Statement by National Deputy-Secretary Four councillors defected from the National Party and joined the United Democratic Movement. The four councillors represented the National Party in the North Central Sub structure in Durban. The four councillors said that they are joining the UDM because they believe it to be the only party that can take the ANC on in the 1999 elections. The UDM provides a political home to all South Africans irrespective of race or gender and its support base already clearly indicates that it is the most representative party in the country. The UDM provides the hope and direction that South Africans so desperately seeks. The National Party’s cosmetic makeover, embodied in a new logo and a borrowed slogan, will have no impact on the fact that the voters do not believe in the NP anymore. The National Party is addressing all the wrong issues. It is no longer providing any hope or direction to the electorate. It suffers from weak and inefficient leadership. Its so-called new policy is a move to the right of the political spectrum and is nothing more than a mere repackaging of the “group interest” politics and differs little from the Freedom Front’s suggested policy of Community Councils and Cultural Forums. With this move back into the lager, we have lost what little confidence we have had in Marthinus van Schalkwyk as leader. The National Party is making a joke of broad South Africanism and is interested only in representing a small group – with that approach, the NP can never become a major player in the political arena. The councillors will continue to serve in the council representing the UDM. They will now form UDM branches and will work actively in KwaZulu-Natal promoting the UDM towards the 1999 elections. The councillors are: Dhanavelu Michael – Phoenix Ward Frangula Adams; – Durban Beachfront Ward Pat Paliam – Phoenix Ward Ayoob Umar -; Phoenix Ward
Statement by UDM President The ANC government’s approach in the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo leaves much to be desired. The ANC government cannot be considered a credible mediator for peace in the Congo while many questions remain unanswered about South Africa’s involvement in the sales of arms to the war torn Rwanda. If SA is to be considered to be a trustworthy mediator and broker for peace it should not be seen to take sides. It was evident on TV footage used during the weekend that weapons of South African origin are used in the Congo conflict. The old apartheid government of South Africa was accused of destabilising its neighbours and the ANC’s assistance to Rebels against the Congo is merely pursuing the same agenda. The ANC led government must come out clear in this regard. Are they assisting the rebels and what does this assistance entail? Did they or did they not sell guns and ammunition to Rwanda? Already the ANC’s approach in foreign relations, specifically on the African continent is resulting in serious tension between South Africa and its neighbours. The arrogance and “big brother knows better” approach of the ANC led government is insulting to sovereign countries on the African continent. The UDM believes that there is a need to revisit the mandate of SADC. It was established to fight the old Apartheid South Africa. The attempt of South Africa to take over the responsibility of Security in SADC from Zimbabwe needs to be resolved. It seems as if a free and democratic South Africa with al the resources available to it, is undermined when it comes to the allocation of tasks in SADC. The UDM suggest an urgent two-country summit between South Africa and Zimbabwe to normalise the current tension experienced in relationships between the two countries. The conflict between Mandela and Mugabe is difficult to understand since it was a combined effort between Mugabe, Mandela and Musuveni that assisted Kabila to come into power in the first place. The region and its people can not be hold at ransom because of personal interests and egos. The United Democratic Movement calls for a peaceful solution to the current conflict. The United Nations can and should play a leading role in resolving the situation. There can be no idealistic talks about a so-called African Renaissance unless conflict of this nature can be put to an end through peaceful means. It is only then, that Africa will earn the respect it deserves and become the great continent it can be. The ANC’s current approach will not assist in this becoming a reality.
Statement by National Deputy Secretary The UDM strongly objects to the decision to insist in only using the Green Bar-coded South African Identity Document (GBSAID) for the 1999 elections. The difference in the statistics in the HSRC report (commissioned by the IEC and the department of Home Affairs) and the data from the Department itself is so far removed from one another that one can not help but be skeptical about the whole issue. No explanation is provided on why these discrepancies exist. The UDM calls on the portfolio committee to implement a monthly monitoring and auditing system to ascertain what progress the Department is making. An independent body of auditors should do this. The UDM will conduct its own monitoring and auditing exercise so as to establish just what is happening on the ground and what the people, applying for this documents are experiencing. At any time that we feel that things are not progressing as it should, the UDM will not hesitate in calling for an amendment in the Electoral Act. The right of every voter to participate in the process of democracy overrides any other considerations in this regard.
Statement by National Deputy-Secretary The notion that the money in the “Funding of Political Parties Act” may not be used for electioneering is a myth. There are no controls in place to assure that that will not happen. Already the monthly allowance of R4 489,00 per member is not used for that that it was intended. Political parties are not opening constituency offices with that money but rather use it to cover their running costs and even pay the salaries of personnel from that amount. An astonishing amount of R100 349 972,00 per year (excluding the salaries of public representatives) is already paid by the taxpayer to the coffers of political parties. The Minister responsible should lay down clear guidelines on how he intends to assure that this money does not end up being used for the 1999 elections. It is in any case almost impossible, especially so close to the election to differentiate between the normal functions and duties of a political party and its office bearers and that of electioneering. Let us also not loose sight of the fact that money from the R53 million that are now used to cover running costs is money saved by these parties and that savings will contribute to the election fund of each party. This in itself contributes to an uneven playing field for the 1999 elections. The fact that polls also indicate that the ANC and the NP have lost substantial support and that other parties in parliament like the DP and the PAC have increased their support makes the distribution of that fund also questionable. The NP is still receiving 23% of the fund while it is currently only representing 10% of the electorate.
Statement by National Deputy-Secretary The call by the Mpumalanga Legislature to National Government for assistance in recovering the estimated R1.1 million embezzled by the ANC former deputy speaker in the legislature is not only absurd, but also ridiculous. As if it is not bad enough that corrupt ANC office bearers steal money which in the end is taxpayers money, now the ANC expects of the taxpayer to refund them for their own people’s corruption! Surely, the ANC understands, even in the Mpumalanga Legislature, that the money they are now requesting from the National Legislature is not money falling from the sky or printed on request by the Reserve Bank. Even they should realise that that money is actually hard earned honestly deserved and paid, as taxes, money belonging to the citizens of South Africa. The citizens pay these taxes and expect government to use this to efficiently run the country, provide services and not to enrich themselves. To expect the taxpayer now to pay the penalty for ANC corruption is both absurd and ridiculous. What will be next? A special tax levy to try to get back those funds that were lost with the Sarafina debacle?
Statement by National Spokesperson Mr. Mbulelo Lokwe, who was a National Organiser for the ANC since 1993 and who during the 1994 elections served under Steve Tshwete, resigned from the ANC and joined the United Democratic Movement. Mbulelo, who joined the ANC as a member in 1964 and was part of the underground movement before he became a National Organiser in 1993 under Steve Tshwete. During his period as serving as official in Shell House, he was responsible for the implementation of policies, membership and political education during the period to the run-up to the 1994 elections up to 1996. Mbulelo said that he was fed up with the ANC’s approach of favouratism, not only within the organisation, but also as it is clearly reflected in the way they run the country. He joins the UDM because the policies of the UDM appeals to him, he has confidence in the integrity and ability of the leadership and the UDM is a clear reflection of the total population of South Africa – that Rainbow that the ANC fails to establish. Mbulelo will immediately get actively involved in the UDM and will work as a volunteer in the National Office assisting with organisation.
Statement by UDM President The horrific bomb explosion at the Cape Town Waterfront is condemned in the strongest possible terms by the UDM. The UDM would like to express its condolences and deepest sympathy to the victims and families of victims of the explosion. The political chess game that we have witnessed between the ANC and the NP after the explosion can not be tolerated and is an insult to those affected by the bombing. Urban terrorism in the Western Cape is a reality and very little seems to be done in this regard. The National Party as government in the Western Cape, together with the ANC National Government needs to put aside their political agendas and cheap point scoring and concentrate on the problem at hand. More than 400 similar incidents have taken place in the same region with no arrests or prosecutions following. The National Party can not shed its responsibility as Provincial Government and they need to find a solution and not merely attempt to distribute and attribute blame.
Statement by UDM Deputy National Secretary The insistence of the ANC to only use the Green Bar-coded South African Identity Document for the purpose of the 1999 elections, is a sure sign of ANC efforts to manipulate the elections. The UDM finds it especially interesting that the ANC who in 1994 insisted that every breathing person in South Africa should have the opportunity to vote, now thinks nothing of alienating at least 20% of the voters in bringing out their democratic choice. It is clear that the ANC is threatened by its own lack of delivery and of the wrath that it would experience from its previous supporters in this regard. In the interest of a free and fair election, the UDM is making a submission to the portfolio committee on Home Affairs in this regard. Find that proposal attached.
Statement by National Deputy-Secretary (19 August 1998) INTRODUCTION Following the insistence by the ANC that only Green Bar-coded SA Identity Documents (GBSAID) be used for the purpose of the 1999 elections, the UDM wishes to make the following submission: HSRC SURVEY AND REPORT The IEC and the Department of Home Affairs commissioned the HSRC to conduct a study into the extent to which eligible voters are in possession of SA ID documents. From this study, it is clear that an alarming number of potential voters are not in possession of SA ID documents. This number is of such great proportion that it calls into question the participation in and the fairness of conducting fair democratic elections in 1999. Between 4.7 and 5.3 million (at least 20% of the total voter population!) voters do not have the GBSAID. One in ten (± 2.4 million) potential voters do not have any ID. More than two thirds of those without ID documents are first time voters. The greatest shortage exists in rural areas. 80% of voters without GBSAID have not yet applied for new ID documents. A third of the voters who have applied for ID documents have been waiting for more than 3 months while 21% have been waiting for more than 5 months. 60% of the voters indicated that they were unaware of the need for GBSAID in order to vote in the 1999 elections. From this figures it is obvious that it would be impossible to declare the 1999 General Elections free and fair if such a huge number of voters could not participate in the elections because of government’s inability to fulfill its task of issuing ID documents to the voter. It is also beyond comprehension why government would commission such a study at a huge cost for the taxpayer and then ignores the findings thereof. THE UDM’s VIEW While acknowledging and supporting measures to limit election fraud to an absolute minimum limiting voting to those with GBSAID documents is clearly not the route to take. The UDM strongly believes that in order to conduct a free and fair election every eligible voter must be offered an equal opportunity to participate in the elections. With the risk of 20% of voters, not being able to participate this is obviously not the case. How can the ANC blatantly disregard the democratic choice of 20% of the electorate? UDM SUGGESTIONS BARCODE EXISTING ID DOCUMENTS The UDM proposes that all ID documents be used to register and to vote. We further suggest that a barcode be paste in the ID document during the registration process. The barcode can be part of the process of control and of starting to compile a proper voters roll for the 2004 elections. The UDM further urge government and the IEC to intensify its efforts in making the voters aware of the need to acquire GBSAID documents, also for future elections. No awareness campaigns in this regard exist. Every effort must be made to increase the productivity and delivery of GBSAID documents up to the elections, and in this regard, the UDM suggests the following: Mobile Home Affairs offices be established and that they service specifically those areas identified in the report as crisis areas and in the rural community. Home Affairs employ casual workers as to increase productivity, delivery and address the backlog and current shortfall. Home Affairs open their offices outside normal business hours. Though it is argued that specifically in the case of TBVC states voters may be in possession of more than one ID document, claims by the ANC government that they have eliminated in most of the affected provinces these “ghost identities” operating fraudulent activities, should put to rest this concern. The major concern and driving force for the UDM remains the democratic right of every single voter to participate in the democratic processes of the country. This basic constitutional right must be respected and maintained. It can not be violated through government’s own inability. It is said that the people get the government that they deserve. It would be ironic if because of that same government’s failure people are deprived of the opportunity to remove that government. Twenty percent of the electorate can determine that swing.
Statement by UDM Deputy Secretary The United Democratic Movement has been asked to forward comments in writing with regard to the proposed amendments to the Electoral Bill in particular and we would like to comment on certain aspects with regard to party funding. The proposal in this regard does not do anything to address the fundamental inequality that is created by act 103 of 1996, the Funding of Political Parties Represented in Parliament Act. (state funds, at present budgeted somewhere in the vicinity of R53 million).The funds can be allocated to practically any political purpose, with the only real restriction that it should not be used to pay parliamentarians. Therefore, quite clearly, these funds can be used for election purposes, and is in fact intended to be used as such. Although couched in terms which created the impression that it should be used for administrative purposes, such uses frees other donations and funds of such parties for use in election campaigning. In any event, there is no limitation on these funds being directly allocated to campaigns. If this act had to be in position during the 1994 election. It would have meant that practically all the money would have been allocated to the National Party and no funds allocated to the African National Congress, which was then not represented in Parliament. If a similar provision had been in place prior to the last election in the United Kingdom, it would have meant the bulk of the funds would have been allocated to the Conservative Party, which then had the majority in Parliament, and much less to the Labour Party, which won by a landslide, and result might have been different if the ruling party had access to the state funds in proportion to the representation that it had before the election. In cases where there is a delicate balance between the parties, especially in relation to a sensitive issue such as the two thirds majority, the availability of funds might make a substantial difference in the eventual outcome of the election and consequently also to the manner in which the country is governed. Thus to provide funds to those parties represented in Parliament as is presently enacted, substantially affects the operation of multi-party democracy in South Africa. According to opinion polls the United Democratic Movement already can rely on support equivalent to, and surpassing that of, parties already represented in parliament. It would therefore be a fundamental disadvantage if a party like the DP, with 5% support should receive funds from the fund created by Act 103, and a party like the UDM, also with at least 5% support, receives nothing. Similarly it would be unfair if the DP, with 5% current support, received 1% of the funds based on its support 5 years ago, and a party with 1% current support received 20% of the fund, based on its support 5 years ago. The funding could thus lead to fundamental distortions in parties’ capacity to campaign. The proposed allocation of election funds to all parties does nothing to redress this imbalance. According to the proposal it would mean that parties represented in Parliament would then receive monies twice: Once through Act 103 (and probably a substantial amount at that), and then again in terms of the proposed clause 106, whereas parties are not represented would only receive monies in terms of clause 106 . The only way in which a free and fair election can be possible, accepting the existence of act 103 of 1996, is if the election act makes provision for the further funding of parties that are not represented in Parliament, with reference to the monies already allocated to parties represented in Parliament. Thus it should be a balancing provision. In the absence of this, the IEC cannot certify that a fair election has taken place. It might be free, but it cannot be a fair election if some parties are benefiting from state funds where other parties have no access to similar funding. A further objection that the UDM has to this clause, is that it is of no practical assistance to anybody. In the first place the 5% seems to be intended to cover the required deposits, and it makes absolutely no sense for the state to require money as a deposit and also to provide for it in this manner. The rest of the (95%) fund that will be available after election will be of no use for election purposes if it cannot be accessed during the campaign. It will also not serve as any leverage for the purposes of obtaining finance as nobody is likely to advance monies against the future uncertainty as the possible outcome of an election, no matter what the predictions and polls might indicate. The only situation that will alleviate the present imbalance is if Parliament allocated funds to the parties not represented in Parliament with reference to the support that a particular party has: both those represented and those not represented, and that the second fund thereafter is applied in such a manner as to ensure that parties are funded, as nearly as possible, proportional to their current support.
Statement by National Secretary The UDM has learned with shock about the closure of the Richmond Police Station and the redeployment of the personnel of the station. The UDM finds it strange that these police officers were accused by the Minister of Safety and Security, Sidney Mufamadi, of involvement in the happenings in Richmond. When these police officers then call for evidence to these allegations, they are being redeployed. They are now redeployed and expected to continue to do their work with allegations of involvement in Richmond violence still surrounding them. To the UDM, this appears yet another attempt by President Mandela and the ANC government to manipulate the security forces and use them as political tools. The UDM would like to know whether the newly deployed police officers were former MK members. We doubt also whether the provincial government of KwaZulu-Natal was consulted on this move. The UDM as a peaceful organization working towards true multi-party democracy reiterates our call for an Independent Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the violence in Richmond and other parts of KwaZulu-Natal.
Statement by UDM Deputy-President The reaction of the parties represented in parliament on the question of funding political parties outside of parliament must be seen in perspective. Currently parliamentary represented political parties are receiving funds from two state sources. They are receiving in all nine Provincial as well as in the National Legislature an amount of R4 489-00 per month per member. This is over and above the normal salaries paid to members. Secondly, they are receiving funds from the Public Funding of Represented Political Parties Act of 1997. An amount of R53 million was budgeted for under this act to be divided proportionally amongst the parties as they are represented in Parliament per year. STATE FUNDING RECEIVED PER MEMBER NATIONAL PARLIAMENT Political Parties Seats R per Month R per Year ANC 252 R 1 131 228,00 R13 574 736,00 NP 82 R 368 098,00 R 4 417 176,00 IFP 43 R 193 027,00 R 2 316 324,00 FF 9 R 40 401,00 R 484 812,00 DP 7 R 31 423,00 R 377 076,00 PAC 5 R 22 445,00 R 269 340,00 ACDP 2 R 8 978,00; R 107 736,00 ; ; TOTAL R21 547 736,00 STATE FUNDING RECEIVED PER MEMBER PERMANENT MEMBERS NATIONAL COUNCIL OF PROVINCES Political Parties Seats R per Month R per Year ANC 32 R143 648,00 R1 723 776,00 NP 11 R 49 379,00 R 592 548,00 IFP 3 R 13 467,00 R 161 604,00 FF 5 R 22 445,00 R 269 340,00 DP 3 R 13 467,00 R 161 604,00 TOTAL R2 908 872,00 STATE FUNDING RECEIVED PER MEMBER TOTAL NUMBER OF MEMBERS ALL NINE PROVINCIAL LEGISLATURES Political Parties Seats R per Month R per year ANC 266 R1 194 074,00 R14 328 888,00 NP 82 R 368 098,00 R 4 417 176,00 IFP 44 R 197 516,00 R 2 370 192,00 FF 14 R 62 846,00 R 754 152,00 DP 12 R 53 868,00 R 646 416,00 PAC 3 R 13 467,00 R 161 604,00 ACDP 3 R 13 467,00 R 161 604,00 MNF 1 R 4 489,00 R 53 868,00 TOTAL R22 893 900,00 TOTAL AMOUNT OF STATE FUNDING RECEIVED PER YEAR PER MEMBER POLITICAL PARTIES Political Parties R per Year ANC R 29 627 400,00 NP R 9 426 900,00 IFP R 4 848 120,00 FF R 1 508 304,00 DP R 1 185 096,00 PAC R 430 944,00 ACDP R 269 340,00 MNF R 53 868,00 TOTAL R47 349 972,00 As far as the second source of already existing state funding (tax payers money is concerned, the calculation looks as follows: PUBLIC FUNDING ACT OF REPRESENTED POLITICAL PARTIES R53 000 000,00 Party Share of R53 000 000,00 ANC R 33 390 000,00 NP R 10 865 000,00 IFP R 5 697 500,00 FF R 1 192 500,00 DP R 972 500,00 PAC R 662 500,00 ACDP R 265 000,00 Total R53 000 000,00 The amount of R4 489-00 per member per month is suppose to be the amount that was previously called constituency allowance. With this amount, each representative is suppose to service the constituency they represent. It is however a well known fact that individual representatives of certain parties never see this money and it is actually used to finance operational costs of parties. The South African electorates bear witness to this – just question them on the interaction they have experienced over the past four years with individual members of Provincial and National Legislatures. The already “fat cats” see in the call of the UDM and other extra parliamentary parties, for the equal funding of political parties during the elections, the possibility of another gold layered bowl of cream from which they can drink. The point they are missing is that the creation of yet another state funded source is not what it is about. It is about the leveling of the playing fields for parties participating in the 1998 General Elections. If this issue is not going to be addressed the UDM will be forced to continue with its Constitutional Court Case to rectify the situation. The election might be declared free, but with this skewed state of affairs, it can never be called fair.
Statement by UDM President The intervention by President Nelson Mandela in an attempt to save the South African Formula One Grand Prix and an estimated R400 million in foreign investment is a clear indication of the ANC producing ineffective and unworkable laws. How can the ANC government consider the effective implementation of this law if only days after cabinet passed it, then the President needs to intervene? The UDM supports the enforcement of smoke free public areas and no one can argue that everything possible must not be done to enforce the ban of sales to minors. That smoking is a health risk one does not argue with either. Nevertheless, just how ill considered Zuma’s Tobacco Law is, is illustrated by the forced intervention of President Mandela. Not only must the freedom of choice and the effect that this law will have on the employment provided by this industry be considered, but one also needs to question the process of arriving at the law and the research that went into this law. Did government for one moment consider the effect that this law will have on the sponsorship of numerous sporting events and the development of sport in general? Is the President going to intervene every time that such an event comes under threat as a result of this law, if not, why then this preferential action by President Mandela? Actions where the President and senior officials of the ANC enter secret discussions also make this law very vulnerable to corruption and manipulation by those in power. This type of action reminds one of the days when a minister instead of parliament ran government. The UDM calls for the suspension of this law until proper consultation with labour, the industry and those benefiting from sponsorships have been conducted. It is ironic that in a country where abortion is legalized, the death penalty scrapped that government in the case of smoking sees itself as the moral guardian of society.
Statement by UDM President The UDM made a further written submission to the Portfolio Committee on Home Affairs regarding the Electoral Bill. In its first submission, the UDM commented on the Electoral Bill and in its latest submission it concentrates on the burning issue of funding of political parties. Senior Council J.C. Heunis and Advocate A.M. Breitenbach prepared the UDM’s submission. (Submission to the Portfolio Committee is attached). The UDM, because of the “anti-defection” clause in the Constitution is not represented in National Assembly or any of the nine Provincial Legislatures. That disqualifies the UDM from receiving funding from The Public Funding of Represented Political Parties Act, 1997. This, despite market research that indicates the UDM to be the third largest political party together with the IFP in the country. Nine months after the launch of the UDM in September 1997, the UDM had more than 650 branches throughout the country and more than 50 000 paid up members. The UDM has received funding and recognition from a number of international foundations, including the New South Africa Foundation (Netherlands) which funds political parties represented in Parliament but extended funding to the UDM after assessing the significant political role played by the UDM in South African politics. The UDM also enjoys full recognition by all foreign missions to South Africa. It has held formal meetings with a wide range of Ambassadors, High Commissioners and foreign delegations and a number of foreign missions sent representatives to the UDM’s first national conference. It is clear that the UDM is not a marginal party. The UDM is playing an important and still growing role in the development of multi – party democracy in South Africa as well as in the realignment of politics. Continuing less than a year before elections to fund only representative parties would be inimical to free and fair elections and the anti-discrimination provisions in the Constitution. If Parliament fails to address this issue eloquently, the UDM will be compelled to launch urgent proceedings in the Constitutional Court.
Statement by National Deputy-Secretary The UDM congratulates Bulelani Ngcuka with his appointment as national director of prosecutions. While The UDM believes that he does have the personal qualities for the position the UDM is however alarmed about the independence of the judicial system by what is yet another political appointment. An independent judicial system is a prerequisite for the embodiment of the South African constitution. The obligation of ensuring an independent office rests with Mr. Ngcuka. Watchdog organisations and political parties will have to strongly monitor the independence of the office of the national director of prosecutions. The UDM is alarmed about a marked trend in Mbeki’s appointments of essential positions and of centralising certain vital functions in his office. Mbeki’s management style through these appointments start to portray the image of a power hunger, wants to control everything, person. The growing trend to appoint politicians in key positions in society is setting the alarm bells off. It can not be healthy for democracy if so much power is vested in the office of one person and if essential positions in the country is filled by politicians.
Statement by Deputy-President The continuous and systematic murders of farmers have passed a point that it can simply be brushed aside or explained away. Four times more farmers are murdered than the rest of the population. Government must take every possible action in order to ensure that an immediate end is brought to the senseless killings on farmers and the subsequent destabilization of the agricultural work force and industry. As in the case of Richmond, the UDM is calling for an Independent Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the farm killings. No progress seems to be made by the normal law enforcement agencies and the measures implemented by the ANC government are obviously unsuccessful. Communities are loosing trust in the government’s ability to protect them. The UDM previously called on government to make known the information they do have on the murder of farmers. Up to now they have failed to do so and there is a growing suspicion that the killings on farmers might be a well-calculated and executed strategy to remove farmers from their land. This very dangerous prospect needs to be fully investigated and answers need to be provided. Failing to do so will lead to further suspicion and the ANC government will have to take responsibility for this. I have arranged meetings with Police authorities during which our views and recommendations will be presented. Farmers are not only feeding the nation, but they are providing jobs to thousands of families. With every single killing taking place more and more farmers are loosing hope and are forced to leave their farms to safeguard their families. This more than often disrupt a total community, results in the loss of job opportunities and agricultural productivity dropping. The UDM would like to express its sympathy with the next of kin and the family of the latest victim Mr. André Breytenbach from the farm Ruigtevlei, Soekmekaar in the Northern Province. Mr. Breytenbach was murdered on his farm last night.
Statement by National Deputy-Secretary The house of Sifiso Nkabinde, National Secretary of the UDM and UDM KwaZulu-Natal Chairperson, was attacked last night. Nkabinde who was in the house at the time of the attack was not injured. At approximately 00:15 last night fire was opened on his house. Nkabinde fell to the floor and immediately telephoned the SAPS in Richmond. On the arrival of the patrol, Nkabinde switched on the light in his house, connected to his shop. Gunmen ran from the shop where they broke in and stole, amongst other things, cigarettes. The gunmen fled the scene. On investigating his property items lost by the attackers when they left the scene was found. Amongst these were a police pager and a pocketknife with a name on it. The spent cartridges found on the property were also police issued. Eyewitnesses saw the attackers arriving in a police Nyala of which the registration number is available. The Nyala returned to the scene to look for the attackers who fled and it was witnessed that they picked one of the attackers up in a kombi and fled with him. The UDM is disgusted with the incident and the obvious involvement of the newly deployed police in the area in the attack. Those police deployed by Mufamadi. The UDM can not but ask whether that is what President Mandela had in mind when he said that he would make use of his own means to put an end to the violence in Richmond? The UDM asked for talks, the UDM asked for an Independent Judicial Commission of Inquiry – all of it flatly refused by the ANC. The truth in the Richmond killing fields must come out and the ANC government can obviously not be trusted to bring that truth to the fore. We again repeat our call for an Independent Judicial Commission of Inquiry and ask political parties in Parliament to assist in bringing this Commission about so that the senseless loss of life in Richmond can end.
Statement by National Deputy-Secretary The announcement by the ANC that it will not be attending the meeting called by KwaZulu-Natal safety and security MEC Nyanga Ngubane, between the UDM, IFP ANC, police and the army in Richmond raises serious questions and concerns. Through their absence, the ANC is communicating to the residents of Richmond that it is not interested in putting an end to the violence. It is obvious that personal vendettas against individuals weigh more to the ANC than the continuous loss of life in Richmond. Why is it that political point scoring is more important in the eyes of the ANC than putting an end to the killings? When the President of a country says, like President Mandela did on Sunday, that the line must be drawn on the murders then one expects the ruling party to pull out all stops in order to achieve exactly that. The UDM’s call for an independent Commission of Inquiry was immediately rejected by the ANC, the initiatives taken by the safety and security MEC in the Province snubbed at and the continuous calls for talks refused. That forces one to start questioning the ANC motives. Is it a question of them not wanting the truth to get out or simply that the continuous killings in Richmond are serving another agenda of the ANC? The UDM calls on the ANC to reconsider their decision not to participate in tomorrow’s talks. The serious situation requires that personal agendas be put aside and that a joint effort be embarked on in dealing with the sickening situation.
Statement by National Deputy-Secretary Following this statement is a letter by Sifiso Nkabinde, National Secretary and Chairman UDM, KZN to the Secretary General of the ANC, Kgalema Motlanthe. This letter is in reaction to remarks by Mr. Motlanthe as reported in the press. The UDM will continue to seek a solution in Richmond that will bring lasting peace in that area.
Statement by UDM Gauteng Chairperson and NMC Member Dumisani Makhaye’s attack on the UDM and its leadership have no substance. In fact when one analyse it, it can only be described as a personal attack on the characters of its leaders. It is the sound of a man in fear, a man in panic, a man in doubt. A sound that the UDM is quickly getting used to. Since the launch of the UDM on the 27th of September 1997, it is a sound that was picked up more and more from the quarters of the ANC. The author in his argument commits the cardinal sin of reasoning along the racial divides of society. By doing this he also addresses the main reason for the UDM’s coming into being and for the ANC’s hysteria and paranoia with the UDM. The ANC have been selling itself as the only non-racial political party in South Africa. But, it has proved through arguments such as these that it still remains a party that analyse and operates along the racial divides of our country. With the establishment and rise of the UDM, the ANC suddenly finds itself stark naked in front of the electorate. Suddenly it is exposed for what it truly is: a party still trapped in the past, unable to break through to the future and address those challenges facing our country and its people, irrespective of their skin colour, anything but a truly non racial party. Transformation has been the buzzword since the 1994 elections. It is that which every sector of society is doing and is expected to do. However, the political landscape of South Africa did not transform accordingly. The political parties as represented in parliament still reflect their ties with apartheid: They are there either because they fought apartheid or they are there because they enforce apartheid. This inability of the political parties to break with the past results in a political debate in parliament that more than often takes on a discussion of the past. The one group blaming the past for everything that goes wrong and the other defending the past. Each time they fall in this trap they waste energy that they should rather be spending on the burning issues of today and collectively find solutions for a better future. The UDM realised that in order to achieve re-alignment of South African politics something new, free from the baggage of the past needs to be established. The UDM’s mission statement clearly outlines this ideal: ” We will unite South Africans from all communities in a new political home, built on the foundation of the principles and ideals of our National Constitution. To this end, we will address poverty and imbalances in our society, inspired by our unifying love of our Country and its people. We will set free the creative power inherent in our diversity and will co-operate with all stakeholders to ensure a quality life and individual freedom for every citizen based on good governance and civil order, towards being a Winning Nation.” The UDM’s growth since the launch in September 1997 clearly indicates that this is what South Africans want to see happening. Various leaders have called upon ordinary South Africans to unite and to build one nation. Unfortunately, it is the very same leaders that in their daily action and through heated debate, is not doing this. Their actions and words further divide and create suspicion – like the suspicion the author is trying to create in his article. The UDM will not be sidelined or silenced by this type of unfounded criticism. The UDM, its leadership and its growing number of supporters know that you can never accuse Roelf Meyer of serving his own interests or Bantu Holomisa as being a puppet. The UDM knows that Sifiso Nkabinde was found not guilty by a court of law, an institution that the UDM respects and acknowledges the independence off. Sifiso Nkabinde was elected (not appointed) by the first National Congress of the UDM because he is the best man for that position. Immediately after his release, he called for peace talks in Richmond amongst all parties. Denying this simply means that the ANC is not interested in establishing peace in the KwaZulu Natal Midlands. It suits the ANC and their political agenda to create suspicion around the person of Nkabinde – even at the cost of more lives. The UDM will not be side tracked. Our aim and objective is to silence the critics at the 1999 polls. The UDM will establish itself in the mind of the voter, irrespective from where they come and what colour their skin are, as a political alternative, looking at providing a better South Africa for all.
Statement by National Deputy-Secretary The continuing of murderous attacks on farmers are condemned in the strongest possible terms. Every single murder in South Africa is one murder to many. Currently four times more farmers are murdered than the rest of the population. Government can no longer drag its feet in dealing with these murders. All stops must be pulled out in order to ensure the safety of the farmers, their families and their employees. The UDM calls on government to make known the information that they do have on these murders and to come out clear on whether there is any other motive behind these killings. By failing to do so suspicion will increase and the ANC government will have to take responsibility for this. Agriculture is a very important industry in South Africa. Not only does it provide jobs, but it also feeds the nation. The continuous attacks and murders on farmers can paralyse this industry. The UDM believes that these murders is another point in case for calling for a referendum on the death penalty since that may well be the only way to put an end to these senseless and inhumane actions.