Admin
31 Dec, 1998
1998 Matric results Gauteng and North West
Statement by Deputy-National Secretary The UDM congratulates successful 1998 Matric Candidates from Gauteng and the North West. Though it is encouraging that in both these provinces the pass rate improved, it is still not a satisfactory result. With more than 40% of candidates not passing, it is clear that major problems still exist. The North West particularly was plagued with a lack of handbooks and other problems in the Department of Education. Education is the most important tool that we can equip the youth of our country with. It requires commitment, diligence, sacrifice and hard work from not only the learners but also from teachers, parents and the community. Though education is a basic right it comes with responsibility. The UDM urges the Department of Education to make sure that in 1999 all of the necessary elements would be in place so that a proper learning environment can be achieved. This clearly means that the basics must be done right. Education without the opportunity of employment is not enough. The UDM would urge government to look at the development of entrepreneurial skills at school level so that more pupils can become self-employed and self-sufficient in the ever-decreasing South African employment market.
Admin
31 Dec, 1998
1999 and beyond
Statement by UDM President The year 1999 marks the end of one millennium and the beginning of another – it symbolises a new beginning for all South Africans. In 1999 South Africans will go to the polling stations for the first time since the liberation elections of 1994. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) believes that elections ‘99 will mark a clear break with our Country’s past. For the first time South Africans will go to the poles and in bringing out their vote they will no longer be guided by our history, but much rather by their dreams and vision for the future. South Africans will liberate themselves from voting along racial divides for racially based parties, their own origination in our Country’s past. Bafana Bafana when it is on its own on a soccer field can put up a good exhibition of soccer skills, but they can only begin to play a match when they have proper opponents on the field: Opponents that can match and challenge their own skills. The players currently on the political playing field are no match for the African National Congress (ANC). The ANC does not respect them and does not take note of them, in the process becoming arrogant in its power. After the 1999 elections this will change. The UDM will enter the political playing field as a major player, one that can match and challenge the ANC. The UDM is the only real alternative to the ANC and will play in the interest of all South Africans. May the year 1999 be the beginning of a great future for you and your family! A year in which we jointly will fight crime and concur, where South Africa will experience sustainable economic growth, a strong basis from which to fight and overcome poverty.
Admin
23 Dec, 1998
Christmas message
Statement by Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer It is during the festive season that we reflect on the year that was and the year that lies ahead. South Africa in many ways has come a long way since our first democratic elections in 1994. In many other ways however very little progress was made. Democracy brought change to all of our lives. For the most part it brought us all human dignity, that in itself a gift that can not be tagged with monetary value. But, democracy did not fulfill all the expectations that came with it. Many South Africans feel no difference in the quality of life that they live. Poverty still fills our streets and threatens the well being of our nation. Too many people still do not have a roof over their heads and too many children still do not have food to eat. Crime is rampant and we live in constant fear over when it is going to be our turn to become part of official statistics. And in all of this we find that blame is attributed from one side to the other – further dividing our nation. It is our wish for this festive season that we will find within our rich diversity the united strength and will to fight the real enemies of poverty, crime and corruption threatening South Africa and all South Africans. That we as a nation will complete our struggle for total liberation during 1999. Liberating ourselves from the prejudice against each other and to be able work together in building a future that would in the process make of us all winners. Best wishes for a Merry Christmas and a prosperous New Year.
Admin
15 Dec, 1998
R5 million Transnet bash a disgrace
Statement by Bantu Holomisa Spending R5 million on the inaugural trip of the second Blue Train is ridiculous. The need to market the existence of the Blue Train is not argued. The sensibility of spending R5 million while TRANSNET is talking about retrenchments does not make any sense. This spending is a clear signal that government’s priorities and the urgent needs of the country and her people differ. The government can not on the one hand tell the South African people that they are fighting poverty and on the other hand they spend millions on a luxurious image building trip for the president to be. The new Blue Train trip is nothing more than a weak excuse to enhance the image of Mbeki and to give content to the likes of the “African Renaissance” ghost. The concept of African Renaissance is not government policy, but the result of one man’s dreams. How does the ANC government then justifies spending this amount of money on this issue? The UDM believes that the money could have been put to better use inside the country by making it available through programmes to entrepreneurs who in the end would contribute to new jobs being created for South Africans. The UDM is not impressed by government’s continuous failure to provide to the needs of South Africans first.
Admin
10 Dec, 1998
Further deception regarding Lesotho uncovered
Statement by UDM President Attached herewith is an agreement between the Republic of South Africa and the Kingdom of Lesotho concerning the status of armed forces in the Kingdom of Lesotho. What is striking about the document is that the paragraph on Command and Control is completely silent on the military role of SADC. The ANC government lied to the public when they said that our troops (SANDF) in Lesotho were under the command of the SADC forces. Contrary to what the South African public was told by the ANC government no provision was made for any SADC forces involvement. The agreement states further that “members of the sending Party (RSA) shall have all the rights and powers bestowed, and the responsibilities charged upon them by South African law and that they shall exercise their rights, powers and responsibilities under the same conditions as required by South African law. With this information at hand can the ANC government still deny that they had invaded Lesotho or annexed Lesotho as their 10th Province?
Admin
27 Nov, 1998
Registration mess
Statement by Deputy-National Secretary Despite promises by the IEC and the government that everything is in place for registration in the five provinces, the situation on the ground is a disaster. Thousands of South Africans may very well ask themselves whether today is the first of April. Phones at the UDM National Office and in the five provincial offices have not stopped ringing as people are reporting complaints. At the National Office staff were redeployed to answer calls and take down complaints. Some of the more common complaints are: 1. Registration stations did not open because officials did not arrive. No explanation was provided and no provisions for alternatives were made. 2. In certain areas registration points that were advertised did not exist. An example of this is registration station no. 123 Cnr. Flufftail and Braam Pretorius streets, Flufftail Park, Montana in Pretoria. 3. Batteries of the scanners became flat and the IEC officials did not; have extra batteries or chargers available and as a result closed the registration stations. 4. In Mamelodi, Atteridgeville and Soshanguve registration stations did not have the voting district maps and as a result could not continue with the registration process. 5. In Cullinan the scanners did not work and voters were told they would be registered manually – How is this possible?; Why then the whole fuss about bar-coded ID? 6. In all Provinces reports were received of ANC officials wearing ANC T-shirts and handing out ANC pamphlets and material inside the registration station. A direct contravention of the Electoral Act.7. Inside registration stations there are no way to distinguish between IEC officials and ANC officials. The President and the Deputy President of the UDM experienced first hand the level of confusion and ANC biased in the registration process. When they wanted to complete the registration form, they were confronted with an ANC form and not a registration form. The UDM took these forms and other ANC documentation from the registration station to hand in as part of the complaint. The ANC official though confronted with this continued as if nothing happened and with us and the media present, took the form of an unexpected member of the public.8.Within the IEC confusion reigns. Three calls to the same number provided three completely different answers – and that on a basic question like what is the rule regarding where one should register: should it be where you stay, where you work, a choice of those or can you register at any point? Call 1: You can register where ever you want. Call 2: You must register in your voting district. Call 3: You can register where ever you want in Gauteng, but that address that you gave me where you stay does not exist. (Names of officials available) We can laugh about the situation, we can make jokes about the situation, and urban legends will develop as a result of the situation. The fact of the matter remains that the South African democracy is under threat. ;At the end of this weekend millions of South Africans would not have been able to take the first step in what is a fundamental right enshrined in our constitution. The IEC must take responsibility for the threat the South African democracy is under. South Africans are entitled to have answers to the following questions: 1. Why was proper planning not done and logistics not in place? 2. What will the IEC do to rectify the situation and to ensure that there will not be a repetition of the chaos next weekend and on subsequent registration dates? 3. What steps will the IEC take to ensure South Africans an acceptable level of organisation for the 1999 elections? 4. Will the IEC take steps against those IEC officials who are responsible for the chaos experienced today? Will they be removed and replaced by competent people?The IEC is serving the people of South Africa. They are accountable for all their actions and for the money that they spend to the South African tax payer and voter public – not to any political party and definitely not to the ANC government. There can be no talk of an African Renaissance, South Africa as the custodians of democracy or of South Africa playing a leading role in Africa if we do not get our own house in order. Countries with less infrastructure than South Africa run elections and the administration of elections far more efficiently and effectively. What South Africans experienced today is unjust and an insult to the years of struggle for a liberated and democratic South Africa.
Admin
24 Nov, 1998
Postponement of registration
Statement by Deputy-National Secretary The announcement today that the registration for the elections will be postponed in four provinces, emphasises the inability of government to deal with issues pro actively and in time. This announcement should have been made at least a month ago when it was clear to any one who cared, that the IEC will not be in a position to conduct proper registration in November. This is symptomatic of the crisis management style of the ANC government. Political parties who are represented in parliament are all jumping onto the bandwagon and screaming foul play – this should not fool the voters. Political parties, including all opposition parties, sat in parliament and did not use their positions to bring about any changes regarding the budget of the IEC or the election process. The use of ID books only became an issue to the National Party when research indicated that the Western Cape is effected greatly by the issuing of these documents. For the first time the DP is making a noise after Opinion 99 indicated that it is their voters who are most likely not to register. This opportunism from the political parties must end now. They have a responsibility equal to that of the ANC government and the IEC, to the voters to ensure that the elections are run smoothly. They were after all supporting the budget vote of Trevor Manuel. The IEC can also no longer wash its hands in innocence. The IEC must stop misleading the voter public. It is the voter public’s money that the IEC is using and their right to free and fair elections that the IEC is tampering with. The IEC must communicate honestly to the voters the problems and obstacles they are experiencing. It is our right to know the truth and the IEC’s responsibility to communicate it. In the eyes of the voters the IEC is responsible for the incompetence that we are experiencing. The IEC itself, in the way it acts, blemishes its independence and ability. ;Of great concern is the announcement by the government that they, the ANC government, will evaluate the registration process and then they will decide whether a further registration process is needed. This should be one of the primary functions of the IEC and most definitely not of the ANC government. The mere arrogance of the entitlement of government of this function and the silence with which the IEC received this announcement is a direct threat to the independence of the IEC and free and fair elections. The 1999 election never was and definitely is not a power game of a few individuals. As South Africans we should not be surprised that our economic figures decline if this is what we portray in terms of our ability to conduct democratic elections. The failure of the ANC government to empower the IEC to conduct the registration process properly makes one to wonder about the arrogance of the ANC government in their self appointed role as the defender of democracy in neighbouring states. It elevates South Africa’s role in the Lesotho debacle to the level of the absurd! As a political party who do not receive state funding we have spend a lot of money and time in informing our supporters that they should register in order to be able to vote. The postponement of the registration process in the Eastern Cape, KwaZulu Natal, Western Cape and the Free State do not guarantee that the registration process in the other provinces will run smoothly. People still do not know where they should go and register. A special effort should now also be embarked on to communicate the changes in the four provinces affected. The UDM sincerely hopes that the marketing of this will not be as clandestine and secret as the current effort.
Admin
24 Nov, 1998
South Africa’s soaring trade balance deficit
Statement by Deputy-President South Africa’s worse than expected trade balance figures, which was announced yesterday, gives reason for grave concern. The cumulative deficit of R622,5 million for the first 10 months of 1998, compared to a cumulative; surplus of R3,8 million for the corresponding period; last year is frightening. There are furthermore indications that this condition will continue to worsen for the balance of the current fourth quarter, leaving a trade deficit for 1998 much larger than the market expected! These newly released trade balance figures will undoubtedly have a negative effect on the sentiments of investors in South Africa. While the world economy remains an important influencing factor on our economy, especially the position of our major export partners, South Africa’s soaring deficit on its trade balance, focuses afresh on the state of our economy. The important question is what does the ANC led government do to create a favourable climate for the South African economy to perform optimally? The United Democratic Movement believes that the ANC government should stop window dressing and should stop addressing only the symptoms of our economic problems and start to address the key problems in our economy. Under the ANC government, South Africa is experiencing a decline in incomes per capita (destroying wealth), stagnating exports, declines in factory production, surges in capital outflows, declines of fixed investments in new projects, plummeting car sales and job losses on a major scale. Under ANC rule, South Africa is getting poorer by the day, as fast as under apartheid. Facts on the table paints a picture of economic failure. It can be accepted that this situation will worsen if the ANC succeeds in obtaining a two-third majority in the 1999 election. The UDM believes that economic growth and job creation must be; boosted through an aggressive policy of enterprise development, giving entrepreneurs in underprivileged communities access to capital. SA’s economic fundamentals should now be addressed, given the latest worse than expected trade balance figures
Admin
23 Nov, 1998
Registration in shambles – elections under threat
Statement by Deputy-National Secretary With 72 hours left to put in place the organisational machinery for registration, the situation can only be described as chaotic. Not only are there serious questions about the impartiality of using state officials to run the registration, but it is also obvious that there are not enough officials willing to do the job. Training for these yet “non existing” officials must still take place. When will this happen and how does the IEC expect to fit it in the remaining timeframe? Free and fair elections are not determined on the day of elections only. The accessibility, level of understanding and the perception on the legitimacy of the process already determines whether the elections can be declared free and fair. Confusion reigns within the mind of the voter public. Voters have no idea where they should go and register. Giving publicity to the 14 000 plus registration points to such an extend that it is general public knowledge takes more than a mere day or two. Voter despondency with the upcoming elections becomes understandable in this atmosphere of uncertainty and ill organisation. We can not expect the voter to have trust in the democratic process if the basics are not right or put in place. This, are not the responsibility of political parties, but ultimately the responsibility of the IEC and government in providing the necessary funding for this exercise. Political parties must and should do everything in their power to ensure that its supporters register. This is true, but it becomes an exercise in futility if the infrastructure and logistics are not in place. The IEC’s handling of the registration process gives new meaning to the saying “hurry up and wait” and “all dressed up but nowhere to go!”.
Admin
05 Nov, 1998
Resignation as Member of Parliament for the National Party and joining the UDM
Statement by Reverend Macfarlan Pheneti, Member of Parliament, MP Today I resigned from the National Party to join the United Democratic Movement. I joined the UDM, the only party that brings South Africans irrespective of race, gender, or religious believes together in one political home. I was elected to the National Parliament in 1994 to represent the National Party. I was convinced at the time that the National Party was sincere in its efforts to bring South Africans together and that there was a change of heart in the NP. However, today I must admit that I, together with many other people of colour was misled. The National Party has lost its will, ability and commitment to reach out and attract new voters of substance. Under the new leadership of the National Party the NP is caught up in a situation where it is controlled by a white, Afrikaner, male kabaal who take decisions, highly centralized, and enforce them. (Read Marthinus van Schalkwyk and a small band of men). No black person in the party holds any real position of power or influence. Many opportunities where people of colour could either be appointed or elected in positions did arise, but the NP chooses to ignore them. Black people in leadership positions within the National Party are nothing more than convenient symbols of window dressing the party. The NP leadership does not take them seriously and a “master servant” situation prevails. Under the current leadership of the National Party, the NP will disappear from the political scene. I can no longer be dishonest with myself, my family and with the South African voter public. I call on my fellow colleagues in the black caucus of the National Party to seriously reconsider their positions, stop living a lie, and find themselves a political home where they can find fulfillment. It is for this reason that I today announce my resignation and subsequently the vacation of my position as Member of Parliament to provide my services to the UDM on a voluntary basis.
Admin
05 Nov, 1998
Politics bankrupt IEC: democracy on knife edge
Statement by Deputy-President The South African voter public may well become the victim and democracy the corps that will be buried as a result of the ANC and opposition parties unwillingness to provide sufficient funding to the IEC. The UDM has warned from the outset that the amount made available to the IEC to conduct the elections, is not enough. This affects the smooth running of the elections as well as the independence of the IEC. The UDM’s fears have now become reality. It was reported today at a National Party Liaison Committee that the IEC only have enough money to continue their work until the middle of November. The IEC was awarded a budget of R500 million, this after they requested a budget of R1.1 billion. Only a further R100 million was added to the budget though the IEC requested a further R600 million from the supplementary budget. None of the political parties in parliament supported the IEC in their request for more money. Because of the shortage in the budget, the IEC took the decision to register voters only for three days. The IEC does not have more money available to spend on registration. The decision not to grant people abroad and prisoners a voting opportunity was also taken because of the budget shortage. At any given point in time there are 250 000 South Africans in London alone. With a three-day registration process, this figure will escalate together with South Africans in South Africa, who will not be in their voting districts during the registration days, will be added, and will not be able to vote. Because of budget constraints, they will be deprived of their democratic right to vote as contained in the Bill of Rights. Though, the IEC did indicate that, if the registration percentage is unsatisfactory after the period lapsed, they will approach parliament for funds, so as to continue registering voters, this will only become obvious at the end of November, and it will remain subject to funds being made available. It is the UDM’s opinion that the IEC will not be able to stick to the current timeframe and that the date of the elections will be affected. The 1999 elections are heading for disaster. It is obvious when it comes to voting money to themselves, political parties will do so very easily as they have done with the “Funding of Political Parties Bill.”; The UDM can not but question the ANC’s political motives in providing such an inadequate budget to the IEC. Can it be that the ANC does not want to see the elections take place in 1999?; How do you explain spending R80 million per week “enforcing” democracy in a neighbouring state, but you are not willing to provide sufficient funds for your own democracy. The UDM challenges political parties in parliament to ensure that the election process is properly funded; demonstrate your seriousness with democracy – ensure free and fair elections.
Admin
29 Oct, 1998
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission Report
Statement by Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer When President Nelson Mandela today received the TRC report, he received on behalf of every single South African the epilogue on the saddest chapter in our history. The United Democratic Movement will study the report in dept, but our first impressions are that it is a balanced report that can, and which we believe is intended to, if handled in a responsible manner, contribute to reconciliation. The wounds of the past can not be healed through the report of the TRC. We should never forget the basic principles and lessons learned from our past, we must use it as firm foundation for our future. This report provides us today with the first pages on which we, united as a nation, can start writing our future – that, that will become tomorrow’s history. We are given a second chance, another opportunity to contribute towards creating a South Africa in which our rich diversity can become our pride, where we can develop, through a spirit of South Africanism, a country and a nation that can become all it can be. The United Democratic Movement today puts a challenge to every single South African, every individual in all sectors of our community: the churches, academic institutions, business community, political leaders, the youth – to take on this tremendous challenge, to accept responsibility for contributing towards our future and building a nation. Let us be co-planers and become architects of our own destiny. The TRC commissioners, the support staff and all other who have been involved in the tremendous task of the TRC must be thanked for their tireless effort. We have witnessed the commitment with which they attended to this task. We can only start to imagine the personal and emotional strain that they went through. South Africa thank you for your personal contribution and sacrifices in taking us onto the road leading to the future.
Admin
28 Oct, 1998
Factually incorrect reporting in Beeld
Statement by Roelf Meyer, UDM Deputy-President The main article in this morning’s Beeld: “Skok oor moorde vir Magnus, Vlok”, in which it is stated that I have received a notice from the TRC, regarding my former position as Deputy Minister of Law and Order, about a certain incident in May 1996, is a flagrant factual mistake. I received no letter or notice at any stage from the TRC about any matter as was reported. The reporter did not contact me, or my office, to verify these facts. Instead he went ahead and reported it as a fact that I have received such a letter. At the time of the alleged incident I was not a deputy minister of any portfolio what so ever. This is obviously why the TRC did not send me a notice. I conveyed the above facts this morning to the editor of Beeld, Mr. Johan de Wet, upon which he apologised for the factual errors made by the journalist and has undertaken to report the true facts and a correction in tomorrow’s newspaper. Other media carried the report in Beeld – I would expect the same correction to take place in those mediums.
Admin
28 Oct, 1998
Job Summit
Statement by Bantu Holomisa and Roelf Meyer The United Democratic Movement (UDM) welcomes the fact that the Job Summit is taking place at last. However, the need for such a summit emphasises the failure of government policies towards job creation. The reasons for these failures are both structural and consequential. On the structural side it must be noted that: The SA manufacturing industry runs only at 80% of its potential The monthly motor sales are at the same level as they were in the middle of 1994 Building plans currently approved are lower than that in the middle of 1994 Manufacturing was 8% lower in August 1998 than in August 1997, whilst the world figure is 1 ½% up for the same period. All of these points indicate the need for some corrections in the management of interest rates and our currency. On the consequential side, one must admit that we have suffered from the global decline in economic activity as well as from the high number of strikes which have had a particular influence on our export production and capacity during July/August 1998. This resulted in the lowest trade balance figures ever for South Africa in August 1998. At its first National Congress on 27 June 1998, the UDM adopted a policy document which addresses the unemployment problem in South Africa. The UDM is proud of this innovative, but practical document and would like to present a few of its more crucial points: The point of departure in our policy document is that neither government nor big business will be able to provide the job requirements The only solution lies in enterprise development through which all South Africans can be empowered and the gap between those that have and those that don’t have can be narrowed To make enterprise development successful an integrated approach is necessary. Specific practical solutions are also illustrated in our documents, for instance: The need to make credit facilities and banking services accessible to the 60% or more of the population that do not have access now. This must be done through refocusing the capital market to assist new and emerging business. The combining of formal and informal financing facilities like local stock exchanges. Entrepreneurial and risk skills training through allocating government resources to practical training which enhances people’s ability to enter the economy. Encouraging land owners to grant or sell shares in their farming enterprises through incentives. Reviewing statutory wage requirements that will encourage job creation and which reflect the unique circumstances of areas and communities. The UDM regrets the fact that it is not able to participate in the Job Summit because we are convinced that our contribution would be worthwhile and enriching. In the latest competitive study report of the World Economic Forum it was indicated that South Africa fares relatively well in the institutional sector and general infrastructure. What is, however, of particular concern is that South Africa is at the bottom of the rating of labour skills and human development. The UDM therefore proposes that specific focus be put on these areas where the government has clearly failed over the last four years.
Admin
27 Oct, 1998
Amnestie en die WVK
Statement by Deputy-President Roelf Meyer Na aanleiding van die artikel deur Jacko Maree, en opvolg kommentaar in die Burger, val dit vreemd op dat hy as NP LP sy eie party se derms oor die amnestie aangeleentheid so uitryg. Ek stem nie met al sy stellings saam nie, maar vind dit tog onverklaarbaar dat hy, as NP LP, wat mede verantwoordlikheid moet dra, die skuld oor die verloop van die gebeure op die NP fokus. Die hele verloop van die onderhandelingsproses en die uitkoms moet vandag beoordeel word teen die alternatiewe wat toe bestaan het. Twee sodanige alternatiewe was ‘n beleg van Suid Afrika deur die Internasionale gemeenskap wat defnitief moontlik was in die lig van die totale weersin in apartheid. In die laat tagtiger jare het dit ‘n hoogtepunt bereik wat selfs daartoe gelei het dat vriende van die destydse Suid Afrikaanse regering, soos Margaret Thatcher, druk uitgeoefen het op Suid Afrika om onmiddelik te likwideer. Die tweede alternatief was ‘n bloedige binnelandse konflik wat ons almal in die loopgrawe sou dwing en wat baie erger as Namibië en Zimbabwe of enige ander konflik sou wees. Ons het Suid Afrika ‘n wrede bevrydingsoorlog gespaar deur, op ‘n vreedsame wyse, ‘n onderhandelde ooreenkoms te bereik. Ek is dankbaar dat ek deel kon wees van die proses om vir ons land so ‘n uitkoms te verseker. Die feit dat Suid Afrika vandag swoeg onder ondemokratiese praktyke wat deur die ANC regering toegepas word, is nie die resultaat van die onderhandelings of die nuwe grondwet nie, maar van die feit dat ons nog nie ons politieke samestelling verander het nie. Eers wanneer ons swart en wit werklik in een politieke huishouding saambind sal ons die nodige demokratiese balans bereik. Dit is juis hierdie oefening waarmee die UDM besig is. Ander partye onder wit leiding soos die Nasionale Party en die Demokratiese Party sal nie dit kan regkry nie. Die feite oor die amnestie ondehandelinge is baie eenvoudig. Kobie Coetsee het die hele aangeleentheid soos ‘n ervare kaartspeler teen sy bors gespeel – van begin tot einde – en hy is hierin deur FW de Klerk beskerm. Nie ek of enige ander onderhandelaar is in die periode vanaf 1990 tot laat in 1993 toegelaat om met die saak te handel nie. Selfs gedurende die onderhandelings oor die Notule van Verstandhouding in 1992 is die saak van vrywaring deur Kobie Coetsee hanteer en nie deur myself soos Jacko Maree probeer uitmaak nie. Ek moet ook daarop wys dat dit deurgaans die praktyk was gedurende die onderhandelings dat ander kabinetsministers verantwoordlikheid geneem het vir hul eie lynfunksies. Die verskil tussen die lynfunksies en amnestie is dat die meeste van hulle dit openlik en in oorleg met hul kollegas gedoen het. Om die rede kan ek met absolute oortuiging verklaar dat alles wat ek onderhandel het, die mede verantwoordelikheid dra van FW de Klerk en die volle kabinet van destyds, waarvan André Fourie, Sheila Camerer en Danie Schutte vandag senior posisies in die Nasionale Party beklee. Nie ‘n enkele besluit wat ek met Cyril Ramaphosa, die ANC of enige ander party onderhandel het, het ek op my eie gedoen nie. Daarom moet die totale kabinet en die NP koukus van destyds verantwoordlikheid neem vir die resultaat. Ek het weekliks volledig geraporteer aan die NP koukus van destyds, waarvan Jacko Maree en Marthinus van Schalkwyk en almal lede was. Niks wat ek gedoen het is in die geheim, agter geslote deure of in private ooreenkomste gedoen nie. Oor amnestie het ek en ander, soos Hernus Kriel, dikwels in 1992 en 1993 in die kabinet en ander onderhandelings beplanningsessies gevra dat die saak tot ‘n punt gebring moet word. Daar was nie vordering oor die saak in samehang met ander onderhandelingsvraagstukke nie. Einde ten laaste is ek, nadat die onderhandelings oor die grondwet afgehandel was, gevra om die saak te beredder. Dit was egter op ‘n onmoontlike tydstip, maar het uitgeloop op die naskrif in die oorgangsgrondwet, die inhoud waarvan weereens deur die volle kanbinet van destyds goedgekeur is. Die ooreenkoms is op 5 Desember 1993 beklink. Die vraag wat egter onbeantwoord bly is wat van die veiligheidsmagte van destyds en ons verantwoordlikheid teenoor hulle. In my eie voorlegging aan die WVK op 15 Oktober 1997 het ek die standpunt ingeneem dat die gebeure rondom die destydse konflik in volle konteks gesien moet word. Dit beteken dat almal aan albei kante van die konflik verantwoordelik was vir die skep van ‘n gees van vyandigheid waarin buitengewone optredes en selfs skendings van menseregte voorgekom het. Almal van ons het daarom in ‘n mindere of meerdere mate verantwoordelikheid gehad. Diegene wat in die regering, parlement of in partystrukture aan weerskante van die konflik gedien het. By terugskoue het ek gesê was my eie grootste skuld dat ek nie betyds meer bevraagtekend was gedurende daardie tyd nie. Ek het verder in my voorlegging aan die hand gedoen hoe menseregteskendings beoordeel behoort te word. (Basies in 3 kategorieë van beoordeling: optredes wat onder opdrag plaasgevind het, die wat gewaand in opdrag was en derdens optredes wat buite konteks plaasgevind het). Ek dink dus dit was verkeerd dat PW Botha nie na die WVK gegaan het om verantwoordlikheid te neem vir optredes deur die veiligheidsmagte in sy tydperk nie, maar dit oorgelaat het aan individuele lede van die veiligheidsmagte om vir hulself in te staan. Ek dink verder dat die NP, as organisasie, medeverantwoordelikheid moet aanvaar en kan hy nie in sy huidige gedaante op enige geloofwaardige wyse hom probeer distansieer van die regering van die verlede se aksies en dade nie. Daar is dus net een logiese gevolgtrekking – vir die NP het die pad tot ‘n einde gekom.
Admin
23 Oct, 1998
Stop ANC political intolerance
Statement by Deputy-National Secretary In the interest of democracy, the removal of UDM posters in Imbali, KwaZulu Natal by ANC structures can not be tolerated. The UDM sees this incident in a very serious light and as a real threat towards free political activity in the run-up to the 1999 elections. Political intolerance by the ANC leadership, their structures and followers is experienced throughout the country. For an ANC leader to indicate that posters would “confuse” the community and that they do not know of any UDM members in that area, and that therefore the UDM should not advertise its rallies there, smacks of ignorance and arrogance. No single square meter of land in this country should be politically exclusive and inaccessible to any political party. The constitutional rights of free political activity and access to information are grossly violated by this incident. The UDM calls on the President to indicate in no uncertain terms whether political parties will be guaranteed their right to canvass and have free access to all areas in the country. We further call on Thabo Mbeki as President of the ANC to educate and discipline the ANC leadership and their supporters in the basic principles of democracy. It is often the ANC leadership’s own intolerance towards criticism levelled at them by other political parties, that serves as a signal to their followers that it is acceptable to act in this way. The UDM in KwaZulu Natal has already brought criminal charges against the ANC and this incident will also be brought to the attention of the IEC.
Admin
22 Oct, 1998
UDM welcomes the new Pretoria Taxi Office
Statement by National Organiser The United Democratic Movement has declared clearly in its vision statement that we plan to make South Africa a winning nation in Ten Years. It is in that spirit that we wholeheartedly wish to welcome and congradulate the Pretoria Taxi Forums and associations for the launching of the Greater Pretora Metropolitan taxi Office For too long has the Taxi industry suffered under poor regulatory systems which led to unnecessary bloodshed and the deaths of many commutors and drivers alike. Any effort that will improve the safety of Taxi users and drivers is welcomed by the UDM. Any effort that will encourage enterpreneual spirit and that narrows the gap between the have’s and the have nots is a step in the right direction. The sooner this pilot project is spread to the rest of the country the better. We hope that government officials will remain facilitators and not interfere too much in this newly formed office for it to survive as a clean and transparent body. This noble endevour must not end up like all others, breeding more violence and deaths.
Admin
22 Oct, 1998
Roelf Meyer meets with Lesotho opposition leaders in Kroonstad
Statement by Deputy-President I today had a follow-up meeting with leaders of the opposition parties of Lesotho. The meeting took place in Kroonstad and was attended by Mr. Vincent Malebo, the chairman of the opposition parties, Mr. Pseliso Makhakhe and Ms. Malelo Morrison. I represented the UDM and Mbulelo Lokwe assisted me. The opposition parties discussed with us the further development in Lesotho from which it is clear that great uncertainty exist about the transitional arrangements towards the new elections. The agreement that was reached on the 14th of October lacks completely in content and does not at all provide for the composition, the powers and the functioning of the transitional structure. This means that problems remain in Lesotho and if it is not resolved it could lead to more disputes and further tensions. It is a pity that the opportunity on the 14th was not used to bring clarity to these outstanding matters. The opposition parties remain committed to a peaceful settlement and we were ;exchanging ideas on the way forward. I am confident that a solution is possible. On the request of the Lesotho opposition parties we will remain in close contact with a view to resolve the issues.
Admin
20 Oct, 1998
Teba Cash transformed into a bank
Statement by UDM President The United Democratic Movement supports the transformation of Teba Cash into a commercial bank. The UDM is, however, concerned that the control is vested in only one union, the NUM. Other unions whose members have also contributed to Teba must be recognized and have equal representation in the trust that is going to run Teba Bank. The UDM would urge the Chamber of Mines to tread carefully and not to favour any union above the other. What would happen if NUM were to loose the majority support that it currently holds? The UDM will be watching the formation of these types of consortiums very carefully. It is currently the feeling that other companies or role players are never successful in bidding for these opportunities. Partnerships like these can not be limited and exclusively benefiting only to those investing arms of organizations affiliated to COSATU or the ANC and their allies.
Admin
14 Oct, 1998
Memorandum Editor of Business Day regarding article of 13 October 1998 about UDM leadership
by Bantu Holomisa – UDM President Mr. John Stuart’s (ANC member) suggestion in Business Day of 13 October 1998 that the leadership of the United Democratic Movement was involved and had prior knowledge of the cold blooded murder of four youths in Umtata by the South African security forces is false and disgusting. We reject it with the contempt it deserves. Such an outrageous accusation can only be made by someone who deliberately chooses to be ignorant of the true facts about various developments in our painful transition from apartheid to democracy. The allegations for the involvement of the then Transkei Government or its security forces are without proof. The suggestion that we were involved is an insult to the intelligence and integrity of the Transkei people and the then security forces because it was a well known fact that at the time of the Northcrest raid and murders, our government and the people of the Transkei were constantly harassed and prosecuted by the De Klerk regime. Our immediate response to these killings was to challenge De Klerk to explain and alternatively to institute an inquiry. It was because of our open condemnation of this act that De Klerk acknowledged the responsibility of South African forces. We went so far as to expel the South African Ambassador in Transkei, Mr. van Rensburg. Indeed it was in this context that when De Klerk received joint nomination with Mr. Mandela for the Nobel Peace Price we condemned the nomination but Mr. Nelson Mandela supported Mr. De Klerk’s nomination. In my public continuous condemnation of the SA action as head of Transkei Government I categorically stated that Mr. De Klerk should be charged for the North Crest killings but Mandela apologised publicly for De Klerk. These are actions that someone implicated in a crime would hardly decide to take. It is therefore difficult to accept that these allegations are made by a sober, rational, intelligent and a responsible mind. When you cannot comprehend a matter of public record how can you claim any measure of intelligence and political understanding enough to tutor and advise millions of South Africans about their freedom of choice in political organisations. Why is it not ignorance of the first degree to accuse former Lesotho Premier Leabua Jonathan for South African military raids into Lesotho when Lesotho was offering refugee and support to the South African freedom fighters? In fabricating these false and wild accusations against the UDM leadership, Mr. Stuart forget to mention that the ANC and PAC leadership was not only safe in the Transkei but was offered material support and protection by the government and people of Transkei against the South African apartheid state. The current ANC and PAC leadership are aware of this and that is precisely why they accepted our support and training of their forces at a time when Mr. John Stuart was living in the comfort of his secluded society. We demand a full apology from him about these unfounded allegations. The North Crest massacre must be seen in the context of an oversight by the ANC leadership who started the negotiations in secret with the National Intelligence abroad and in jail. What precautionary measures did Zuma, Mbeki and others put in place during the so-called negotiations to make sure that exiles and many in this country would not be victimised as it happened in July 1990. Mr. Stuart will agree with me that many people were killed / massacred by F W de Klerk’s forces between 1990 and 1993, as compared to the entire period of the struggle. It was during this period that the likes of Hani and others died prematurely. It should be noted by you, Mr. Stuart, and your ANC organisation that these are the same forces which Thabo / Zuma are boastfully telling us that they were negotiating with. One becomes suspicious whether their recommendations to their Leadership after they had met the apartheid regime were not leading South Africans into a Trojan Horse or a Dingaan’s Kraal style. ANC leadership has to take blame by putting too much trust in F W de Klerk’s war machinery to guarantee the safety of all South Africans in the period referred to above. Bantu Holomisa President of the United Democratic Movement
Admin
29 Sep, 1998
Speech at the First Birthday Celebration of the United Democratic Movement
At the launch of the UDM on the 27 September 1998, the leadership was mandated to set up organisational structures that would spread the political mission of our new movement. The thousands of people gathered here today, from all nine provinces of SA are a living testimony to our success in carrying out that mandate. It is humbling to know that people were not just bussed in here to make up the numbers, but rather pay for themselves and came to our celebrations in response to the mobilising and organising drive of our leadership structures at all levels of our party. We know the personal sacrifices you have made in order to attend these celebrations today. The true historical significance of your sacrifices is that you have demonstrated that despite the governments arrogant and unjust refusal to allow us our rightful election – fund share as tax payers, in our own country, we will succeed on our own meager resources in the 1999 general elections. Over the last eleven months our organising department has issued to all our provincial structures more than a 100 000 (hundred thousand) 25 membership cards. It is pleasing to note that the majority of the provinces have finished those books. You are therefore called upon to balance your books and be ready to renew the membership of our supporters. Despite the peaceful transition to democracy in South Africa through the 1994 elections which were declared free and fair at home and abroad, there are already serious economic and political problems in the country, which threaten to undermine the democratic transformation. Today we celebrate the birth of the UDM which has a vision and a mission that makes it the political home to all who live in South Africa. As we all know, at the birth of the UDM many of us were hopeless and demoralised because of the general state of poverty, crime, unemployment and corruption. A year later things are getting worse and the government departments have shown no will or know how in addressing these critical social ills. Through hindsight it is clear that we were correct to establish the UDM because the situation is fast deteriorating into a frightening abyss of chaos and anarchy. This is shown by the daily reports in the media of callous murders of farmers on their own properties, raping of children, the breakdown of discipline in schools, escalating unemployment levels and incidents of government corruption at all levels with the government neither prepared nor willing to admit inability to deal with these problems. Poverty levels are rising, confidence in the ability of the governing party to get its act together is diminishing. Added to this is the fear of the impending departure of President Mandela where after South Africa would loose a great deal of status and influence internationally. Despite Mandela’s admirable efforts to sell his successor internationally, people on the ground have a different picture of things to come, i.e. increasing crime, violence, unemployment, homelessness, corruption, nepotism, and general instability. Already, foreign investors are applying a wait and see attitude. They are asking whether Deputy President Mbeki will run the country or the Alliance partners who have openly defied him on his GEAR policy. The situation currently is compounded by the absence of an economic policy that sustains all South Africans. The present government’s economic policy which is even disowned by the governments own allies is not anywhere in addressing these social ills. Their so-called GEAR policy has the following problems: Created profits for export without domestic investments, Abandonment of RDP agenda accepted by all after thorough consultation No commitment to social services such as health, education and welfare, Unemployment and retrenchments in all sectors; Lack of commitment to human capacity development. It is therefore clear from the above that Gear has shortcomings which affect the majority of South Africans. The positive economic growth in 1995/6 can best be described as early successes of inheritance. Indeed Gear as it is now, does depend on a lot of goodwill and some luck. To this end, the UDM realises that as a first step towards achieving our vision, we must narrow the gap between those that have and those that do not have. The gap can only be effectively narrowed if all and everyone in society benefit. Our policies will have to ensure the enlarging of the economic “cake” by expanding production opportunities and enhancing human development without impoverishing the wealth creators. The key is to establish and implement policies which empower all South Africans. ENTERPRISE DEVELOPMENT IS THE KEY In our National Congress held in Johannesburg on 27 June 1998 the UDM Congress endorsed a need to vigorously pursue policies which encourage and open-up opportunities for individuals, single households, or groups of people to start and sustain their own small businesses. Through these, they will empower and enrich themselves materially and spiritually, provide work to others in their communities and enhance the general well being of their society. As a result therefore, UDM will drive a policy of enterprise development as the answer to unemployment. We will apply the integrative policy approach that simultaneously addresses all those issues that are inhibiting job creation today, so that South Africa becomes a hard working and a winning nation. The key issues that relate to job creation are: enterprise development: civil order: access to capital: basic education and skills training: land ownership: tourism and environment and the respective roles of government, business and labour. The implementation of these policies would require a government that recognises it, has the responsibility to lay them down. The state has a moral and legal obligation to its people and cannot allow the destiny of its citizens to be decided by an economy that is dominated by stocks and bonds as these themselves alone do not necessarily entail investments and empowering of the poor against poverty and social deprivation. For example, in the last four years only 25% of foreign capital has gone to direct investment in the economy, hence the escalating unemployment levels. Most importantly, the restoration of civil order is needed to ensure a stable society in which an entrepreneurial spirit and productive enterprise can develop and flourish. While we appreciate that globalisation is the international context of all economies in the world, we need to make a commitment which puts the needs and interests of our own people first in all our policies. Our immediate painful past must not be glossed over when our policies are being developed. However, the ANC government has neglected our people to the pitiful state of poverty through unemployment and retrenchments because the government’s economic policies and strategies to deal with challenges of globalisation are not based on a commitment to deal with the needs of our people. The Gear is silent about the plight of 60% of our population who do not have access to capital. It is no secret that the past apartheid economic policies did not cater for blacks, they were just employed as teachers, civil servants, policemen etc. Therefore, the pending retrenchments of 55000 civil servants after the elections in June next year will exacerbate the already untenable situation amongst the black. CAPITAL, SKILLS FLIGHT AND INSTITUTIONALISED CORRUPTION Compounding the economic situation in this country is a current system of institutionalised corruption and crime which have forced many to invest their monies outside the country. Others are immigrating in search of better opportunities and lack of confidence in government’s ability to deal with crime. The UDM does not believe that these fears are born out of a lack of patriotism as suggested by President Mandela. On the contrary we believe that they are patriotic statements in condemnation of a government’s security, safety and judicial systems that make heroes out of criminals and refuses to implement tougher measures against those who commit crimes against the innocent and especially vulnerable in our country. The UDM vision encourages that the people of South Africa should unite and work as a team so that they can collectively participate in the transformation process of our institutions and thereby become a winning nation. Most investors see the “deployment” of ANC and COSATU leaders only (as per ANC NEC decision) in business as a threat because it means companies are forced to employ on their managerial staff people deployed by the ANC who could not get positions in government. This pattern of corruption undermines the equity bill and affirmative action policies, which seeks to level the playing field not for ANC and its Allies only but for all South Africans. Those who immigrate have no choice and are no less patriotic than anyone of us. They do so because they dislike being instructed to create special political appointment opportunities in their companies for ANC deployed officials in disregard of many professional blacks who qualify for jobs. The overall effects of our government’s economic policies and the accompanying pattern of institutionalised corruption and high rates of crime is that the country has no capacity of its own to withstand any external shocks and challenges of globalisation. DEMAND FOR A CULTURE OF DELIVERY The public will recall that when the government published its budget this year, the UDM stated, categorically, that this was a false budget and that it would be impossible to implement it. Hardly few months after that the government admitted that it was difficult to implement some of the more fundamental delivery projects such as maintenance of roads and schools, let alone building the new ones. As in many social services projects which South Africans were promised in the RDP, the government has not only failed but has lied and betrayed the trust which South Africans pinned on it in 1994. The UDM demands the building of roads, schools, clinics and updating of police services. These projects are long over due. We condemn the government practice of only employing ANC card carrier members on government projects and demand that all people, irrespective of their political affiliations, be accorded the same employment opportunities and service delivery. On more than one occasion, the government has adjusted MP salaries to offset the negative effects of inflation on their earnings. By contrast the Minister of Welfare and Pensions only increased by R20 in April and R10 this coming October, the pension allowances of our most vulnerable and needy old-age citizens who have hardly any other sources of support. These increases cannot go far enough to cushion people against inflation. We ask that the concern with MP’s protection against inflation be extended to the rest of South African old-age pensioners and not be restricted to the few whose salary packages are already astronomical and unjustified. The people of this region (Transkei) should also demand that the government must continue the project of bringing clean water to every household as was started by the DBSA and Transkei government then. By 1994 we had already serviced 6 magisterial districts such as Lusikisiki, Lady Frere etc. There is no need to do another feasibility study. The implementation of bringing clean water to this region was meant to have been finalised by the year 2000. What happened to that plan? Transkei region alone has 28% water capacity of Southern Africa through rivers of this area. What the ANC government is doing now, is to selectively put bore holes in areas where they think the ANC is strong. The UDM therefore demands from the ANC government a culture of delivery and equal treatment of all citizens across the board. 1999 ELECTIONS A party like ours, which has limited resources, must rely on the discipline and commitment of its members. Our members must make sure that we cover every Ward and area to build branches. We must assist people in their registration for ID’s and in voter education in general so that the ANC maybe proved wrong in its lies that these activities are done only by itself. Our immediate target is to intensify the launching of UDM branches throughout the country. The compilation of election lists for UDM is not a priority. We need to build anywhere and everywhere so that where there is a councillor (UCEBA) there is a UDM branch or branches. Our election list will be chosen by the UDM branches themselves and their job will be to find people they know and can trust and include them in the election list. The experience of Lesotho where a governing party is accused of having rigged the elections requires us to be vigilant for the forthcoming elections. Every branch would have to familiarise itself with the demarcations, the venues of the election points. The UDM structures must participate in all the IEC structures, be it at national, provincial, regional, local or branch levels. The forthcoming elections are going to be about: choice between crime and safety job creation and unemployment job security and retrenchments corruption in government or good governance respect and support for our traditional leaders institutions or societal chaos and breakdown of values farm killings or protection and promotion of security and safety for the farmers. I know that none of our UDM members celebrate our birthday by cutting throats of innocent farmers, raping children or engaging in robberies. Our most sacred birthday present to prosperity and our children is UNITY and PEACE as we build a prosperous democratic South Africa. You will remember that I mentioned that the UDM is the political home of all South Africans. It is in that spirit that Traditional leaders and Religious leaders feature so prominently in our activities. These leaders are in their own respective ways guardians of the values that we espouse in our vision and mission. The centrality of their role in the UDM is reflected in their involvement in all our structures. In the same vain youth and women’s structures are important integrated structures of our movement. The UDM is defined within a constitutional framework that is singular and directly includes youth and women whose existence and work is defined by this single constitution. As a result the youth and women structures of the UDM are preparing for their respective national conferences in November and December in Bloemfontein. Your supreme challenge and task is to UNITE, BUILD AND WIN. Make this a passion that distinguishes you from other political parties in South Africa. Our greatest weapon should be discipline and diligence at all costs. Our membership will always be challenged as youth, women, students, elderlies, teachers, civil servants, security services and organised labour. In our national conference in June this year we passed a resolution which stated that workers should resist being dictated to in the manner in which they vote for political parties. We therefore condemn the continuous harassment by COSATU who demand that our members should pay for the ANC’s election costs and that they should vote for the ANC. One of our challenges in South Africa is the need to examine the labour Act. There is an urgent need to accommodate the input of unemployed workers when we talk about job creation and enterprise development, always bearing in mind that the best starting point should be the needs of the people and this is what has been forgotten in Gear. Our aim in the UDM is to create jobs and self-employment. The implementation of such a policy demands a commitment for flexibility from business and organised labour to take into account the special needs of the unemployed and emerging small businesses. FOREIGN POLICY If our domestic policies must be informed by normative principles which seek to address the needs of all South Africans in the spirit of reconciliation and peace, our foreign policy must reflect those same values in our interactions with others. However, sadly for the people of South Africa, we have a government whose foreign policy on a large number of critical issues rests on the decisions of individuals hand picked from time to time as the Deputy-President wishes. The involvement of our soldiers in the Lesotho debacle is a case in point. The UDM strongly condemns the unconstitutional deployment of our soldiers and invasion of Lesotho. The manner in which South African troops were deployed in Lesotho has received strong condemnation from Lesotho and people of South Africa. The honourable position by our government is for President Mandela and his deputy Mbeki who authorised the invasion, to accept all the consequences and the moral responsibility for the suffering and damage caused in Lesotho and then immediately withdraw from Lesotho and allow SADC and Lesotho to choose an acceptable process for the resolution of that conflict, even if it means South Africa will be replaced by another SADC member to ensure the so-called stability. President Mandela and his government owe an apology to the people of Lesotho and South Africa. They should know by now that their bellicose and arrogant approach to Lesotho incident has shamed our country. South Africa’s regional hegemonic ambitions are a disgrace to the people of this region and continent. The people of South Africa must refuse to be used as pawns in this unjust war of egos. The SADC agenda for co-operation and mutual assistance in areas of economic development and democratisation can only progress through initiatives based on consensus and consultations by all stakeholders. The deployment of troops in Lesotho without warning South Africans and people of Lesotho or the world can only mean one thing, that is, that there was an INVASION OF A SOVEREIGN STATE by a foreign country. It was not a peace – keeping force, nor are we impressed by the shabby manner in which South Africa was involved beginning with the discredited commission itself. How do you agree to initiate a commission as a trusted friend, then report to a third partner first about the commission’s findings, then instruct these parties to invade people who asked for assistance and then take a hasty trip to watch athletics at far away exotic locations while our troops are dying and killing our neighbours who only yesterday offered us refuge. This makes the whole idea of an African renaissance a fuss and a nightmare especially if the mechanism for its enforcement is through military force. We hope that this will serve as a message that most countries are correct in having one foreign minister instead of six who have contributed to this fiasco. South African government is also called upon to pay their immediate attention to the food shortage in Lesotho, as a result of their failed and embarrassing invasion. A NEED TO REVIEW SADC AGENDA Our own experience in negotiating a peaceful transition to a democratic dispensation in South Africa should serve as a guiding principle in any mediation role in conflict situations when called upon to assist. It is in recognition of this experience that our neighbours and the international community have accepted our leadership role in initiating diplomatic measures to resolve regional conflict in SADC. But the military deployment of our troops in Lesotho without consulting the interested parties in Lesotho has caused confidence in this country to wane. As we speak today SADC is divided as a result of CONGO and LESOTHO problems. There is no doubt that SADC image would never be the same again. The investors will be reluctant to come to this region. The UDM therefore, propose a consultative forum of all parties who are in favour of democracy and development in SADC region so that similar military interventions in the affairs of member states maybe exposed by people who stand to lose most. This proposed forum should include all political parties (ruling and opposition parties), business people, labour, religious leaders, traditional leaders and non-governmental organisations. This proposed forum will enable the members to adhere to the spirit of the OAU and UN in their deliberations. The current SADC policymaking process is flawed and is subject to individual and selfish political agendas. Perhaps, the model of the European Union can go a long way in improving the working relationship amongst SADC member states. The proposed SADC forum will enable the member states to focus on the issue of democratisation, peace and African development rather than political competition and involve in war of egos, as is currently the case. History has shown us that it was because of collective actions that the liberation movements of Eastern and Southern Africa working jointly with the frontline states and through the OAU and UN were able in the 1960’s and 70’s to remove the remnants of white colonial rule in our region. These channels enabled African people to work as partners and in consultation with all involved members and international communities. It is in the interest of all people in SADC that opposition political parties involve themselves in the activities of their own governments in order to safeguard against the promotion of unmandated agendas by member states. TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION It is a known fact in South Africa that after the 1990 coup attempt against our government in the Transkei I as the head of that government, demanded a thorough investigation on the South African apartheid government’s involvement in that failed coup. I again, in 1996 reported to the TRC that this matter should be investigated especially in the light of alleged involvement of my predecessors. You will recall that on the 22 May 1996 amongst other matters, which I covered in my testimony to the TRC, I stated that the abortive coup was part of urgent requests made by my predecessors to then RSA government to remove us from power by force. For the record and in the interest of bringing the truth to our people who are certainly told lies about our track record in Transkei especially by the ANC and their apologists. (Play a cassette version of 1989 news bulletin) I will quote what I said in my testimony to the TRC: ” When Chief George Matanzima, then Prime Minister of Transkei, refused to step down as a result of his implication in financial scandals, the Transkei Defence Force intervened and forced him out of politics. A new Prime Minister, Miss Stella Sigcau, was elected. We discovered that Chief Matanzima was paid R2 million as a bribe for exclusive gambling rights. Bank statements were obtained from the Bank of Transkei which showed that some of the senior Ministers and Paramount Chief K.D. Matanzima had each received a sum of R50 000 00. This created curiosity among the TDF ranks, that is, lower ranks, including troops, up to Senior Officers as to why the amount was devised among politicians if it was destined for Chief George Matanzima only. On the morning of 31 December 1987, all ranks of the TDF took a decision to remove the government of Miss Stella Sigcau since she was also a recipient of the R500 000. In the context of South African politics the move by the TDF was construed in various ways even by the recipients themselves. The TDF insisted that all culprits be brought before the Courts of law where their fate was to be decided. The toppling of former politicians prompted them to approach Pretoria for the forcible removal of the Military Government from power. To counteract these moves, the Military Government started implementing the recommendations of the Commissions of Inquiry by bringing people like Chief George Matanzima and others to our Courts of Justice. He was sentenced to nine years for his involvement in housing projects”. To my knowledge this matter has not been investigated by the TRC and instead what we hear are noises from the ANC calling for the arrest of alleged killers of these coup plotters. No reference is made to the circumstances surrounding the staging of the abortive coup. Only last week an individual who was responsible for delivering weapons to the leaders of the coup against the government of the then Transkei has come forward and confessed his role. This person has now applied for amnesty from the TRC. On the 17th of September he has indicated to us as leaders of the UDM that he is willing to tell the truth on the coup attempt, and the role played by his Vlakplaas unit on the instructions of the then South African Army. It is on the basis of this revaluation that I want to invite all commanders of armed operations of the then Transkei security forces, families of the victims and injured TDF soldiers to compile a full report for the attention of the Amnesty Committee. I am convinced that the Transkeian people will need their own lawyers paid for by TRC and access to all investigation documentation so that they can freely put their side of the story. The TRC was given this information as far back as 22 May 1996 but Bishop Tutu chose not to take action. This attitude by the chairman of the TRC is still difficult to comprehend but I hope the chairman did not think that the lives of Transkeians were insignificant and thus no investigation was warranted. However, it is clear that his inaction allowed the ANC to shield Minister Stella Sigcau from explaining together with the Matanzimas their reasons and motives for asking the then South African government to forcibly remove us from power. It is clear that the South African army was acting on specific political directives. What we need to know now is whether these political directives were an accumulative result of the Stella Sigcau and the Matanzima’s respective delegations to Pretoria or not. I am convinced that there is a symbiotic relationship between these political directives to the South African Army and these delegations. Since this matter has for some mysterious reasons not been investigated by the TRC despite the overwhelming weight of the above stated facts it is now necessary to provide these details to the TRC Amnesty Committee. VOTER EDUCATION Explain our colours, logo and symbols CLOSURE Thank you messages
