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07 Mar, 2017
Integrity in the Public Sphere – address by Mr B Holomisa, MP (UDM President)
• Dr Marianne Camerer, chair of this panel discussion • My co-panellist, Judge Albie Sachs • Colleagues and Emerging African Leaders 1. Learning integrity throughout my life I started my journey with integrity when I first learnt of trust, and accepting personal responsibility, as a herd-boy. Without these values, the cattle were not properly tended to and brought home safe in the evenings. In the early Seventies, I attended the Jongilizwe College for the Sons of Chiefs and Headmen. Here, teachers like Dumisa Ntsebeza (who in 1995 emerged as a Commissioner of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC)), taught us to be informed citizens. And, in the Mqanduli congregation of the late Anglican Reverend Bacon, I was taught duty and the social value of disciplined personal conduct. I was lucky to have had sound people in my life who taught me the value of integrity in personal life. The basics was therefore in place and applying these principles in my public life was a natural extension. I would be remis if I don’t give thanks for Madiba’s role in my life. He made such great sacrifices for his convictions. His endeavoured to live a life of integrity. I am not saying that he was infallible – he was but a man after all – but I learnt from his courage and perseverance. 2. Living integrity: the Transkei years My career in the military is a matter of public record. But please understand that it was the principles of integrity and having the courage of one’s convictions, that guided me in the decisions we took in 1987, which led to the Transkei being ran by Military Council. It was these values that steered us to unban 33 liberation organisations in the late Eighties and the release of all political prisoners. We did our best to “do the right thing”. But also, understand that those years were not easy and to stick to one’s proverbial guns meant that my life had been under threat many times. During these turbulent times, I remained conscious of the principles and standards of personal conduct instilled me by my childhood protagonists. 3. Political life in the New South Africa In 1994 I was elected to the ANC National Executive Committee and was the Deputy Minister of Environment and Tourism under Madiba’s leadership. But, after testifying at the TRC, I was expelled in September 1996. Once again, my principles landed me in hot water. I was in essence expelled after the ANC’s national disciplinary committee found me guilty of bringing the party into disrepute, because I had made reference to an historical event of corruption in the Transkei government era whilst I was justifying to the TRC why the families of deceased soldiers, who had been killed in a 1990 Pretoria-sponsored abortive coup, had to be compensated. In late 1996, I started on the road to the formation of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) when we consulted South Africans on the need for a new political party. Our National Consultative Forum met with Roelf Meyer’s New Movement Process, and the rest is history. Amongst the aims and objectives listed in the UDM Constitution is: “The Party shall fight corruption and restore the confidence of the people in all Government structures”. We have batted on this wicket since 1997 and, what it means is that, integrity in public life is at the core of our work. 4. South Africa today: the lack of integrity in government leaders The drafters of our country’s Constitution had the founding father of our democracy, Tata Mandela, firmly in their minds when they finalised their work. They made the reasonable assumption that all future presidents would always put South Africa first; respect the rule of law and uphold the Constitution. Thus, keeping the integrity of public office in good standing. Recent events (some-of-which were confirmed by the Constitutional Court regarding the need to preserve and protect the integrity of the public office and in particular by the Head of State) have proven the contrary. In the context of Chapter 5 of the Constitution, and other relevant legislation, there is a remarkable concentration of the President’s power of appointment – in particular that the President does so with his exclusive discretion. This observation is important. We know that both the Public Protector, and our courts, had to be invited to adjudicate in the rationality of several of the President’s appointments. Ministers have been found wanting when it comes to the keeping their offices in good esteem. The Minister of Social Development, who presides over a sensitive portfolio, does so without integrity. She is a self-confessed fraudster who misused flight tickets to a value more than R200 000. Maybe the system we use to appoint public office bearers, like ministers, needs review? Firstly, our electoral regime must give power to citizens to directly elect their head of state and public representatives. Secondly, we may need to introduce a system akin to other countries, where ministers are subjected to scrutiny by a multi-party forum before they are appointed. Generally, it seems as if the moral fibre of our society is in dire straits. The cancer of deceit and scandal has permeated to all sectors of society. In schools, we see male teachers harassing girls instead of imparting knowledge and teaching them responsibility. In religious communities, we see strange things where people are sprayed with Doom and fed snakes instead of being taught the values of trustworthiness, integrity and honesty. Politicians and public officials are misusing public money and they are awarded public money to defend their wrongs, even when the issues at hand are personal rather than departmental. 5. Accepting the role we play as leaders: living by example If you know something to be wrong and you accept personal responsibility for your conduct, what remains of your integrity if you go ahead and do that wrong thing? On the other hand, what remains when you know the right thing to do and you don’t do it? When confronted by such clear and gross wrongs as I was in Transkei and later in the ANC, I was incapable of acting contrary to my very deep convictions – and never will be. Of course you have to survive in life and especially in political life. You need to be flexible where flexibility is required, when it is possible. But the ultimate test for survival in human terms is whether you can live with your conscience. So far, I have managed to survive. I hope, when looking at my life as an example, you will feel inspired and have the courage to try to do what is good and what is right. I thank you Delivered at the Building Bridges Leading in Public Life – Emerging African Leaders Programme 2017 UCT Graduate School of Development Policy and Practice 5th – 17th March, Cape Milner Hotel Cape Town
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07 Mar, 2017
Payment of social grants to beneficiaries – statement by Mr Mncedisi Filtane, MP – UDM National Deputy Chairperson
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) welcomes President Jacob Zuma’s commitment in regards to the payment of social grants on the 1st of April 2017. However, South Africans must not be blinded. This is a self-created crisis by the most uncaring and reckless administration we have had since the dawn of democracy. After the appearance by the Minister of Social Development in front of the Scopa Parliamentary Committee on Tuesday the 7th of March 2017, UDM has more reason to be worried. She has deliberately failed to inspire confidence that government is indeed ready to pay grants. The fact that the negotiations with CPS are not concluded speaks volumes. We would indeed encourage a joint demonstration of commitment to the resolution of this crisis. It cannot be that government Ministers are unable to sing from the same hymn book on this matter. The Department’s and the Minister of Social Development’s actions are a deliberate disregard of the law and the highest court of the land. It has become fashionable for government leaders to ignore court orders. Surely, if the President is serious, action must be taken against her and anyone else on the wrong side of the law. Instead of working for the welfare of our vulnerable citizens, the Minister has spent her time focussing on internal party squabbles. It is exactly what we mean when we say that, under President Zuma’s leadership, the African National Congress has placed the people of South Africa last on their agenda. What preoccupies them instead, is their bottomless pockets, their friends and their organisation. Also, it is not surprising that National Treasury refused to support the department and minister in their latest actions, as this may be an illegal procurement of services as was found by the Constitutional Court three years ago. The fact that President Zuma’s minsters are not working together, to find a proper and legally correct solution to the problem, is a display of arrogance and a sign of a government without regard for the most vulnerable members of our society. We are still waiting for full disclosure and account from the Minister on the fact that over the years, CPS has developed a range of services for cellular airtime called (Umoya Manje), Insurance (Smartlife) and loans (Moneyline). Payment for these services are deducted before the grant is made. This has been one of the big daylight robbery acts of the most vulnerable citizens. We want to know whether this so-called new contract with CPS still carries these services and we want to know why if so. Abantu abahluphekileyo mabaganikwa iinkonzo abangakhange bazifune kananjalo bengazazi. Loomcimbi ka CPS uyewasetyenziswa ngenkohlakalo enjongiswe kubantu abadala nabahluphekileyo.
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01 Mar, 2017
UDM calls for effective rescue on the mine accident in Boksburg – statement by Bongani Msomi, UDM Secretary General
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) is saddened by the horrible accident of the 5-year-old boy who fell into a mine shaft while playing with friends in Boksburg last Saturday. The UDM calls for effective rescue assistance in making sure that the boy is brought back. We cannot allow a similar incident to that of Lilly Mine be repeated where mine workers were never recovered with authorities implying instability of the ground. A lot more effort must be put in place making sure that such victims are retrieved. Looking at the area, where this accident took place there are no warning signs and yet there are community members living around and this makes people more vulnerable and prone to danger. As UDM, we call for an investigation into this horrible accident. This is so unfortunate and we believe it could have been avoided by all means by those responsible for the abandoned mine. Someone must be held liable and must account for the accident which occurred at unattended mine. The Department of Mineral Resources must take the blame as it is supposed to secure all the abandoned mines. If no actions are being taken, a lot more community members will be victims of such horrible accidents.
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24 Feb, 2017
UDM condemns attacks on foreign nationals – statement by Bongani Msomi, UDM Secretary General
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) condemns in strongest terms the violent march that is currently taking place in Pretoria and surroundings. The march that was allegedly aimed at highlighting the high level of crimes engulfing our country and it is believed that these crimes are perpetrated by foreign nationals who are in the country illegally. As an Organisation, we understand where our people are coming from. There is no employment, human trafficking and prostitution are rife and the police are failing to deal with these negative developments in our communities. South African citizens seem to be on the receiving ends – They report crimes but police take their own time to respond hence they resort in taking law into their hands. The ANC-led government departments are not doing their work; our borders are open to illegal immigrants as they are not secured. The Home Affairs department is also failing to process timeously the application for asylums hence South Africa is experiencing quite a huge number of illegal immigrants. The UDM calls for the ANC to do a good thing and take care of its citizens otherwise the country is sitting on a time bomb where Africans will end up fighting each other.
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21 Feb, 2017
Socio-political impact on Governance, Risk and Compliance Address by Mr B Holomisa, MP (UDM President) at the ITWeb Governance, Risk and Compliance 2017
• Programme Director, • Colleagues, • Ladies and Gentlemen 1. Introduction When discussing Governance, Risk and Compliance (GRC) we must consider socio-political issues. It might be an obvious thing to state, but whether we like it or not social attitudes and political policy decisions, are the frames within which we must work to assure that our organisations (public or private) meet their objectives. GRC as a discipline takes a dry, unemotional look at how we manage our organisations or businesses. Socio-political issues, on the other hand, are fuzzy, fickle and sometimes unpredictable. The obvious example of how socio-political issues affect how we operate, is the recent election of Donald Trump as the President of the United States of America. For many countries and companies alike, Mr Trump’s triumph will send (or has already sent) them back to the drawing board. 2. What is a “socio-political approach”? Looking at GRC, with a socio-political approach, puts context at the centre stage and it assumes that politics matter. It must be understood that policy choices, that are not rooted in a deep understanding of how societies work will not produce the desired results. A socio-political approach focusses on histories, social relationships, identities, capacities, power-dynamics, how resources are distributed and contested and it delves deeper into formal structures to expose underlying interests, incentives and institutions that determine how politicians act, how governments perform and how policy choices play out. In this regard, the main issues to consider with a socio-political approach, is: • To understand the interests and incentives facing different political, social and economic groups; • How these influence politics, policies and efforts to promote development; • How formal institutions and informal social, political and cultural norms interact and shape human interaction, as well as political and economic competition; and • What are the values and ideas (including political ideologies, religion and cultural beliefs) that matter to political behaviour and public policy? A socio-political approach is however not the “magic bullet” for the current political and economic issues and their implication on companies in South Africa, but it helps to identify opportunities and obstacles to reform, and it also assists leaders to target their efforts in a way that make them more likely to succeed. 3. Socio-political state in South Africa- Let’s talk politics! Notwithstanding the possible impact that Mr Trump’s election has on South Africa, we have to consider our own space, our own challenges, and the impact of these issues. We can make a long list, but for the most part South Africa’s economy is “Problem Number One”. In response to this challenge, we have since 1994 had: 1) the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), then 2) the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR), then 3) the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa (AsgiSA) and thereafter 4) the New Growth Path (NGP). The latest, plan number five, is the National Development Plan (NDP) which is touted as South Africa’s socio-economic policy blueprint. However, the NDP does not enjoy the support of the ruling party’s main allies, Cosatu and the SACP, which causes tension between organised labour and the business sector. This tripartite conflict undermines governance and compromises investor confidence, which leads directly to a rise in unemployment and poverty. I make this sensitive point and talk a little politics at the risk of offending some of you, because of the following… We could agree that our economy needs our undivided attention. Because, in one way or another, all the socio-political ills we suffer in this country could be eliminated, or at least mitigated, by a flourishing economy. Simply put, the dignity of a person is linked to his/her ability to put food on the table, to have a roof over his/her heads or own a property, to buy clothes, to be healthy, to have an education and so the list goes on. But, how do we use the tools of Governance, Risk and Compliance to manage the business of government i.e. to reach our objective of a flourishing economy, if there is such continuous, fundamental dissent and lack of political will? The willy-nilly shifting the goal post, depending on who is in the pound seats, means we are not working towards the same objective. 4. GRC in Government With the advent of the King IV report, good governance, effecting and efficient risk mitigation and maximum compliance are at the centre stage of our accountability framework. Practitioners of governance, risk and compliance must also appreciate that South Africa has a rich ethical and legislative framework for accountability and good governance which should help to realise GRC imperatives. They must consider their fiduciary duties as essential in the success of their organisations, they must be caring, act in good faith, be transparent and show loyalty to the South African taxpayer, and therefore shareholder. The people at the helms of State Owned Enterprises and Companies must be persons of good standing, with independent minds and they should have the relevant expertise and skills to fulfil the tasks of these organisations. Board members and executives must be committed and should have unquestionable integrity and ethical values. They should respect and obey the rule of law and engage stakeholders comprehensively and transparently. GRC practitioners – both at a level of the organisational boards and the executives – must contribute to the development of relevant strategies and taking correct decisions; they must ensure accountability and introduce and maintain effective management teams. This approach is lacking in far too many of our State Owned Enterprises and that is why they are always in the media for wrong reasons. There is a failure to internalise the meaning and significance of Governance, Risk and Compliance. Turnover of boards, board chairpersons and officials is an area of concern, as well as inappropriate interference from government and then, of course, perennial corruption. We saw the ugly breakdown of governance at the South African Broadcast Cooperation (SABC) and the conduct of some which could border on criminality. An example of where GRC in government works, is the Competition Commission’s recent findings on alleged currency manipulation and collusion by many major banks operating in South Africa. The individuals who played these games, showed a shocking lack of patriotism and callousness; because this mess reverberates through South Africa – from top to bottom, left to right. It affects all of us. Not only could this directly affect the individuals on the street, as well as the futures of companies, but such shenanigans affect South Africa’s precarious standing with the ratings agencies. Therefore, in terms of compliance, the Competition Commission has done courageous work to expose this malfeasance and corruption in the private sector. So, this is a good thing and it begs the question, why does our government not take GRC more seriously? After all, it is the business of government to make sure that South Africa becomes a prime investment destination, where our people flourish in their personal lives and thrive in their jobs. One of the major stumbling blocks to the proper implementation of GRC in government is that, the very people who are supposed to walk-the-talk, are found (increasingly so) with their hands in the cookie jar. In far too many instances, the people and/or organisations that are supposed to preside over the effective management of government, shirk that responsibility and betray the people of this country; and in particular, the downtrodden masses. As voters, we have a responsibility to take stock of these tendencies, make different choices and exert pressure on government to do the right thing. We can all agree that GRC is a good tool to eradicate corruption. Each of our ministers, directors’ general, premiers and MECs, mayors and city managers; and in fact, each person in a position of power must become a GRC expert of sorts. We forever hear that there is a limited budget and the Minister of Finance harps on stopping wasteful expenditure, but if we can “save” money by properly implementing GRC in government, there will be enough resources to fund bread-and-butter projects. 5. Conclusion I have probably articulated some problems with GRC in South Africa, sketched ideals and not proffered a solution that will suit all. But, if we were to take the SABC example, the collapse of the institution is a result of a failure to do things the right way. The fundamental interest of society and the principles of inclusive development were sacrificed at the altar of divergent and divisive interests of some political and social elites. A socio-political approach towards GRC must espouse high ethical values and standards which must in turn, be the foundation for sound policy development. It requires adoption and implementation that are in line with the purpose of serving the people and ensuring that societal development needs are met. The success of governance in a risk mitigated environment and maximum compliance is at the core of the what needs to be urgently done in South Africa if the ideals of the National Development Plan are to be realised. Thank you
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18 Feb, 2017
Bantu Holomisa addresses the UDM Regional Council in Port Elizabeth
• National and Provincial leaders of the UDM, • Regional and Local UDM leaders, • UDM Public Representatives • Members of the United Democratic Movement 1. Ascendancy Profile – organisational programme for 2017 The National Council of the United Democratic Movement (UDM), held on the 3rd of December 2016, took the time to discuss the challenges we would face in the wake of the August 2016 Municipal Elections and to map the way forward towards the 2019 National and Provincial Elections and beyond. The National Council took several important decisions, amongst others, that it is a priority for the Party to re-organise our structures starting with the basic organisational building blocks i.e. the branches. Our Constitution is clear on the life-cycles of executive committees at the various structural levels, but the National Council deemed it necessary for us to “start from scratch” and that we should do so as soon as possible. In this regard, the UDM’s National Secretariat has declared 2017 as the year to revive Party structures from branch-level, right up to provincial-level. The implication of this massive exercise is that we must launch our branches, as well as regional and provincial structures in accordance with the UDM Constitution and do so within a very short space of time. In order to reach critical mass, a minimum of 60 branches must be launched, and should pass stringent audit, before a Region may qualify to host a Congress. Such Regional Congresses must happen by the end of May 2017. The Provincial Congress of the UDM in the Eastern Cape must in in turn happen by June. This means a lot of work has to be done. This task requires that the UDM in the Nelson Mandela Bay Region, must develop a concrete and clear programme of action that is aligned to our Ascendancy Profile, to map your road towards launching your branches, hosting a Regional Congress when you will elect regional leadership. Your programme of action must for instance: • Tally the number of existing branches that are in good standing; • Depict the number of branches that must be re-launched; • Identify areas where new branches can be established and launch such new branches; • Compile recruiter packs to assist our field-workers to renew membership and register new members; • List the dates, times and venues of new branch launch meetings or the annual general meetings of existing branches; • Consider the practical deployment of regional leadership to oversee each branch launch or re-launch; • Once a branch has been launched, the Branch Secretary must ensure that the required paperwork is submitted to the provincial and national offices timeously. • Although branches may still be launched, no branch will be considered for auditing and may not participate in any congress, if their Q1-forms are submitted after the 4-week deadline. • Define clear achievable timeframes for each of the activities in the programme of action. Most important is the daily activities of the UDM membership at a branch-level. Given that our branches should be demarcated in line with the Independent Electoral Commission’s (IEC) Voting Districts (VDs), it requires that our daily activity plan is based on the needs of the people in a particular VD and/or in a particular ward. To be able to recruit new members and renew existing membership, our strategies of engaging communities must be relevant to the issues that affect their daily lives. We must have daily activity plans that places the UDM at the centre of the lives of the citizens in the VD and/or ward where they reside. During the 2016 Municipal Elections, our slogan was: Put Communities First! This is still our prevailing message working towards 2019 and beyond. Therefore, our daily activities as members of UDM must be about the issues that affect a particular community, for example: • water leakages, potholes and/or broken street-lamps, • lack of houses and toilets, • poor spatial development, • access roads and bridges, • crime, gangs and community safety in general, • drug and alcohol abuse, • well stocked and equipped health facilities, • access to basic education and adult education programmes, • refuse removal and pest control, • clean community spaces such as parks and cemeteries, • safe areas for children to interact, • access to ID cards and assistance with child or old-age grants, • community projects such as vegetable gardens and safe harbours for victims of domestic abuse, • in other words, any issue affecting the daily life of the people on the ground. This is the programme of action for all UDM members and structures, and you are called upon to plan and implement it immediately as soon we conclude this Regional Council. 2. Coalition government in the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality As you are aware, after the 2016 Municipal Elections, the UDM took the correct decision to be part of the Coalition Government of Opposition Parties. We entered into a five-year agreement which I had signed as the President of the UDM. In this regard, we affirm our commitment to the coalition government of the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality and will do everything possible to make it succeed in the service of the people of this area. When we took this decision, we were fully aware of the inherent challenges of a coalition government, but we respected the decision of the people of Nelson Mandela Bay who said, through a democratic process, that they were tired of an African National Congress (ANC) dominated local government. It is not in the ANC’s interest to have this coalition government succeed and we are aware of their desperate attempts to recapture control of this municipality through devious and dirty means. The UDM shall never capitulate and cooperate with them. It was widely reported that there recently was so-called “tension” between the Democratic Alliance’s Executive Mayor and the UDM’s Deputy Executive Mayor. The ANC did everything in their power to blow the matter out of proportion and drive a wedge into this relationship. For your information, there was an administrative misunderstanding that did not threaten a collapse of governance in the metro. The UDM shall always focus on serving the entire community of Nelson Mandela Bay and shall not be led astray by attempts to rock the boat. 3. The work of the UDM in Council Regarding the work of our councillors, one of the urgent issues we must agitate for is the Minister’s well-published allocation of R4 billion towards human settlements. We must work with the Council to demand to see this budget and the implementation programme. Also, on the eve of elections, the ANC administration passed a very populist indigent policy known as the Assistance to the Poor and Rebates policy (ATTP) that has resulted in the bankruptcy of the municipality. They passed this policy in order to attract votes, but residents had already made up their minds that the ANC had lost the plot. UDM councillors must work collectively with their colleagues in the coalition government to find urgent solutions on these matters. The UDM must be at the forefront of rooting out every vestige of ANC corruption and maladministration in the Nelson Mandela Bay Metro Municipality. Our councillors must be seen to unambiguously fight for the eradication of all forms of corruption. This is consistent with what I had said during the Parliamentary debate on the State of the Nation (SONA). In order to put the people if Nelson Mandela Bay first, our councillors must be at all Council meetings and participate in its activities. They must make constructive and qualitative contributions, and focus on strategic issues. All meetings – whether it’s a committee meeting and/or a full Council sitting – must quorate and must take decisions in service of the people. UDM councillors must, when such is required, seek guidance from the leadership of the Party. They must also ensure that they secure proper and qualified technical support as provided for in the Council regulations. Because this is a municipality where the UDM occupies the second highest office, I personally commit to pay a special attention to our work in Council and regularly report to the national leadership. We must not lose momentum or focus. We must harness the energy we’ve generated thus far and use it to find solutions to the challenges facing the people of Nelson Mandela Bay. 4. Working for communities and making communities work 4.1. Putting Communities First: participation in ward committees To achieve our organisational vision and mission, and to make a positive impact on our communities, UDM members must be part of ward committees. Don’t let the ANC scupper our efforts in the Metro by allowing them to hijack ward committees. We must be pro-active and active to raise the issues that affect the people through the correct channels provided for in Council. 4.2. Putting Communities First: review of the IDP The review of the Integrated Development Plan (IDP) for the financial year 2017/18 is underway. Therefore, as part of the coalition government, our task is to know the issues people want pushed in each ward. We must take those to the IDP forums for discussion, integration and budget allocation. We must call for Ward Based Development Plans and budgets. The Nelson Mandela Bay Municipal IDP and budget must be as collection and integration of ward based needs. We must never fail to carry-out this is a task if we are to be true to our manifesto. 5. The UDM’s 20th Anniversary On 27 September 2017, the UDM shall mark the 20th anniversary of its existence. We will celebrate this achievement by reviewing our policies and repositioning the UDM at centre stage of the South African political landscape and discourse. As we announced in our contribution to the State of the Nation Address debate, we have already begun with our preparations for a National Consultative Conference. We want to give opportunity to South Africans of all backgrounds to play a role and bear influence on the UDM. We want to update and reshape our policies as guided by our vision, mission and party platform; and always honour of our Country’s Constitution. We have always promoted the idea that: Government must do more. This is consistent with our principle of Putting Communities First, before ourselves, which is in contrast with the political fashion of today. The UDM is not about individual leaders; it is about the people and therefore, our policy review process will take into cognisance this important principle. 6. Towards 2019 National and Provincial Elections The work we must do in terms of our Ascendency Profile, as well as our work in this Municipality’s Council, must lay a firm foundation for a formidable campaign for the 2019 National and Provincial Elections. In addition to all of the work already mentioned, we must begin now to: • Identify persons to be our party agents and train them, • Ensure that we participate in by-elections where we can make a difference; • Encourage and assist people to get identity cards; • Encourage new voters to register with the IEC at the offices of the Municipal Electoral Officer; • Know where all the Voting Stations are, in all wards; • Participate in the demarcation processes of the Demarcation Board; • Appoint members to the Municipal Party Liaison Committee (MPLC) and attend all MPLC meetings; • Train all branch members as UDM canvassers; • Get the current voter’s roll and monitor the movement of voters from one VD to another; • Pick up on issues that will constitute our manifesto for 2019; With this work, we must continue the fight against corruption, the arrogance of power and the dominance of the ANC. The voice of the people as expressed in 2016 must be heard and realised in 2019. We must aim for better performance. 7. Conclusion On behalf of the national leadership of the UDM, I wish you very fruitful discussions and please, make sure that you represent your party and conduct yourselves in accordance with our Constitution. Good luck and thank you!
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16 Feb, 2017
Competition Commission: Major banks must pay for any possible misdeeds
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) welcomes the findings of the Competition Commission regarding 17 major banks operating in South Africa accused of price fixing in international markets and manipulating the South African currency. The Competition Commission has been courageous in its fight against corruption, especially the private sector. Most of its findings have withstood scrutiny and we therefore believe that in this instance it has also done its work with precision. Once this is confirmed (including the settlements that the banks are open to, as well as the decision of the Competition Tribunal) the UDM proposes that National Treasury should ring-fence the proceeds of any confirmed crimes to intervene in the human settlements sector challenges. It is our view that the huge backlogs in building new houses, fixing the defects in the already-built structures, as well as the ultimate eradication of informal settlements, could receive a big push from the good work of the Commission. The UDM calls on government to move with speed in the transformation of the banking sector in favour of the people of South Africa, but in particular, the disadvantaged majority.
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14 Feb, 2017
Address by Lennox Gaehler in Parliament: UDM reply on the State of the Nation Address(SONA) 2017
Honourable Speaker, Honourable President and Members The task of creating a developmental state where the primary mandate is to build an inclusive economy by fundamentally changing the status quo in favour of the poor majority, who find themselves in the rural hinterland, is now more urgent than ever before. Further and any unnecessary delay will have grave consequences for our hard-won freedom and the governability of state. In this regard, South Africa must indeed review the many agreements entered into before, and at, the Codesa negotiations. Such an exercise will identify the bugbears which makes it difficult to ensure that all citizens enjoy equal economic freedom. Whilst our welfare system has helped millions, who would have gone to bed with empty stomachs, the painful truth is that the super-exploitative economic system the new South Africa inherited, continues to produce structural inequality and remains enemy number one. The United Democratic Movement suggests that radical economic transformation should not just be mere rhetoric and we believe that: • Patronage and corruption must fall, and that prudence and good governance must rise; • Free education must not be “free of quality”; but it must produce young adults, and especially black young adults, who are ready to operate new enterprises and be job-creators rather than being job-seekers; • Whilst progress has been made with housing delivery; the minister should have clear, achievable timeframes for the correction of the defects in some of the existing buildings and act decisively against those found to be on the wrong side of the law; • Recent reports on alleged maladministration, and possible corruption in the department of water affairs, is worrying. If true, it flies in the face of the spirit of the announced radical economic transformation. Speedy action must be taken, especially given the current drought. • In agriculture, we need to train more agronomists with practical skills to utilise and manage the land once it is returned to the people. Indeed, and in the words of OR Tambo whose centenary we are commemorating, liberation has no meaning without the return of the country’s wealth to the people and therefore the existing economic arrangement must be radically changed to the equal benefit of ALL South Africans. I thank you
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14 Feb, 2017
Address by Bantu Holomisa in Parliament: debate on the State of the Nation Address (SONA) 2017
Honourable Speaker, Honourable President and Members As we enter the 23rd year of our democracy, we see a rise in the levels of anxiety and anger among citizens, with anarchy knocking at our door. Notwithstanding these trends, the United Democratic Movement (UDM) acknowledges the great strides South Africa has made since 1994. The most disturbing reality is that we see an increase in the politics of patronage, uncontrollable corruption, the collapse of government institutions, a high unemployment rate, lack of development, failing health and education systems, widening inequality, chronic poverty and ineffective provincial governments. With regard to provincial governments; the question is, do we really need these glorified homelands or rather strengthening the local sphere of government and let national government take control and introduce the lacking uniformity. We are commemorating the late OR Tambo; an undoubted champion of the struggle for a just and free society. It would be interesting to know his thoughts on the so-called leaders who have dumped the deprived masses and took care of themselves at the expense of the poor. We believe that no individual party’s policy conference could proffer all the sustainable solutions to the challenges we face as a nation. This is even more apparent when the governing alliance lacks policy coherence; thus threatening investor confidence. It is in this regard that the UDM resolved that, in preparation for 2019 and beyond, we will during this year convene a consultative conference which will be open to all citizens, to amongst others: • Take stock of the 22 years of our democracy; • Identify areas of intervention to bring about meaningful economic transformation; • Review the legislative framework that impedes fundamental socio-economic transformation, including the Constitution; • Develop mechanisms to stop corruption and maladministration; • Take stock of the quality, qualification and placement of our civil servants including those who provide security services to the nation; • Improve our constitutional democracy with the introduction of a people-driven electoral system; • Introduce legislation for transparent political party funding; and • Find a lasting solution to reduce tension between the social partners at NEDLAC in particular labour, government and business. At the envisaged National Consultative Conference, we shall also evaluate the agreements between the ruling party and the apartheid government pre- and during the Codesa negotiations. Meaningful transformation, including the transfer of land and control of the economy, will never realise so long as those agreements are used as scarecrows and lock the majority of our citizens outside the economic mainstream. South Africans, it is our collective task to ensure that the ideals of a truly democratic and prosperous society as envisaged by OR Tambo and others, are realised. In this regard, I encourage you to take advantage of the proposed conference to ensure that we reclaim the original objective of the struggle we have so dearly fought for. I thank you
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28 Nov, 2016
UDEMWO calls on men to campaign against women abuse
Statement issued by Thandi Nontenja, UDEMWO Secretary General The country is marking another 16 days of abuse against women and children but the battle is far from being over. As the United Democratic Movement Women’s Organisation (UDEMWO), we feel that nothing much has been done to successfully combat the problem. If women are still petrified in their own homes and communities, it shows clearly that there is something wrong with our society. Every day there are reports of women being raped, assaulted and murdered and in most cases the perpetrator is someone the victims knows. What is more saddening is to see a culprit walking free due to lack of evidence. We are calling upon the hand of justice to be punitive to those found guilty of these inhumane acts. Also the quietness of the department of women adds more sadness to the pain. The department is not paying more attention on matters affecting women and only interested in marking these days as governmental events. We find ourselves asking what the department for women really championing if it is failing on its mandate. Violent acts against women and children take place throughout the year hence the call by the UDEMWO for 365 days of activism. We would also like to encourage more men to take part in campaigns that are to protect women and fight against violence towards them. End
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10 Nov, 2016
Motion of no confidence in the President in terms of section 102 (2) of the Constitution of South Africa
Address by Bantu Holomisa, MP Madam Speaker, Deputy President and hon members Two weeks ago, the president misled the nation, during the NCOP question session when he claimed that he was never given an opportunity to present his side of the story to the Public Protector. We now know with evidence in our hands that this is contrary to the facts as they are also confirmed by the audio version of the report. In normal democracies, this is an act of perjury and punishable through impeachment. Many South Africans have long lost confidence in the leadership of this monumentally flawed president. We also heard, from amongst others, the mouth of the ANC Chief Whip, that many branches of his party have also lost confidence in his leadership and are calling for his removal. President Zuma, the ANC and the world over, must know that South Africans reject to be led by an irreparably damaged leader. However, the ruling clique on this side of the house, is behaving like wolves, screaming in unison, to defend one of theirs at the expense of the country. They are showing South Africans a middle finger. Another confusion is being made by the party Secretary General, who on the one hand calls for his leader to follow his conscience yet his party members in this house are blocked from thinking. It begs a question, how many and to what extent are the apex leaders of the ANC are contaminated by the actions of their flawed leader. This crisis is only equal to the collective conscience of all the citizens. In this regard, UDM calls on all citizens, irrespective of their political persuasions, not to abdicate their historic and fundamental civic responsibilities. We must find a common point of convergence to defend our hard won democracy. The remaining months to 2019 must be about re-claiming our collective freedoms, and I dare say, there is a lot to be done. We support the motion. I thank you
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02 Nov, 2016
Address by Bantu Holomisa at the March Against State Capture
Fellow South Africans We are here today to talk about the challenges we face as a Nation and we wish to send a strong message to Government. Our Nation finds itself on the slippery slope of corruption, lawlessness, anarchy and dissatisfaction. We must capture the lost ground of the past 22 years. We are frustrated. We are tired. We are hungry. We don’t have houses. We don’t have jobs. Election promises that were made, such as free education, have not realised. Our resources are syphoned out of the Country at the expense of our people. The agencies, that are there to protect the interest of the public, are being openly abused and/or undermined. We want things to be better. We want our people to be happy and to be proud South Africans. The big question is: can we trust the current establishment to lead the nation out of this quagmire? For instance, instead of delegating representatives of Government to talk to dissatisfied citizens, they dispatch the police. The Marikana example, and other related incidents, remain the tragic products of this style of leadership. Must this country wait for the ruling party’s congress next year for them to elect new leadership whilst the country is burning in the meantime. Even if they choose new leadership, there is no guarantee that those new leaders will be able to address the current challenges. If not for the work of the opposition parties in Parliament, the situation would have been worse; but it can no longer be the opposition parties alone, being tasked to find solutions. Don’t you think it is each of our responsibility, as citizens of the country, to work together in finding solutions? All sectors of civil society should participate in a dialogue. During the negotiations, after the Municipal Elections of 2016, the African Christian Democratic Party, the Congress of the People, the Democratic Alliance, the Economic Freedom Fighters, the Freedom Front Plus, the Inkatha Freedom Party, the United Democratic Movement and the United Front, agreed in principle that it is necessary for the Nation to meet. In this regard, we proposed that a National Convention should be held as a platform to discuss the problems facing South Africa today. Some of the issues we need to talk about date back to the Codesa era. We can no longer afford a situation where discussions around South Africa’s problems devolve into a talk-shop or yet another useless bosberaad. Should there be an emerging consensus at the proposed National Convention that there is a need to change legislation, it should go straight to Parliament for ratification. We must not lose momentum. We must harness the energy we’ve generated thus far, and use it to find solutions to the current challenges. For anyone who is interested in reading more about the concept of the National Convention, the proposal that the UDM sent to other political leaders yesterday, is available on https://udm.org.za/road-map-towards-south-african-national-convention-udm-perspective/. Thank you Delivered at St Alban’s Cathedral, Pretoria
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01 Nov, 2016
Road map: towards the South African National Convention: A UDM perspective
This document is a suggestion of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) to find a way towards the hosting of a National Convention, as agreed upon in the Co-governance Agreement for Local Government between the several political partners. INTRODUCTION The participating political parties have agreed on four main challenges confronting South Africa i.e. poverty, unemployment, inequality and corruption, which requires that the nation unites around a strategic and fundamental interventionist programme of action. Our constitutional democracy is unitary in nature with elements of federalism. Government, the organs of state, legislation, the role of Chapter Nine Institutions and the national fiscus, fall within the national sphere. Accordingly, and if any strategic intervention is to be made, to aggressively address the four challenges, such intervention must be done at a national level – both in terms of form and content. After our meeting on 7 August 2016, of the Congress of the People, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), the United Front (UF), as well as the UDM, we developed a framework to form the basis of any discussions about co-operation and/or coalition. The aim of this proposal was to guide these parties in case they were approached by either the African National Congress (ANC) and/or the Democratic Alliance (DA) about the possibility of forming part of governments in certain municipalities. Our goal was to obtain a commitment to finding answers to the various challenges facing South African on the short, medium and long term. There is no denial that some national issues impact daily on how local government operates, e.g. water, land, electricity, environment, etc. During that period of negotiation, other parties joined this initiative, such as the African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP), the Freedom Front Plus (FF+) and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP). Our discussions culminated in an agreement that was signed with the DA. The ANC was however not interested in engaging with us about our wish-list. The EFF, in the end, did not form part of any coalitions, but they indicated that they would support other parties in countering the ANC in municipal councils. The coalition partners agreed that after municipal governments were put in place, we would meet again to map the way forward in implementing the goals we articulated in our agreement. Some of the key issues, that were identified during out talks, were however not within the ambit of local government, but could only be addressed at a national level. As was articulated in our co-governance agreement: “These challenges include, but are not confined to, land reform, electoral reform, education and how it is financed, the independence of Chapter 9 Institutions, and the professionalization of the civil service.” One of the stated goals was to hold a National Convention to address these and other issues of national importance. There is no doubt that the agreements that culminated in the new dispensation were not cast in stone, they served a certain purpose at that point in the time. There are however still challenges that impact today and we need to review those decisions. An evaluation of the past 22 years, and identifying inherent deficiencies in the management of government, is a complex exercise that needs to have stakeholders give input so that we arrive at a holistic solution to South Africa’s problems. Some of the frustrations are people express with civil disobedience and the general anarchy are attributed to the agreements that were made at Codesa. The complaints about the lack of economic emancipation, struggles to get access funding, as well as land and property issues are well documented. We hear calls such as that the ANC sold out the people and that some of the concessions made, were not in the interest of the disenfranchised masses. THE PURPOSE OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION A National Convention will provide a platform for stakeholders from all sectors of society, and South Africans in general, to find each other and map a way towards: • Economic emancipation of all South Africans; • Eliminating corruption • Land reform and property ownership; • Bolstering Chapter Nine Institutions; • Basic and Higher Education • Health and social welfare • Professionalization of the civil service; • Electoral reform; • Legislation governing the funding of political parties; and • Any other matters of national interest. We cannot deny that many policies have been developed and then chopped-and-changed. As an example, let us look at the Reconstruction and Development (RDP) programme right through to the latest National Development Plan (NDP). But this constant shifting of the goal-posts and the tensions between government, labour and business, scuppers implementation time and again. PARTICIPANTS AT THE NATIONAL CONVENTION To achieve the objective of maximum participation in the proposed National Convention and to ensure buy-in, the participation of the following participants is envisaged (but are not limited to): • Government departments (at all three tiers); • Parliament and provincial legislatures; • The National Planning Commission; • All Parastatals; • Chapter Nine Institutions; • Financial institutions like the Reserve Bank; • National Development Council; • Professional Associations and Governing Bodies; • The Judiciary; • Business; • Religious communities; • The media • Traditional institutions and bodies; • Labour and unions; • Civil Society and Non-Governmental Organisations; • Institutions of higher learning (Intellectual community) and student bodies; • Special interest groups and issue based organisations; • Women and youth based organisations; • Political parties; and • The South African citizenry. Certainly, to resolve the chronic challenges confronting our nation, we need to tap into our collective wisdom. Codesa delivered political freedom, but more still has be done with regards to economic emancipation and our economic policies in general. For instance, the divergent opinions of business, labour and government creates a situation where there is no consensus on what kind of macro-economic policy South Africa should have. The intention must be to ensure that all South Africans can participate fully in determining their future. In this regard, the National Convention will be a tool to ensure maximum and meaningful participation of all stakeholders. COORDINATION OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION: NOT ANOTHER TALK-SHOP For a proper and a productive dialogue at a forum of this magnitude, the following important points must be considered: • As the initiators of project, the participating political parties, should have a meeting with Leader of Government Business in Parliament, Mr Cyril Ramaphosa, as soon as possible to unpack the idea of a National Convention and garner government support. • A National Convention Planning Committee (NCPC) should be appointed and convened to develop a framework to guide all participants at the proposed National Convention and plan what form it should take. • The NCPC should meet and discuss the appointment of an independent person with a certain gravitas as its chairperson. For instance, a person such as retired Chief Justice Ngcobo could be considered as a person who would ensure impartiality and who has the necessary knowledge and wisdom to make sure that participants, with divergent and/or conflicting ideas, can engage constructively and reach consensus. • This is a long-overdue exercise where we can make introspection as a nation. Government must fund the proposed National Convention, because a sponsorship model will not work. A scenario where a company could sponsor the event, but would also wish to be a participant, might be accused of “buying” influence to ensure a certain outcome. • It would be realistic to have the proposed National Convention somewhere in 2017/18. • The proposed National Convention cannot be just another talk-shop or a useless bosberaad. Should consensus emerge on the issues discussed, immediate action (with attending time-frames) should be taken to ensure that that the National Convention’s resolutions are implemented. For instance, if there is legislation that needs to be changed, Government must set the ball rolling as soon as possible. Such resolutions should not be subjected to more ideological debates in Parliament and changes to existing legislation should be ratified without delay. • The National Convention will also have to mandate the NCPC to manage and monitor the implementation of its resolutions. • The NCPC must always accountable to the National Convention, in other words, the people of South Africa. CONCLUSION We need to capture the lost ground. South Africa has been on the slippery slope with scandal after scandal, even at the highest office, and we need to reignite South Africans’ pride in their Country and confidence in government. We need to convince the world that South Africa is a well-run state and a worthwhile investment destination and not a junk status nation. The National Convention must emerge with a comprehensive blue print for a flourishing South Africa. We must remain committed to the Country and its citizenry and always put South Africa first. Thank you Prepared by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP – UDM President
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28 Oct, 2016
Bridging the gap: advancing civil military relations to deepen democracy
Address by Mr B Holomisa, MP (UDM President) at the Civil Military Relations Conference 2016,CSIR International Convention Centre, Pretoria on 27 and 28 October 2016 · Programme Director, · Chairperson of the Defence Force Service Commission, Professor Van Harte, · Colleagues, · Ladies and Gentlemen 1. Introduction Allow me to join the Chairperson of the Defence Force Service Commission in thanking the sponsors who made this event possible. As I was seated here yesterday, I was reminded of the time in 2009, when our soldiers marched on the Union Buildings. I was called on the day and requested by the President (through the then Minister of Defence, Ms Lindiwe Sisulu) to join other South Africans in trying to solve the problems raised by the aggrieved soldiers. We have travelled a long distance since then. A special word of thanks to our main sponsor, Saab, a Swedish company. As we all know Sweden played a leading role in supporting the struggle to liberate the country. 2.Apartheid and the military of yesteryear Before the dawn of our new democracy, the Apartheid government had readily, and unscrupulously, used its armed forces to implement its schemes against the liberation movements, anti-apartheid activists and the homelands that collaborated with the liberation movements. Heart wrenching testimony at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) revealed that their missions included train massacres, hostel and township violence, the permanent isolation of freedom fighters and the murder of “enemies of the state” such as the Cradock Four. I have personal experience of this and you can Google how many people from the South African security forces of the previous government, testified at the TRC about plots to assassinate me. 3.Civilian oversight in the reconstitution and management of the military after 1994 The amalgamation of the South African Defence Force, the Bantustan security forces, as well as the armed wings of the African National Congress, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania and the Inkatha Freedom Party, was challenging in itself. But, because of the Apartheid stigma attached to the military, and other paramilitary organisations, the new government placed disproportionate emphasis on civilian oversight. South Africa ended up with several statutory bodies that form part of civilian oversight, such as: 1. the Ministry of Defence and Military Veterans, 2. the Portfolio Committee on Defence and Military Veterans, 3. the Joint Standing Committee on Defence, 4. the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence, 5. our Commander in Chief, the President, 6. Parliament itself, 7. the Defence Force Service Commission (DFSC), 8. the Military Ombud, and then of course 9. the media. We all agree that civilian oversight is essential, but it cannot be at the expense of the safety of South Africa’s borders and our citizens. Indeed, all the aforementioned bodies, must at all times ensure that the SANDF is in a constant state of readiness. This principle is internationally applied. For us, the question should be: is it necessary for an out-and-out civilian to function as the military’s accounting officer as an additional step to safeguard civilian oversight? There are several examples, in other countries, where this works well, but this is because of their culture of conscription. This means that the managers at the helm of the armed forces are steeped in military strategy and administration. This is enforced by the relevant lawmakers who are also products of the practice of conscription. In my view, this arrangement does not work in South Africa. Simple things like, delays in approving requisitions, disagreements on what the necessities are and a Secretary for Defence (SecDef) who is constantly abroad, adversely impacts on the SANDF’s capacity to fulfil its mandate. As a result of delays, and a lack of decisive leadership at SecDef-level, much needed funds are sometimes returned to National Treasury. When we moved around the military bases across the country, as part of our work as the DFSC, we engaged with SANDF personnel. They made it abundantly clear that there is too much bureaucracy involved and that it is in conflict with military culture. Given this situation, Parliament may have to review this area and perhaps consider making the Chief of the SANDF its accounting officer. This will eliminate the situation where Minster has to waste her time to mediate between the SecDef and the SANDF Chief, as she alluded to yesterday. 4. Parliament’s role in civilian oversight All state institutions are accountable to Parliament and it is therefore incumbent upon it to ensure that the SANDF operates within the law and does abuse its power. Parliament’s oversight work, however, does not start and end with legislation, it also includes the actual exercise of its influence on the organs of state that fall within this portfolio. It further includes monitoring, investigation and making recommendations on how defence challenges could be addressed. 5.Consultation with Parliament Parliament must demand to be kept abreast of South Africa’s involvement in United Nations and the African Union’s peacekeeping efforts, as well as involvement in conflict situations before troops are deployed. However, instead of being briefed in the House, we read of military deployments in the papers and then, after the fact, Parliamentarians would get the information in annual reports. This is not good enough. To make matters worse, there are plenty examples where Parliament only gets roped in once things have gone wrong. This happened, for example, when the South African government, in 2013, assisted François Bozizé in the Central African Republic and thirteen of our paratroopers were killed in Bangui. For Parliament to fulfil its oversight mandate, it is important that it has timeous and sufficient information. This demands transparency on the part of the Department of Defence, the Minister and the military’s top brass. Side-lining Parliament is dangerous and it makes accountability impossible. 6.The Arms Deal: As a striking example of the lack of consultation There is a strong impression that the Executive runs roughshod over Parliament. For instance, in 1999, the Department of Finance warned the responsible Cabinet Sub-Committee about the risks involved in the Arms Deal. Yet, they went ahead with the deal, in spite of this sound advice. Parliament was never asked to sanction the deal. It had only exercised its oversight function in relation to the charges of corruption and conflicts of interest around the transactions. Aside from the obvious problems, one also has to consider the ArmsDeal’s shopping list, which consisted of boats, submarines, helicopters and fighter aircraft. These are the tools of the navy and the airforce. Why did the army, which operates on land, not get apparatus such as armoured trucks, personnel carriers and so forth? Because of this ill-advised arms purchase, and constant budget cuts over the years, the army has backlogs in maintaining and updating their prime mission equipment. On a side note: not only are South Africans still servicing the R70billiondebt, but we must also pay for the costs of the SeritiCommission of Inquiry that amounted to almost R140million. 7.Dissatisfaction within the SANDF Tension between defence management and military unions must be speedily alleviated. Parliament, as part of its oversight function, has a responsibility to harmonise these relationships. Parliamentarians should also be concerned that, on the one hand, troops complain about commanders and, on the other hand, commanders complain about the lack of disciple within the ranks. The conditions of employment of our servicemen and women are not up to scratch. There is a constant stream of complaints about the state of their equipment and poor training. Parliament has a role to play in addressing these matters. 8.The SANDF’s budget There is, what has been described as, a persistent disconnect between the defence mandate, government’s expectations and the allocation of resources. In addition, the Executive and National Treasury should not willy-nilly cut the military budget without applying their minds, because it appears as if there is a lack of understanding of what our defence priorities are. When statements are made such as: the staff complement of the SANDF should be reduced by 10,000 members, one cannot help but wonder on what research such decisions are based. Despite socio-economic conditions, South Africa should earmark at least 2% of its GDP to the defence budget. This is in line with international standards. If the question is asked: “Where should the money come from?”, we just have to think of the fact that government departments wasted R35,2billion (in the 2015/16 financial year) on consultants, travel, catering and entertainment. The call by the Minister of Finance for financial discipline should be heeded and wasteful government spending must be stopped. Political decision-makers should open their ears and listen when our military commanders warn that South Africa’s defence budget is insufficient. Parliament has a role to play in ensuring that the budget is adequate so that our defence requirements are accommodated. 9.Who should champion the SANDF’s cause? Given Parliament’s oversight role, our Members of Parliament (MPs) are the logical people to fulfil this important function. The Portfolio Committee on Defence and Military Veterans should be more assertive in championing the cause of our servicemen and women. In general, Parliamentarians must familiarise themselves with the challenges that the SANDF face by visiting our military bases. I think they will be shocked to see the state of disrepair of infrastructure and equipment; even looking at simple things such as the habitability of barracks. MPs must also acquaint themselves with the work of the Defence Force Service Commission, so that they can exert pressure on the Minister and the Department of Defence and Military Veterans, to implement the recommendations of the Commission. 10.Conclusion If we are to succeed in bridging the gap and advance civil military relations, in a manner that deepens democracy, we require a collective effort with an unwavering commitment to our country and her people. Thank you
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28 Oct, 2016
Councils disruptions: UDM condemns ANC barbaric acts
Councils disruptions: UDM condemns ANC barbaric acts The United Democratic Movement (UDM) condemns in the strongest terms, the ANC’s barbaric acts in councils designed to introduce administration by the African National Congress government. This destabilization Programme is clear – ANC just cannot accept the recent elections results. So ungovernability – is their motto. ANC’s programme is clear if one were to consider that the destabilisation happened in three Metros that the ruling party lost during the local government elections that is; Greater Johannesburg, Tshwane and the Nelson Mandela Metro. This is unfortunate since the ANC is supposed to be the custodians of our democracy. We cannot allow aligned unions to the ANC to be part of the destabilisation and threat to the newly installed metro administration as we have witnessed in Tshwane yesterday. The ANC leadership must take responsibility of what has occurred in these metros and as UDM, we expect the ANC to apologise to the South Africans and such acts are putting our democracy at risk. We call for punitive actions to be taken against the ruling party’s councillors who are culprits. It time that ANC accepts the defeat and move on. Statement issued by: Mr Bongani Msomi UDM Secretary General
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18 Oct, 2016
#FeesMustFall: UDM asks Speaker to release MPs to assist in finding solutions
Honourable Baleka Mbete, MP Speaker of the National Assembly PO Box 15 Cape Town 8000 Dear Madam Speaker #FeesMustFall: REQUEST FOR URGENT DEPLOYMENT OF MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT TO INTERVENE AND ASSIST IN FINDING SOLUTIONS A precedent was created last year, during the terrible xenophobic attacks where we, as the Parliament of the People, were dispatched to calm the situation and try to find solutions to the problems we faced as a nation. Whilst the United Democratic Movement (UDM) supports the principle of free education, the #FeesMustFall campaign, in its current form, is out of control. The fact that the academic year has been interrupted and the destruction of learning infrastructure, personal injury, arson and vandalism is unacceptable. The UDM believes that the current state of affairs at our tertiary institutions warrants urgent attention and that we do everything in our power to try to find a speedy and lasting solution. We have a responsibility as leaders in our communities to see if we cannot find independent persons to mediate between students, institutional representatives and government stakeholders. While we understand the heavy workload of Parliamentarians ahead of the Medium-term Budget Policy Statement later this month, we request that Members of Parliament be sent to our communities and the affected institutions to speak to the citizens of our country and the disillusioned students. We all have a responsibility to build a South Africa in which we all look forward to the sunrise of our tomorrow. Your sincerely, Mr Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP UDM Chief Whip
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16 Oct, 2016
ANC must take action: Zuma must go!
We have been watching one after the other Zuma-scandal hitting South Africa. The United Democratic Movement believes that the proximity of the Zuma and Gupta families is creating uncertainty – with even cabinet ministers not singing from the same hymnbook. It is clear that Mr Zuma is no longer in control and the nation is on autopilot. The African National Congress must wake up and ask Mr Zuma to step down; or they must recall him immediately. Statement issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
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14 Oct, 2016
UDM shocked by the Gauteng Department of Human Settlements
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) is shocked and disappointed by the state of affairs within the Gauteng Human Settlements Department, where more than R900 million is being withdrawn by Treasury, after the Department had apparently, amongst other things, failed to and/or unlawfully spent the budget. The withdrawal of the funds, meant for the creation of sustainable and integrated human settlement, clearly shows that the Department is incapable of delivery to our suffering people. Housing is one of the key factors that impact on the dignity of our people and their quality of life, but we have servants in the government sector who don’t take their mandate seriously and spend money unlawfully. As a result of these kinds of failures the public has, out of desperation, taken to the streets in protest to demand houses. UDM calls for the Department to be placed under administration and that Treasury should conduct an investigation into the matter. Those who are found to be on the wrong side of the law must be brought to book. Statement issued by: Ms Thandi Nontenja UDM National Treasurer
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11 Oct, 2016
UDEMWO saddened by Khwezi’s death
The United Democratic Movement Women’s Organisation (UDEMWO) would like to convey a message of condolences to the family and friends of Fezekile Ntsukela Kuzwayo better known as Khwezi. We as UDEMWO are saddened by her sudden departure. Khwezi fought a good fight and she displayed a true example of imbokodo especially during her dark hour when those she trusted took advantage of her. She was amongst the few fearless women of our time. Her sudden passing leaves us with many questions than answers. As UDEMWO, we feel that Khwezi has not been celebrated and the hand of justice has failed her dismally during her rape trial against President Jacob Zuma. UDEMWO is surprised by the contradictory conduct shown by the ANC Women’s League towards Khwezi that is now calling her a hero. The treatment and the abuse she endured are beyond imagination but she pressed on. The treatment against Khwezi gives a clear indication that women in this country are taken for granted and it saddens us as women. We hope that her courage will be an example to other women. She may have passed on but her spirit leaves on. Statement issued by Mrs Thandi Nontenja UDEMWO Secretary General
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01 Oct, 2016
UDM input at a meeting of the leaders of opposition parties and universities’ vice chancellors
Thank you for affording the United Democratic Movement (UDM) the opportunity to participate in this meeting and contribute to a discussion that will hopefully find lasting solutions to the current impasse at our higher education institutions. 1. Introduction During the first democratic elections in South Africa in 1994, I was privileged to be chosen as part of the Top 8 persons who campaigned for the African National Congress (ANC). We crossed the length and breadth of the Country and I personally addressed over a 105 rallies in our villages, towns and cities from January to April that year. At all of these electioneering events, the issue of free education took centre stage. Based on this election promise, amongst others, the ANC was voted into power and thus given a mandate to fulfil the election promises it made. When the ANC made its assurances in 1994, it did not qualify its promise of free education by saying it would only include a certain group of people. No, it was free education for all. Sadly, 22 years after the fact, young South Africans still do not have access to free education. Instead we see our youth violently protesting the state of affairs at a cost of around R600 million to the public purse thus far. Although the UDM condemns the damage to public and private property in no uncertain terms, we cannot help but have some sympathy with our students’ plight. The ANC has been in power for more than two decades and has yet to fulfil the mandate given to it by the people. To further confuse matters, the security cluster chooses to mislead the nation and hide behind conspiracy theories; alleging that a “third force” is at work. The UDM rejects these excuses outright. 2. The Fees Must Fall campaign and the work of the Fees Commission As a result of the ANC’s empty promises, we are now facing a very dangerous situation where our children have taken matters into their own hands. It is worthwhile to note that, during the past century, it has been students who affected change in their countries – the protest action of students in Egypt, in the past few years, is a good example. In response to the Fees Must Fall campaign, President Zuma instituted a commission of inquiry into the broader issues affecting the funding of higher education i.e. the Fees Commission. However, instead of waiting for the outcome of the Commission’s investigation, the Minister of Higher Education and Training, Mr Blade Nzimande, has now announced interim measures, effectively suggesting that university councils may increase tuition fees to a maximum of 8% for the 2017 academic season. This has been touted as the maximum that government can afford to cover poor students and the so-called “missing middle”. These interim measures could, however, be perceived as pre-emptive to the work of the Fees Commission and borders on undermining the process. In addition, such interim measures provide no lasting solution to the current crisis. It is unsustainable. The UDM suggests that fee increases should be halted pending the outcome of the work of the Fees Commission. If there is an urgent need to make funding available, let government take the funds being wasted on non-priority issues and divert those to higher education. 3. Turning higher education into a political football The genuine demand for free, and quality, higher education has unfortunately been turned into a political matter, which is effectively being abused by the contending factions of the ruling alliance. South Africa cannot afford a situation where education is used to settle political scores within the ANC. We desperately need strong higher education institutions that produce students with the relevant skills for our socio-economic development. 4. Higher education and its role in the economy We have one of the most unequal societies in the world and our economy is not growing. An educated and healthy citizenry is needed to grow and develop our economy so that we are capacitated to eradicate poverty and inequality, and to generate employment. Higher education is a social mobility mechanism, which both the poor and middle strata sees as a ladder into an affluent society. In other words, getting a degree is a passport to employment and a better life. The UDM has confidence in the Fees Commission’s process as spearheaded by leaders in academia and broader society. 5. The poor must have access to higher education The UDM believes that special attention should be paid to poor students who are unable, or is struggling, to pay their tuition fees. We agree that subsidies for the children of domestic workers, or worse, unemployed persons, cannot be the same as those for the children of advocates, doctors and investment bankers. The reality is that there are those deserving students who need to be totally subsidised by government. The lack of such support is the reason why, in part, students are still up in arms and toyi-toying, resulting in the closure of many campuses on the eve of final exams. 6. Finding a sustainable, lasting solution to the crisis Nobody wants to see an escalation of campus violence and vandalism, which destroys the assets invested to educate our future leaders. The UDM believes that it is possible to make higher education accessible to all and that this has to be done. In order to do so, we require ethical leadership from all stakeholders, including those dealing with law and order. The UDM therefore lauds the open and honest dialogue amongst all stakeholders to find a way forward. In addition, the UDM calls upon the private sector to look into other ways of increasing their financial support to students in order to make education affordable to the poor and the working class. Government, on the other hand, must stop splashing public money on wasteful and unproductive expenses. Just this past week, we heard that government departments have not yielded to Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan’s call to save money and cut costs. It was reported that R35,2 billion was spent on consultants, travel, catering and entertainment. The UDM has long held the view that the continuous outsourcing of government work, which ought to be done by civil servants, is expensive and perpetuates poor service delivery. As a crisis measure, the Finance Director General should convene an urgent meeting with all other Directors General to place a moratorium on wasteful expenditure. In so doing, government can start channelling saved funds into higher education, other needy areas, in order to rescue the current situation. The UDM also feels that the forthcoming meeting of stakeholders in higher education called by President Zuma is likely to be another talk-shop. The nation expects nothing less than the release of an interim report by the Fees Commission on the work that they have done thus far. We are fed-up with useless indabas that produce no real solutions to the nation’s problems. It is a sad fact that President Zuma has failed the country in a situation where we need his decisive leadership. We hope that the President realises that his Education Minister, with the announcement of the fees hike, is in essence undermining his decisions and pre-empting the recommendations of his Fees Commission.
Admin
26 Sep, 2016
Bantu Holomisa requests meeting of political leaders and IEC regarding ANC leadership’s criticism of Mr Terry Tselane
Dear Mr Mashinini REQUEST FOR AN URGENT MEETING OF THE LEADERS OF ALL POLITICAL PARTIES REPRESENTED IN PARLIAMENT The above matter has reference. It has come to my attention that the African National Congress (ANC) has declared the Deputy Chairperson of the Independent Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC), Mr Terry Tselane, an enemy. It is alleged that, at the IEC National Results Centre (in Pretoria) for the 2016 Municipal Elections, the Secretary General of the ANC, Mr Gwede Mantashe and his deputy Ms Jessie Duarte, in the presence of the State President (who is also the ANC’s President) caused a stir by confronting Mr Tselane and, amongst others, alleging that he: Was an enemy of the ANC; Was conniving with the opposition parties against the ANC; Had single-handedly removed teachers as IEC electoral officers during the 2016 Municipal Elections in order to benefit opposition parties; and that His behaviour has benefitted the opposition parties. These are serious allegations, considering that it was made against a member of the Electoral Commission. It is interesting to note that Mr Mantashe seems to be confirming that the appointment of teachers as electoral officers, is designed to disadvantage opposition parties and unduly benefit the ANC. Such an admission vindicates the view always held by opposition parties with regard to the ‘exclusive’ appointment of teachers as electoral officers. Many of these teachers, if not all, are members of a Cosatu affiliated teachers’ union, Sadtu. Cosatu is in alliance with the ANC and has always taken a firm decision to support the ANC in every election that has taken place since the advent of democracy in South Africa; its decisions binds Sadtu and its members. These allegations place a grey cloud over other Electoral Commissioners. It will not be far-fetched to question whether their loyalties are with the country, its citizens and the Constitution or with the ANC. This is important, because from these allegations, it is clear, that any Electoral Commissioner who does not sweeten the ANC will be regarded as an enemy and will be dealt with accordingly. These developments may necessitate that the current composition of the Electoral Commission be urgently scrutinised to ascertain whether they are all in the service of the nation or in the service of a political party. I am also made to believe that the ANC has begun to question Accenture, a company that has been contracted and worked with IEC to provide technical solutions for a stable technical environment to support elections processes. In my recollection, the credibility of this company has never been questioned by the ANC and it is interesting that it is only now emerging after the elections results that have shocked the ruling party. It begs a serious question; why does the ruling party now have an issue with Accenture and why was this matter never tabled at the appropriate body i.e. the National Party Liaison Committee. I am also aware that the ANC is allegedly considering to alter the current party representation on the IEC’s Party Liaison Committees in favour of proportional representation. We wish to obtain a detailed understanding of this development and its rationale. The alleged meeting that took place on Monday, 19 September 2016, at Luthuli House, which was attended by some of the ANC ‘top six’ and Electoral Commissioner, is of serious concern. It is further disturbing that it is alleged that some of the issues raised above were discussed in the said clandestine meeting. Accordingly, I request that you convene an urgent meeting of all the leaders of parties represented in the South African Parliament to consider, amongst others, the matters raised above. I hope this will be attended to urgently. Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement
