified as early as 1 June 2016. Further reference is made to MEC Xhasa’s promise at a meeting he had with the community of Mqhele on 12 May 2016, that officials from Eskom will visit the affected area with the relevant material to make electricity accessible to all citizens. I may as well remind you that, the 1st of June was set as a deadline for the delivery of this essential service . According to the community ‘s report a certain Ncamile Mbuqe of Eskom was also present in their meetings with MEC Xhasa when the deadline of 1 June 2016 was announced . Indeed on 1st June 2016 , Eskom trucks with loads of electricity poles came but to the dismay of the community , they passed the affected villages to Bafazi A/A .When the community tried to stop the Eskom vehicles and enquire about why they were passing their villages, police were called to intervene. As if that was not enough, the Mayor of Mbhashe Municipality responded to the protesting residents by throwing insults and rebuked them for lack of literacy and knowledge. Later on the community was told that they might get electricity in 2017. The community feels that the MEC deceived them by telling them that they would get their electricity on 1 June 2016 yet he knew that was not the case. If this is not a punishment meted against the rural poor for taking it to the streets in demand of an essential service, then the Department of Energy and the Provincial Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs, are enjoined to make a prompt and decisive intervention. Even with the dawn of democracy, 22 years ago, these poor citizens of Xhora and Mqanduli in general remain with no access to electricity. Instead they are being sent all over without being told the truth. It’s becoming clear that Eskom is a political tool. Why would an MEC made such a commitment fully knowing that Eskom is not his competence. This confusion must be clarified without delay. All of you who are embroiled in these empty promises must go back to that community and tell them the exact story. In this regard, I call on your offices to make an urgent and decisive intervention to ensure that electricity is available to these citizens too. I hope this will receive your favourable consideration. Your prompt response is awaited. Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President