Admin
29 Sep, 1998
Speech at the First Birthday Celebration of the United Democratic Movement
At the launch of the UDM on the 27 September 1998, the leadership was mandated to set up organisational structures that would spread the political mission of our new movement. The thousands of people gathered here today, from all nine provinces of SA are a living testimony to our success in carrying out that mandate. It is humbling to know that people were not just bussed in here to make up the numbers, but rather pay for themselves and came to our celebrations in response to the mobilising and organising drive of our leadership structures at all levels of our party. We know the personal sacrifices you have made in order to attend these celebrations today. The true historical significance of your sacrifices is that you have demonstrated that despite the governments arrogant and unjust refusal to allow us our rightful election – fund share as tax payers, in our own country, we will succeed on our own meager resources in the 1999 general elections. Over the last eleven months our organising department has issued to all our provincial structures more than a 100 000 (hundred thousand) 25 membership cards. It is pleasing to note that the majority of the provinces have finished those books. You are therefore called upon to balance your books and be ready to renew the membership of our supporters. Despite the peaceful transition to democracy in South Africa through the 1994 elections which were declared free and fair at home and abroad, there are already serious economic and political problems in the country, which threaten to undermine the democratic transformation. Today we celebrate the birth of the UDM which has a vision and a mission that makes it the political home to all who live in South Africa. As we all know, at the birth of the UDM many of us were hopeless and demoralised because of the general state of poverty, crime, unemployment and corruption. A year later things are getting worse and the government departments have shown no will or know how in addressing these critical social ills. Through hindsight it is clear that we were correct to establish the UDM because the situation is fast deteriorating into a frightening abyss of chaos and anarchy. This is shown by the daily reports in the media of callous murders of farmers on their own properties, raping of children, the breakdown of discipline in schools, escalating unemployment levels and incidents of government corruption at all levels with the government neither prepared nor willing to admit inability to deal with these problems. Poverty levels are rising, confidence in the ability of the governing party to get its act together is diminishing. Added to this is the fear of the impending departure of President Mandela where after South Africa would loose a great deal of status and influence internationally. Despite Mandela’s admirable efforts to sell his successor internationally, people on the ground have a different picture of things to come, i.e. increasing crime, violence, unemployment, homelessness, corruption, nepotism, and general instability. Already, foreign investors are applying a wait and see attitude. They are asking whether Deputy President Mbeki will run the country or the Alliance partners who have openly defied him on his GEAR policy. The situation currently is compounded by the absence of an economic policy that sustains all South Africans. The present government’s economic policy which is even disowned by the governments own allies is not anywhere in addressing these social ills. Their so-called GEAR policy has the following problems: Created profits for export without domestic investments, Abandonment of RDP agenda accepted by all after thorough consultation No commitment to social services such as health, education and welfare, Unemployment and retrenchments in all sectors; Lack of commitment to human capacity development. It is therefore clear from the above that Gear has shortcomings which affect the majority of South Africans. The positive economic growth in 1995/6 can best be described as early successes of inheritance. Indeed Gear as it is now, does depend on a lot of goodwill and some luck. To this end, the UDM realises that as a first step towards achieving our vision, we must narrow the gap between those that have and those that do not have. The gap can only be effectively narrowed if all and everyone in society benefit. Our policies will have to ensure the enlarging of the economic “cake” by expanding production opportunities and enhancing human development without impoverishing the wealth creators. The key is to establish and implement policies which empower all South Africans. ENTERPRISE DEVELOPMENT IS THE KEY In our National Congress held in Johannesburg on 27 June 1998 the UDM Congress endorsed a need to vigorously pursue policies which encourage and open-up opportunities for individuals, single households, or groups of people to start and sustain their own small businesses. Through these, they will empower and enrich themselves materially and spiritually, provide work to others in their communities and enhance the general well being of their society. As a result therefore, UDM will drive a policy of enterprise development as the answer to unemployment. We will apply the integrative policy approach that simultaneously addresses all those issues that are inhibiting job creation today, so that South Africa becomes a hard working and a winning nation. The key issues that relate to job creation are: enterprise development: civil order: access to capital: basic education and skills training: land ownership: tourism and environment and the respective roles of government, business and labour. The implementation of these policies would require a government that recognises it, has the responsibility to lay them down. The state has a moral and legal obligation to its people and cannot allow the destiny of its citizens to be decided by an economy that is dominated by stocks and bonds as these themselves alone do not necessarily entail investments and empowering of the poor against poverty and social deprivation. For example, in the last four years only 25% of foreign capital has gone to direct investment in the economy, hence the escalating unemployment levels. Most importantly, the restoration of civil order is needed to ensure a stable society in which an entrepreneurial spirit and productive enterprise can develop and flourish. While we appreciate that globalisation is the international context of all economies in the world, we need to make a commitment which puts the needs and interests of our own people first in all our policies. Our immediate painful past must not be glossed over when our policies are being developed. However, the ANC government has neglected our people to the pitiful state of poverty through unemployment and retrenchments because the government’s economic policies and strategies to deal with challenges of globalisation are not based on a commitment to deal with the needs of our people. The Gear is silent about the plight of 60% of our population who do not have access to capital. It is no secret that the past apartheid economic policies did not cater for blacks, they were just employed as teachers, civil servants, policemen etc. Therefore, the pending retrenchments of 55000 civil servants after the elections in June next year will exacerbate the already untenable situation amongst the black. CAPITAL, SKILLS FLIGHT AND INSTITUTIONALISED CORRUPTION Compounding the economic situation in this country is a current system of institutionalised corruption and crime which have forced many to invest their monies outside the country. Others are immigrating in search of better opportunities and lack of confidence in government’s ability to deal with crime. The UDM does not believe that these fears are born out of a lack of patriotism as suggested by President Mandela. On the contrary we believe that they are patriotic statements in condemnation of a government’s security, safety and judicial systems that make heroes out of criminals and refuses to implement tougher measures against those who commit crimes against the innocent and especially vulnerable in our country. The UDM vision encourages that the people of South Africa should unite and work as a team so that they can collectively participate in the transformation process of our institutions and thereby become a winning nation. Most investors see the “deployment” of ANC and COSATU leaders only (as per ANC NEC decision) in business as a threat because it means companies are forced to employ on their managerial staff people deployed by the ANC who could not get positions in government. This pattern of corruption undermines the equity bill and affirmative action policies, which seeks to level the playing field not for ANC and its Allies only but for all South Africans. Those who immigrate have no choice and are no less patriotic than anyone of us. They do so because they dislike being instructed to create special political appointment opportunities in their companies for ANC deployed officials in disregard of many professional blacks who qualify for jobs. The overall effects of our government’s economic policies and the accompanying pattern of institutionalised corruption and high rates of crime is that the country has no capacity of its own to withstand any external shocks and challenges of globalisation. DEMAND FOR A CULTURE OF DELIVERY The public will recall that when the government published its budget this year, the UDM stated, categorically, that this was a false budget and that it would be impossible to implement it. Hardly few months after that the government admitted that it was difficult to implement some of the more fundamental delivery projects such as maintenance of roads and schools, let alone building the new ones. As in many social services projects which South Africans were promised in the RDP, the government has not only failed but has lied and betrayed the trust which South Africans pinned on it in 1994. The UDM demands the building of roads, schools, clinics and updating of police services. These projects are long over due. We condemn the government practice of only employing ANC card carrier members on government projects and demand that all people, irrespective of their political affiliations, be accorded the same employment opportunities and service delivery. On more than one occasion, the government has adjusted MP salaries to offset the negative effects of inflation on their earnings. By contrast the Minister of Welfare and Pensions only increased by R20 in April and R10 this coming October, the pension allowances of our most vulnerable and needy old-age citizens who have hardly any other sources of support. These increases cannot go far enough to cushion people against inflation. We ask that the concern with MP’s protection against inflation be extended to the rest of South African old-age pensioners and not be restricted to the few whose salary packages are already astronomical and unjustified. The people of this region (Transkei) should also demand that the government must continue the project of bringing clean water to every household as was started by the DBSA and Transkei government then. By 1994 we had already serviced 6 magisterial districts such as Lusikisiki, Lady Frere etc. There is no need to do another feasibility study. The implementation of bringing clean water to this region was meant to have been finalised by the year 2000. What happened to that plan? Transkei region alone has 28% water capacity of Southern Africa through rivers of this area. What the ANC government is doing now, is to selectively put bore holes in areas where they think the ANC is strong. The UDM therefore demands from the ANC government a culture of delivery and equal treatment of all citizens across the board. 1999 ELECTIONS A party like ours, which has limited resources, must rely on the discipline and commitment of its members. Our members must make sure that we cover every Ward and area to build branches. We must assist people in their registration for ID’s and in voter education in general so that the ANC maybe proved wrong in its lies that these activities are done only by itself. Our immediate target is to intensify the launching of UDM branches throughout the country. The compilation of election lists for UDM is not a priority. We need to build anywhere and everywhere so that where there is a councillor (UCEBA) there is a UDM branch or branches. Our election list will be chosen by the UDM branches themselves and their job will be to find people they know and can trust and include them in the election list. The experience of Lesotho where a governing party is accused of having rigged the elections requires us to be vigilant for the forthcoming elections. Every branch would have to familiarise itself with the demarcations, the venues of the election points. The UDM structures must participate in all the IEC structures, be it at national, provincial, regional, local or branch levels. The forthcoming elections are going to be about: choice between crime and safety job creation and unemployment job security and retrenchments corruption in government or good governance respect and support for our traditional leaders institutions or societal chaos and breakdown of values farm killings or protection and promotion of security and safety for the farmers. I know that none of our UDM members celebrate our birthday by cutting throats of innocent farmers, raping children or engaging in robberies. Our most sacred birthday present to prosperity and our children is UNITY and PEACE as we build a prosperous democratic South Africa. You will remember that I mentioned that the UDM is the political home of all South Africans. It is in that spirit that Traditional leaders and Religious leaders feature so prominently in our activities. These leaders are in their own respective ways guardians of the values that we espouse in our vision and mission. The centrality of their role in the UDM is reflected in their involvement in all our structures. In the same vain youth and women’s structures are important integrated structures of our movement. The UDM is defined within a constitutional framework that is singular and directly includes youth and women whose existence and work is defined by this single constitution. As a result the youth and women structures of the UDM are preparing for their respective national conferences in November and December in Bloemfontein. Your supreme challenge and task is to UNITE, BUILD AND WIN. Make this a passion that distinguishes you from other political parties in South Africa. Our greatest weapon should be discipline and diligence at all costs. Our membership will always be challenged as youth, women, students, elderlies, teachers, civil servants, security services and organised labour. In our national conference in June this year we passed a resolution which stated that workers should resist being dictated to in the manner in which they vote for political parties. We therefore condemn the continuous harassment by COSATU who demand that our members should pay for the ANC’s election costs and that they should vote for the ANC. One of our challenges in South Africa is the need to examine the labour Act. There is an urgent need to accommodate the input of unemployed workers when we talk about job creation and enterprise development, always bearing in mind that the best starting point should be the needs of the people and this is what has been forgotten in Gear. Our aim in the UDM is to create jobs and self-employment. The implementation of such a policy demands a commitment for flexibility from business and organised labour to take into account the special needs of the unemployed and emerging small businesses. FOREIGN POLICY If our domestic policies must be informed by normative principles which seek to address the needs of all South Africans in the spirit of reconciliation and peace, our foreign policy must reflect those same values in our interactions with others. However, sadly for the people of South Africa, we have a government whose foreign policy on a large number of critical issues rests on the decisions of individuals hand picked from time to time as the Deputy-President wishes. The involvement of our soldiers in the Lesotho debacle is a case in point. The UDM strongly condemns the unconstitutional deployment of our soldiers and invasion of Lesotho. The manner in which South African troops were deployed in Lesotho has received strong condemnation from Lesotho and people of South Africa. The honourable position by our government is for President Mandela and his deputy Mbeki who authorised the invasion, to accept all the consequences and the moral responsibility for the suffering and damage caused in Lesotho and then immediately withdraw from Lesotho and allow SADC and Lesotho to choose an acceptable process for the resolution of that conflict, even if it means South Africa will be replaced by another SADC member to ensure the so-called stability. President Mandela and his government owe an apology to the people of Lesotho and South Africa. They should know by now that their bellicose and arrogant approach to Lesotho incident has shamed our country. South Africa’s regional hegemonic ambitions are a disgrace to the people of this region and continent. The people of South Africa must refuse to be used as pawns in this unjust war of egos. The SADC agenda for co-operation and mutual assistance in areas of economic development and democratisation can only progress through initiatives based on consensus and consultations by all stakeholders. The deployment of troops in Lesotho without warning South Africans and people of Lesotho or the world can only mean one thing, that is, that there was an INVASION OF A SOVEREIGN STATE by a foreign country. It was not a peace – keeping force, nor are we impressed by the shabby manner in which South Africa was involved beginning with the discredited commission itself. How do you agree to initiate a commission as a trusted friend, then report to a third partner first about the commission’s findings, then instruct these parties to invade people who asked for assistance and then take a hasty trip to watch athletics at far away exotic locations while our troops are dying and killing our neighbours who only yesterday offered us refuge. This makes the whole idea of an African renaissance a fuss and a nightmare especially if the mechanism for its enforcement is through military force. We hope that this will serve as a message that most countries are correct in having one foreign minister instead of six who have contributed to this fiasco. South African government is also called upon to pay their immediate attention to the food shortage in Lesotho, as a result of their failed and embarrassing invasion. A NEED TO REVIEW SADC AGENDA Our own experience in negotiating a peaceful transition to a democratic dispensation in South Africa should serve as a guiding principle in any mediation role in conflict situations when called upon to assist. It is in recognition of this experience that our neighbours and the international community have accepted our leadership role in initiating diplomatic measures to resolve regional conflict in SADC. But the military deployment of our troops in Lesotho without consulting the interested parties in Lesotho has caused confidence in this country to wane. As we speak today SADC is divided as a result of CONGO and LESOTHO problems. There is no doubt that SADC image would never be the same again. The investors will be reluctant to come to this region. The UDM therefore, propose a consultative forum of all parties who are in favour of democracy and development in SADC region so that similar military interventions in the affairs of member states maybe exposed by people who stand to lose most. This proposed forum should include all political parties (ruling and opposition parties), business people, labour, religious leaders, traditional leaders and non-governmental organisations. This proposed forum will enable the members to adhere to the spirit of the OAU and UN in their deliberations. The current SADC policymaking process is flawed and is subject to individual and selfish political agendas. Perhaps, the model of the European Union can go a long way in improving the working relationship amongst SADC member states. The proposed SADC forum will enable the member states to focus on the issue of democratisation, peace and African development rather than political competition and involve in war of egos, as is currently the case. History has shown us that it was because of collective actions that the liberation movements of Eastern and Southern Africa working jointly with the frontline states and through the OAU and UN were able in the 1960’s and 70’s to remove the remnants of white colonial rule in our region. These channels enabled African people to work as partners and in consultation with all involved members and international communities. It is in the interest of all people in SADC that opposition political parties involve themselves in the activities of their own governments in order to safeguard against the promotion of unmandated agendas by member states. TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION It is a known fact in South Africa that after the 1990 coup attempt against our government in the Transkei I as the head of that government, demanded a thorough investigation on the South African apartheid government’s involvement in that failed coup. I again, in 1996 reported to the TRC that this matter should be investigated especially in the light of alleged involvement of my predecessors. You will recall that on the 22 May 1996 amongst other matters, which I covered in my testimony to the TRC, I stated that the abortive coup was part of urgent requests made by my predecessors to then RSA government to remove us from power by force. For the record and in the interest of bringing the truth to our people who are certainly told lies about our track record in Transkei especially by the ANC and their apologists. (Play a cassette version of 1989 news bulletin) I will quote what I said in my testimony to the TRC: ” When Chief George Matanzima, then Prime Minister of Transkei, refused to step down as a result of his implication in financial scandals, the Transkei Defence Force intervened and forced him out of politics. A new Prime Minister, Miss Stella Sigcau, was elected. We discovered that Chief Matanzima was paid R2 million as a bribe for exclusive gambling rights. Bank statements were obtained from the Bank of Transkei which showed that some of the senior Ministers and Paramount Chief K.D. Matanzima had each received a sum of R50 000 00. This created curiosity among the TDF ranks, that is, lower ranks, including troops, up to Senior Officers as to why the amount was devised among politicians if it was destined for Chief George Matanzima only. On the morning of 31 December 1987, all ranks of the TDF took a decision to remove the government of Miss Stella Sigcau since she was also a recipient of the R500 000. In the context of South African politics the move by the TDF was construed in various ways even by the recipients themselves. The TDF insisted that all culprits be brought before the Courts of law where their fate was to be decided. The toppling of former politicians prompted them to approach Pretoria for the forcible removal of the Military Government from power. To counteract these moves, the Military Government started implementing the recommendations of the Commissions of Inquiry by bringing people like Chief George Matanzima and others to our Courts of Justice. He was sentenced to nine years for his involvement in housing projects”. To my knowledge this matter has not been investigated by the TRC and instead what we hear are noises from the ANC calling for the arrest of alleged killers of these coup plotters. No reference is made to the circumstances surrounding the staging of the abortive coup. Only last week an individual who was responsible for delivering weapons to the leaders of the coup against the government of the then Transkei has come forward and confessed his role. This person has now applied for amnesty from the TRC. On the 17th of September he has indicated to us as leaders of the UDM that he is willing to tell the truth on the coup attempt, and the role played by his Vlakplaas unit on the instructions of the then South African Army. It is on the basis of this revaluation that I want to invite all commanders of armed operations of the then Transkei security forces, families of the victims and injured TDF soldiers to compile a full report for the attention of the Amnesty Committee. I am convinced that the Transkeian people will need their own lawyers paid for by TRC and access to all investigation documentation so that they can freely put their side of the story. The TRC was given this information as far back as 22 May 1996 but Bishop Tutu chose not to take action. This attitude by the chairman of the TRC is still difficult to comprehend but I hope the chairman did not think that the lives of Transkeians were insignificant and thus no investigation was warranted. However, it is clear that his inaction allowed the ANC to shield Minister Stella Sigcau from explaining together with the Matanzimas their reasons and motives for asking the then South African government to forcibly remove us from power. It is clear that the South African army was acting on specific political directives. What we need to know now is whether these political directives were an accumulative result of the Stella Sigcau and the Matanzima’s respective delegations to Pretoria or not. I am convinced that there is a symbiotic relationship between these political directives to the South African Army and these delegations. Since this matter has for some mysterious reasons not been investigated by the TRC despite the overwhelming weight of the above stated facts it is now necessary to provide these details to the TRC Amnesty Committee. VOTER EDUCATION Explain our colours, logo and symbols CLOSURE Thank you messages
Admin
08 Sep, 1998
Four National Party Councillor defect – joins UDM
Statement by National Deputy-Secretary Four councillors defected from the National Party and joined the United Democratic Movement. The four councillors represented the National Party in the North Central Sub structure in Durban. The four councillors said that they are joining the UDM because they believe it to be the only party that can take the ANC on in the 1999 elections. The UDM provides a political home to all South Africans irrespective of race or gender and its support base already clearly indicates that it is the most representative party in the country. The UDM provides the hope and direction that South Africans so desperately seeks. The National Party’s cosmetic makeover, embodied in a new logo and a borrowed slogan, will have no impact on the fact that the voters do not believe in the NP anymore. The National Party is addressing all the wrong issues. It is no longer providing any hope or direction to the electorate. It suffers from weak and inefficient leadership. Its so-called new policy is a move to the right of the political spectrum and is nothing more than a mere repackaging of the “group interest” politics and differs little from the Freedom Front’s suggested policy of Community Councils and Cultural Forums. With this move back into the lager, we have lost what little confidence we have had in Marthinus van Schalkwyk as leader. The National Party is making a joke of broad South Africanism and is interested only in representing a small group – with that approach, the NP can never become a major player in the political arena. The councillors will continue to serve in the council representing the UDM. They will now form UDM branches and will work actively in KwaZulu-Natal promoting the UDM towards the 1999 elections. The councillors are: Dhanavelu Michael – Phoenix Ward Frangula Adams; – Durban Beachfront Ward Pat Paliam – Phoenix Ward Ayoob Umar -; Phoenix Ward
Admin
31 Aug, 1998
Come clean about South African involvement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
Statement by UDM President The ANC government’s approach in the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo leaves much to be desired. The ANC government cannot be considered a credible mediator for peace in the Congo while many questions remain unanswered about South Africa’s involvement in the sales of arms to the war torn Rwanda. If SA is to be considered to be a trustworthy mediator and broker for peace it should not be seen to take sides. It was evident on TV footage used during the weekend that weapons of South African origin are used in the Congo conflict. The old apartheid government of South Africa was accused of destabilising its neighbours and the ANC’s assistance to Rebels against the Congo is merely pursuing the same agenda. The ANC led government must come out clear in this regard. Are they assisting the rebels and what does this assistance entail? Did they or did they not sell guns and ammunition to Rwanda? Already the ANC’s approach in foreign relations, specifically on the African continent is resulting in serious tension between South Africa and its neighbours. The arrogance and “big brother knows better” approach of the ANC led government is insulting to sovereign countries on the African continent. The UDM believes that there is a need to revisit the mandate of SADC. It was established to fight the old Apartheid South Africa. The attempt of South Africa to take over the responsibility of Security in SADC from Zimbabwe needs to be resolved. It seems as if a free and democratic South Africa with al the resources available to it, is undermined when it comes to the allocation of tasks in SADC. The UDM suggest an urgent two-country summit between South Africa and Zimbabwe to normalise the current tension experienced in relationships between the two countries. The conflict between Mandela and Mugabe is difficult to understand since it was a combined effort between Mugabe, Mandela and Musuveni that assisted Kabila to come into power in the first place. The region and its people can not be hold at ransom because of personal interests and egos. The United Democratic Movement calls for a peaceful solution to the current conflict. The United Nations can and should play a leading role in resolving the situation. There can be no idealistic talks about a so-called African Renaissance unless conflict of this nature can be put to an end through peaceful means. It is only then, that Africa will earn the respect it deserves and become the great continent it can be. The ANC’s current approach will not assist in this becoming a reality.
Admin
27 Aug, 1998
ID documents 1999 Elections: monitor Home Affairs
Statement by National Deputy Secretary The UDM strongly objects to the decision to insist in only using the Green Bar-coded South African Identity Document (GBSAID) for the 1999 elections. The difference in the statistics in the HSRC report (commissioned by the IEC and the department of Home Affairs) and the data from the Department itself is so far removed from one another that one can not help but be skeptical about the whole issue. No explanation is provided on why these discrepancies exist. The UDM calls on the portfolio committee to implement a monthly monitoring and auditing system to ascertain what progress the Department is making. An independent body of auditors should do this. The UDM will conduct its own monitoring and auditing exercise so as to establish just what is happening on the ground and what the people, applying for this documents are experiencing. At any time that we feel that things are not progressing as it should, the UDM will not hesitate in calling for an amendment in the Electoral Act. The right of every voter to participate in the process of democracy overrides any other considerations in this regard.
Admin
27 Aug, 1998
Funding of political parties – explain control
Statement by National Deputy-Secretary The notion that the money in the “Funding of Political Parties Act” may not be used for electioneering is a myth. There are no controls in place to assure that that will not happen. Already the monthly allowance of R4 489,00 per member is not used for that that it was intended. Political parties are not opening constituency offices with that money but rather use it to cover their running costs and even pay the salaries of personnel from that amount. An astonishing amount of R100 349 972,00 per year (excluding the salaries of public representatives) is already paid by the taxpayer to the coffers of political parties. The Minister responsible should lay down clear guidelines on how he intends to assure that this money does not end up being used for the 1999 elections. It is in any case almost impossible, especially so close to the election to differentiate between the normal functions and duties of a political party and its office bearers and that of electioneering. Let us also not loose sight of the fact that money from the R53 million that are now used to cover running costs is money saved by these parties and that savings will contribute to the election fund of each party. This in itself contributes to an uneven playing field for the 1999 elections. The fact that polls also indicate that the ANC and the NP have lost substantial support and that other parties in parliament like the DP and the PAC have increased their support makes the distribution of that fund also questionable. The NP is still receiving 23% of the fund while it is currently only representing 10% of the electorate.
Admin
26 Aug, 1998
Mpumalanga Legislature’s call for funds borders on the ridiculous
Statement by National Deputy-Secretary The call by the Mpumalanga Legislature to National Government for assistance in recovering the estimated R1.1 million embezzled by the ANC former deputy speaker in the legislature is not only absurd, but also ridiculous. As if it is not bad enough that corrupt ANC office bearers steal money which in the end is taxpayers money, now the ANC expects of the taxpayer to refund them for their own people’s corruption! Surely, the ANC understands, even in the Mpumalanga Legislature, that the money they are now requesting from the National Legislature is not money falling from the sky or printed on request by the Reserve Bank. Even they should realise that that money is actually hard earned honestly deserved and paid, as taxes, money belonging to the citizens of South Africa. The citizens pay these taxes and expect government to use this to efficiently run the country, provide services and not to enrich themselves. To expect the taxpayer now to pay the penalty for ANC corruption is both absurd and ridiculous. What will be next? A special tax levy to try to get back those funds that were lost with the Sarafina debacle?
Admin
26 Aug, 1998
Senior ANC official resigns and joins the UDM
Statement by National Spokesperson Mr. Mbulelo Lokwe, who was a National Organiser for the ANC since 1993 and who during the 1994 elections served under Steve Tshwete, resigned from the ANC and joined the United Democratic Movement. Mbulelo, who joined the ANC as a member in 1964 and was part of the underground movement before he became a National Organiser in 1993 under Steve Tshwete. During his period as serving as official in Shell House, he was responsible for the implementation of policies, membership and political education during the period to the run-up to the 1994 elections up to 1996. Mbulelo said that he was fed up with the ANC’s approach of favouratism, not only within the organisation, but also as it is clearly reflected in the way they run the country. He joins the UDM because the policies of the UDM appeals to him, he has confidence in the integrity and ability of the leadership and the UDM is a clear reflection of the total population of South Africa – that Rainbow that the ANC fails to establish. Mbulelo will immediately get actively involved in the UDM and will work as a volunteer in the National Office assisting with organisation.
Admin
26 Aug, 1998
Attack at Waterfront condemned
Statement by UDM President The horrific bomb explosion at the Cape Town Waterfront is condemned in the strongest possible terms by the UDM. The UDM would like to express its condolences and deepest sympathy to the victims and families of victims of the explosion. The political chess game that we have witnessed between the ANC and the NP after the explosion can not be tolerated and is an insult to those affected by the bombing. Urban terrorism in the Western Cape is a reality and very little seems to be done in this regard. The National Party as government in the Western Cape, together with the ANC National Government needs to put aside their political agendas and cheap point scoring and concentrate on the problem at hand. More than 400 similar incidents have taken place in the same region with no arrests or prosecutions following. The National Party can not shed its responsibility as Provincial Government and they need to find a solution and not merely attempt to distribute and attribute blame.
Admin
23 Aug, 1998
Elections 1999: democracy threatened by ANC fears
Statement by UDM Deputy National Secretary The insistence of the ANC to only use the Green Bar-coded South African Identity Document for the purpose of the 1999 elections, is a sure sign of ANC efforts to manipulate the elections. The UDM finds it especially interesting that the ANC who in 1994 insisted that every breathing person in South Africa should have the opportunity to vote, now thinks nothing of alienating at least 20% of the voters in bringing out their democratic choice. It is clear that the ANC is threatened by its own lack of delivery and of the wrath that it would experience from its previous supporters in this regard. In the interest of a free and fair election, the UDM is making a submission to the portfolio committee on Home Affairs in this regard. Find that proposal attached.
Admin
19 Aug, 1998
UDM submission on the Electoral Bill Standing Committee of Home Affairs
Statement by National Deputy-Secretary (19 August 1998) INTRODUCTION Following the insistence by the ANC that only Green Bar-coded SA Identity Documents (GBSAID) be used for the purpose of the 1999 elections, the UDM wishes to make the following submission: HSRC SURVEY AND REPORT The IEC and the Department of Home Affairs commissioned the HSRC to conduct a study into the extent to which eligible voters are in possession of SA ID documents. From this study, it is clear that an alarming number of potential voters are not in possession of SA ID documents. This number is of such great proportion that it calls into question the participation in and the fairness of conducting fair democratic elections in 1999. Between 4.7 and 5.3 million (at least 20% of the total voter population!) voters do not have the GBSAID. One in ten (± 2.4 million) potential voters do not have any ID. More than two thirds of those without ID documents are first time voters. The greatest shortage exists in rural areas. 80% of voters without GBSAID have not yet applied for new ID documents. A third of the voters who have applied for ID documents have been waiting for more than 3 months while 21% have been waiting for more than 5 months. 60% of the voters indicated that they were unaware of the need for GBSAID in order to vote in the 1999 elections. From this figures it is obvious that it would be impossible to declare the 1999 General Elections free and fair if such a huge number of voters could not participate in the elections because of government’s inability to fulfill its task of issuing ID documents to the voter. It is also beyond comprehension why government would commission such a study at a huge cost for the taxpayer and then ignores the findings thereof. THE UDM’s VIEW While acknowledging and supporting measures to limit election fraud to an absolute minimum limiting voting to those with GBSAID documents is clearly not the route to take. The UDM strongly believes that in order to conduct a free and fair election every eligible voter must be offered an equal opportunity to participate in the elections. With the risk of 20% of voters, not being able to participate this is obviously not the case. How can the ANC blatantly disregard the democratic choice of 20% of the electorate? UDM SUGGESTIONS BARCODE EXISTING ID DOCUMENTS The UDM proposes that all ID documents be used to register and to vote. We further suggest that a barcode be paste in the ID document during the registration process. The barcode can be part of the process of control and of starting to compile a proper voters roll for the 2004 elections. The UDM further urge government and the IEC to intensify its efforts in making the voters aware of the need to acquire GBSAID documents, also for future elections. No awareness campaigns in this regard exist. Every effort must be made to increase the productivity and delivery of GBSAID documents up to the elections, and in this regard, the UDM suggests the following: Mobile Home Affairs offices be established and that they service specifically those areas identified in the report as crisis areas and in the rural community. Home Affairs employ casual workers as to increase productivity, delivery and address the backlog and current shortfall. Home Affairs open their offices outside normal business hours. Though it is argued that specifically in the case of TBVC states voters may be in possession of more than one ID document, claims by the ANC government that they have eliminated in most of the affected provinces these “ghost identities” operating fraudulent activities, should put to rest this concern. The major concern and driving force for the UDM remains the democratic right of every single voter to participate in the democratic processes of the country. This basic constitutional right must be respected and maintained. It can not be violated through government’s own inability. It is said that the people get the government that they deserve. It would be ironic if because of that same government’s failure people are deprived of the opportunity to remove that government. Twenty percent of the electorate can determine that swing.
Admin
19 Aug, 1998
Electoral Bill 1988
Statement by UDM Deputy Secretary The United Democratic Movement has been asked to forward comments in writing with regard to the proposed amendments to the Electoral Bill in particular and we would like to comment on certain aspects with regard to party funding. The proposal in this regard does not do anything to address the fundamental inequality that is created by act 103 of 1996, the Funding of Political Parties Represented in Parliament Act. (state funds, at present budgeted somewhere in the vicinity of R53 million).The funds can be allocated to practically any political purpose, with the only real restriction that it should not be used to pay parliamentarians. Therefore, quite clearly, these funds can be used for election purposes, and is in fact intended to be used as such. Although couched in terms which created the impression that it should be used for administrative purposes, such uses frees other donations and funds of such parties for use in election campaigning. In any event, there is no limitation on these funds being directly allocated to campaigns. If this act had to be in position during the 1994 election. It would have meant that practically all the money would have been allocated to the National Party and no funds allocated to the African National Congress, which was then not represented in Parliament. If a similar provision had been in place prior to the last election in the United Kingdom, it would have meant the bulk of the funds would have been allocated to the Conservative Party, which then had the majority in Parliament, and much less to the Labour Party, which won by a landslide, and result might have been different if the ruling party had access to the state funds in proportion to the representation that it had before the election. In cases where there is a delicate balance between the parties, especially in relation to a sensitive issue such as the two thirds majority, the availability of funds might make a substantial difference in the eventual outcome of the election and consequently also to the manner in which the country is governed. Thus to provide funds to those parties represented in Parliament as is presently enacted, substantially affects the operation of multi-party democracy in South Africa. According to opinion polls the United Democratic Movement already can rely on support equivalent to, and surpassing that of, parties already represented in parliament. It would therefore be a fundamental disadvantage if a party like the DP, with 5% support should receive funds from the fund created by Act 103, and a party like the UDM, also with at least 5% support, receives nothing. Similarly it would be unfair if the DP, with 5% current support, received 1% of the funds based on its support 5 years ago, and a party with 1% current support received 20% of the fund, based on its support 5 years ago. The funding could thus lead to fundamental distortions in parties’ capacity to campaign. The proposed allocation of election funds to all parties does nothing to redress this imbalance. According to the proposal it would mean that parties represented in Parliament would then receive monies twice: Once through Act 103 (and probably a substantial amount at that), and then again in terms of the proposed clause 106, whereas parties are not represented would only receive monies in terms of clause 106 . The only way in which a free and fair election can be possible, accepting the existence of act 103 of 1996, is if the election act makes provision for the further funding of parties that are not represented in Parliament, with reference to the monies already allocated to parties represented in Parliament. Thus it should be a balancing provision. In the absence of this, the IEC cannot certify that a fair election has taken place. It might be free, but it cannot be a fair election if some parties are benefiting from state funds where other parties have no access to similar funding. A further objection that the UDM has to this clause, is that it is of no practical assistance to anybody. In the first place the 5% seems to be intended to cover the required deposits, and it makes absolutely no sense for the state to require money as a deposit and also to provide for it in this manner. The rest of the (95%) fund that will be available after election will be of no use for election purposes if it cannot be accessed during the campaign. It will also not serve as any leverage for the purposes of obtaining finance as nobody is likely to advance monies against the future uncertainty as the possible outcome of an election, no matter what the predictions and polls might indicate. The only situation that will alleviate the present imbalance is if Parliament allocated funds to the parties not represented in Parliament with reference to the support that a particular party has: both those represented and those not represented, and that the second fund thereafter is applied in such a manner as to ensure that parties are funded, as nearly as possible, proportional to their current support.
Admin
13 Aug, 1998
Closure of Richmond police station
Statement by National Secretary The UDM has learned with shock about the closure of the Richmond Police Station and the redeployment of the personnel of the station. The UDM finds it strange that these police officers were accused by the Minister of Safety and Security, Sidney Mufamadi, of involvement in the happenings in Richmond. When these police officers then call for evidence to these allegations, they are being redeployed. They are now redeployed and expected to continue to do their work with allegations of involvement in Richmond violence still surrounding them. To the UDM, this appears yet another attempt by President Mandela and the ANC government to manipulate the security forces and use them as political tools. The UDM would like to know whether the newly deployed police officers were former MK members. We doubt also whether the provincial government of KwaZulu-Natal was consulted on this move. The UDM as a peaceful organization working towards true multi-party democracy reiterates our call for an Independent Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the violence in Richmond and other parts of KwaZulu-Natal.
Admin
05 Aug, 1998
Party political funding in perspective
Statement by UDM Deputy-President The reaction of the parties represented in parliament on the question of funding political parties outside of parliament must be seen in perspective. Currently parliamentary represented political parties are receiving funds from two state sources. They are receiving in all nine Provincial as well as in the National Legislature an amount of R4 489-00 per month per member. This is over and above the normal salaries paid to members. Secondly, they are receiving funds from the Public Funding of Represented Political Parties Act of 1997. An amount of R53 million was budgeted for under this act to be divided proportionally amongst the parties as they are represented in Parliament per year. STATE FUNDING RECEIVED PER MEMBER NATIONAL PARLIAMENT Political Parties Seats R per Month R per Year ANC 252 R 1 131 228,00 R13 574 736,00 NP 82 R 368 098,00 R 4 417 176,00 IFP 43 R 193 027,00 R 2 316 324,00 FF 9 R 40 401,00 R 484 812,00 DP 7 R 31 423,00 R 377 076,00 PAC 5 R 22 445,00 R 269 340,00 ACDP 2 R 8 978,00; R 107 736,00 ; ; TOTAL R21 547 736,00 STATE FUNDING RECEIVED PER MEMBER PERMANENT MEMBERS NATIONAL COUNCIL OF PROVINCES Political Parties Seats R per Month R per Year ANC 32 R143 648,00 R1 723 776,00 NP 11 R 49 379,00 R 592 548,00 IFP 3 R 13 467,00 R 161 604,00 FF 5 R 22 445,00 R 269 340,00 DP 3 R 13 467,00 R 161 604,00 TOTAL R2 908 872,00 STATE FUNDING RECEIVED PER MEMBER TOTAL NUMBER OF MEMBERS ALL NINE PROVINCIAL LEGISLATURES Political Parties Seats R per Month R per year ANC 266 R1 194 074,00 R14 328 888,00 NP 82 R 368 098,00 R 4 417 176,00 IFP 44 R 197 516,00 R 2 370 192,00 FF 14 R 62 846,00 R 754 152,00 DP 12 R 53 868,00 R 646 416,00 PAC 3 R 13 467,00 R 161 604,00 ACDP 3 R 13 467,00 R 161 604,00 MNF 1 R 4 489,00 R 53 868,00 TOTAL R22 893 900,00 TOTAL AMOUNT OF STATE FUNDING RECEIVED PER YEAR PER MEMBER POLITICAL PARTIES Political Parties R per Year ANC R 29 627 400,00 NP R 9 426 900,00 IFP R 4 848 120,00 FF R 1 508 304,00 DP R 1 185 096,00 PAC R 430 944,00 ACDP R 269 340,00 MNF R 53 868,00 TOTAL R47 349 972,00 As far as the second source of already existing state funding (tax payers money is concerned, the calculation looks as follows: PUBLIC FUNDING ACT OF REPRESENTED POLITICAL PARTIES R53 000 000,00 Party Share of R53 000 000,00 ANC R 33 390 000,00 NP R 10 865 000,00 IFP R 5 697 500,00 FF R 1 192 500,00 DP R 972 500,00 PAC R 662 500,00 ACDP R 265 000,00 Total R53 000 000,00 The amount of R4 489-00 per member per month is suppose to be the amount that was previously called constituency allowance. With this amount, each representative is suppose to service the constituency they represent. It is however a well known fact that individual representatives of certain parties never see this money and it is actually used to finance operational costs of parties. The South African electorates bear witness to this – just question them on the interaction they have experienced over the past four years with individual members of Provincial and National Legislatures. The already “fat cats” see in the call of the UDM and other extra parliamentary parties, for the equal funding of political parties during the elections, the possibility of another gold layered bowl of cream from which they can drink. The point they are missing is that the creation of yet another state funded source is not what it is about. It is about the leveling of the playing fields for parties participating in the 1998 General Elections. If this issue is not going to be addressed the UDM will be forced to continue with its Constitutional Court Case to rectify the situation. The election might be declared free, but with this skewed state of affairs, it can never be called fair.
Admin
05 Aug, 1998
Tobacco Law: another example of the ANC’s inability to produce effective laws
Statement by UDM President The intervention by President Nelson Mandela in an attempt to save the South African Formula One Grand Prix and an estimated R400 million in foreign investment is a clear indication of the ANC producing ineffective and unworkable laws. How can the ANC government consider the effective implementation of this law if only days after cabinet passed it, then the President needs to intervene? The UDM supports the enforcement of smoke free public areas and no one can argue that everything possible must not be done to enforce the ban of sales to minors. That smoking is a health risk one does not argue with either. Nevertheless, just how ill considered Zuma’s Tobacco Law is, is illustrated by the forced intervention of President Mandela. Not only must the freedom of choice and the effect that this law will have on the employment provided by this industry be considered, but one also needs to question the process of arriving at the law and the research that went into this law. Did government for one moment consider the effect that this law will have on the sponsorship of numerous sporting events and the development of sport in general? Is the President going to intervene every time that such an event comes under threat as a result of this law, if not, why then this preferential action by President Mandela? Actions where the President and senior officials of the ANC enter secret discussions also make this law very vulnerable to corruption and manipulation by those in power. This type of action reminds one of the days when a minister instead of parliament ran government. The UDM calls for the suspension of this law until proper consultation with labour, the industry and those benefiting from sponsorships have been conducted. It is ironic that in a country where abortion is legalized, the death penalty scrapped that government in the case of smoking sees itself as the moral guardian of society.
Admin
03 Aug, 1998
UDM makes submission to Portfolio Committee on Party Funding
Statement by UDM President The UDM made a further written submission to the Portfolio Committee on Home Affairs regarding the Electoral Bill. In its first submission, the UDM commented on the Electoral Bill and in its latest submission it concentrates on the burning issue of funding of political parties. Senior Council J.C. Heunis and Advocate A.M. Breitenbach prepared the UDM’s submission. (Submission to the Portfolio Committee is attached). The UDM, because of the “anti-defection” clause in the Constitution is not represented in National Assembly or any of the nine Provincial Legislatures. That disqualifies the UDM from receiving funding from The Public Funding of Represented Political Parties Act, 1997. This, despite market research that indicates the UDM to be the third largest political party together with the IFP in the country. Nine months after the launch of the UDM in September 1997, the UDM had more than 650 branches throughout the country and more than 50 000 paid up members. The UDM has received funding and recognition from a number of international foundations, including the New South Africa Foundation (Netherlands) which funds political parties represented in Parliament but extended funding to the UDM after assessing the significant political role played by the UDM in South African politics. The UDM also enjoys full recognition by all foreign missions to South Africa. It has held formal meetings with a wide range of Ambassadors, High Commissioners and foreign delegations and a number of foreign missions sent representatives to the UDM’s first national conference. It is clear that the UDM is not a marginal party. The UDM is playing an important and still growing role in the development of multi – party democracy in South Africa as well as in the realignment of politics. Continuing less than a year before elections to fund only representative parties would be inimical to free and fair elections and the anti-discrimination provisions in the Constitution. If Parliament fails to address this issue eloquently, the UDM will be compelled to launch urgent proceedings in the Constitutional Court.
Admin
17 Jul, 1998
Appointment of Super Attorney General
Statement by National Deputy-Secretary The UDM congratulates Bulelani Ngcuka with his appointment as national director of prosecutions. While The UDM believes that he does have the personal qualities for the position the UDM is however alarmed about the independence of the judicial system by what is yet another political appointment. An independent judicial system is a prerequisite for the embodiment of the South African constitution. The obligation of ensuring an independent office rests with Mr. Ngcuka. Watchdog organisations and political parties will have to strongly monitor the independence of the office of the national director of prosecutions. The UDM is alarmed about a marked trend in Mbeki’s appointments of essential positions and of centralising certain vital functions in his office. Mbeki’s management style through these appointments start to portray the image of a power hunger, wants to control everything, person. The growing trend to appoint politicians in key positions in society is setting the alarm bells off. It can not be healthy for democracy if so much power is vested in the office of one person and if essential positions in the country is filled by politicians.
Admin
17 Jul, 1998
Farm murders; appoint an independent judicial commission of inquiry
Statement by Deputy-President The continuous and systematic murders of farmers have passed a point that it can simply be brushed aside or explained away. Four times more farmers are murdered than the rest of the population. Government must take every possible action in order to ensure that an immediate end is brought to the senseless killings on farmers and the subsequent destabilization of the agricultural work force and industry. As in the case of Richmond, the UDM is calling for an Independent Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the farm killings. No progress seems to be made by the normal law enforcement agencies and the measures implemented by the ANC government are obviously unsuccessful. Communities are loosing trust in the government’s ability to protect them. The UDM previously called on government to make known the information they do have on the murder of farmers. Up to now they have failed to do so and there is a growing suspicion that the killings on farmers might be a well-calculated and executed strategy to remove farmers from their land. This very dangerous prospect needs to be fully investigated and answers need to be provided. Failing to do so will lead to further suspicion and the ANC government will have to take responsibility for this. I have arranged meetings with Police authorities during which our views and recommendations will be presented. Farmers are not only feeding the nation, but they are providing jobs to thousands of families. With every single killing taking place more and more farmers are loosing hope and are forced to leave their farms to safeguard their families. This more than often disrupt a total community, results in the loss of job opportunities and agricultural productivity dropping. The UDM would like to express its sympathy with the next of kin and the family of the latest victim Mr. André Breytenbach from the farm Ruigtevlei, Soekmekaar in the Northern Province. Mr. Breytenbach was murdered on his farm last night.
Admin
15 Jul, 1998
Richmond: Nkabinde’s house attacked
Statement by National Deputy-Secretary The house of Sifiso Nkabinde, National Secretary of the UDM and UDM KwaZulu-Natal Chairperson, was attacked last night. Nkabinde who was in the house at the time of the attack was not injured. At approximately 00:15 last night fire was opened on his house. Nkabinde fell to the floor and immediately telephoned the SAPS in Richmond. On the arrival of the patrol, Nkabinde switched on the light in his house, connected to his shop. Gunmen ran from the shop where they broke in and stole, amongst other things, cigarettes. The gunmen fled the scene. On investigating his property items lost by the attackers when they left the scene was found. Amongst these were a police pager and a pocketknife with a name on it. The spent cartridges found on the property were also police issued. Eyewitnesses saw the attackers arriving in a police Nyala of which the registration number is available. The Nyala returned to the scene to look for the attackers who fled and it was witnessed that they picked one of the attackers up in a kombi and fled with him. The UDM is disgusted with the incident and the obvious involvement of the newly deployed police in the area in the attack. Those police deployed by Mufamadi. The UDM can not but ask whether that is what President Mandela had in mind when he said that he would make use of his own means to put an end to the violence in Richmond? The UDM asked for talks, the UDM asked for an Independent Judicial Commission of Inquiry – all of it flatly refused by the ANC. The truth in the Richmond killing fields must come out and the ANC government can obviously not be trusted to bring that truth to the fore. We again repeat our call for an Independent Judicial Commission of Inquiry and ask political parties in Parliament to assist in bringing this Commission about so that the senseless loss of life in Richmond can end.
Admin
14 Jul, 1998
Richmond: ANC withdraw from provincial talks
Statement by National Deputy-Secretary The announcement by the ANC that it will not be attending the meeting called by KwaZulu-Natal safety and security MEC Nyanga Ngubane, between the UDM, IFP ANC, police and the army in Richmond raises serious questions and concerns. Through their absence, the ANC is communicating to the residents of Richmond that it is not interested in putting an end to the violence. It is obvious that personal vendettas against individuals weigh more to the ANC than the continuous loss of life in Richmond. Why is it that political point scoring is more important in the eyes of the ANC than putting an end to the killings? When the President of a country says, like President Mandela did on Sunday, that the line must be drawn on the murders then one expects the ruling party to pull out all stops in order to achieve exactly that. The UDM’s call for an independent Commission of Inquiry was immediately rejected by the ANC, the initiatives taken by the safety and security MEC in the Province snubbed at and the continuous calls for talks refused. That forces one to start questioning the ANC motives. Is it a question of them not wanting the truth to get out or simply that the continuous killings in Richmond are serving another agenda of the ANC? The UDM calls on the ANC to reconsider their decision not to participate in tomorrow’s talks. The serious situation requires that personal agendas be put aside and that a joint effort be embarked on in dealing with the sickening situation.
Admin
08 Jul, 1998
Peace talks in Richmond, KwaZulu-Natal
Statement by National Deputy-Secretary Following this statement is a letter by Sifiso Nkabinde, National Secretary and Chairman UDM, KZN to the Secretary General of the ANC, Kgalema Motlanthe. This letter is in reaction to remarks by Mr. Motlanthe as reported in the press. The UDM will continue to seek a solution in Richmond that will bring lasting peace in that area.
Admin
08 Jul, 1998
UDM’s only aim is to unite and build South Africa
Statement by UDM Gauteng Chairperson and NMC Member Dumisani Makhaye’s attack on the UDM and its leadership have no substance. In fact when one analyse it, it can only be described as a personal attack on the characters of its leaders. It is the sound of a man in fear, a man in panic, a man in doubt. A sound that the UDM is quickly getting used to. Since the launch of the UDM on the 27th of September 1997, it is a sound that was picked up more and more from the quarters of the ANC. The author in his argument commits the cardinal sin of reasoning along the racial divides of society. By doing this he also addresses the main reason for the UDM’s coming into being and for the ANC’s hysteria and paranoia with the UDM. The ANC have been selling itself as the only non-racial political party in South Africa. But, it has proved through arguments such as these that it still remains a party that analyse and operates along the racial divides of our country. With the establishment and rise of the UDM, the ANC suddenly finds itself stark naked in front of the electorate. Suddenly it is exposed for what it truly is: a party still trapped in the past, unable to break through to the future and address those challenges facing our country and its people, irrespective of their skin colour, anything but a truly non racial party. Transformation has been the buzzword since the 1994 elections. It is that which every sector of society is doing and is expected to do. However, the political landscape of South Africa did not transform accordingly. The political parties as represented in parliament still reflect their ties with apartheid: They are there either because they fought apartheid or they are there because they enforce apartheid. This inability of the political parties to break with the past results in a political debate in parliament that more than often takes on a discussion of the past. The one group blaming the past for everything that goes wrong and the other defending the past. Each time they fall in this trap they waste energy that they should rather be spending on the burning issues of today and collectively find solutions for a better future. The UDM realised that in order to achieve re-alignment of South African politics something new, free from the baggage of the past needs to be established. The UDM’s mission statement clearly outlines this ideal: ” We will unite South Africans from all communities in a new political home, built on the foundation of the principles and ideals of our National Constitution. To this end, we will address poverty and imbalances in our society, inspired by our unifying love of our Country and its people. We will set free the creative power inherent in our diversity and will co-operate with all stakeholders to ensure a quality life and individual freedom for every citizen based on good governance and civil order, towards being a Winning Nation.” The UDM’s growth since the launch in September 1997 clearly indicates that this is what South Africans want to see happening. Various leaders have called upon ordinary South Africans to unite and to build one nation. Unfortunately, it is the very same leaders that in their daily action and through heated debate, is not doing this. Their actions and words further divide and create suspicion – like the suspicion the author is trying to create in his article. The UDM will not be sidelined or silenced by this type of unfounded criticism. The UDM, its leadership and its growing number of supporters know that you can never accuse Roelf Meyer of serving his own interests or Bantu Holomisa as being a puppet. The UDM knows that Sifiso Nkabinde was found not guilty by a court of law, an institution that the UDM respects and acknowledges the independence off. Sifiso Nkabinde was elected (not appointed) by the first National Congress of the UDM because he is the best man for that position. Immediately after his release, he called for peace talks in Richmond amongst all parties. Denying this simply means that the ANC is not interested in establishing peace in the KwaZulu Natal Midlands. It suits the ANC and their political agenda to create suspicion around the person of Nkabinde – even at the cost of more lives. The UDM will not be side tracked. Our aim and objective is to silence the critics at the 1999 polls. The UDM will establish itself in the mind of the voter, irrespective from where they come and what colour their skin are, as a political alternative, looking at providing a better South Africa for all.
