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22 Apr, 2020
UDM’s reaction to Ramaphosa’s economic stimulus package
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) welcomes the announcements President Cyril Ramaphosa made on government’s plans to temper the impact of the Coronavirus pandemic on South African’s lives and stimulate the economy. With this R500 billion stimulus package the government is falling in step with governments around the world, which have embarked on massive fiscal stimulus packages and expansionary monetary policies to counter the negative impact of the Coronavirus on their economies. This is directly in line with the UDM’s long-standing policy that: “Government Must Do More” and get back to the original agenda of addressing the backlogs and imbalances of the past and high levels of inequality in South Africa. We are pleased that SMMEs and the informal sector have been targeted for assistance and growth, and that mention was made of salary and job protection, as well as extended social grants. As is the case in America with the Federal Reserve Bank, we are of the view that the South African Reserve Bank has a critical role to play in providing a pay-cheque protection liquidity facility, and other facilities, to commercial banks so that they can provide loans to small businesses to maintain their payroll during this difficult time. Banks would then provide monthly updates to the Reserve Bank about the number and value of the facilities extended for this purpose. We are of the view that the South African Reserve Bank should introduce similar facilities to commercial banks in order for them to use these facilities for targeted sectors of the economy, as part of the Reserve Bank’s broader “Coronavirus Pandemic Response Programme”. We also believe that there is scope for the central bank to further reduce the interest rate as a way to stimulate the economy. Furthermore, the jobless benefit should also cover freelancers and those who work in the informal sector. In particular, the UDM feels that Unemployment Insurance Fund (UIF) pay-outs should be handled on a sectoral level and that employers should apply for these pay-outs on behalf of individual employees rather than individual applications clogging up the system. There should also be a three-month moratorium on bond, car and other loan payments, as these are still left to the discretion of commercial banks which are sometimes reluctant to give loan recipients a breather because they use payment profiles and credit records to make their decisions. In the same vein to the UIF scenario, it would make more sense to do this to avoid clogs in the system and people standing in endless queues outside banks in contravention of the stay-at-home regulations and putting themselves in danger of contracting the Coronavirus. A stay on bank account closures and bank fees, due to bad bank account conduct and returned debit orders, is needed. We also think that life insurers should be brought on board to create breathing space for policy holders, by allowing a three-month payment holiday. Once all these relief measures are put in place, and in view of the fact that taxpayers who donate to the Solidarity Fund will be able to claim up to an additional ten percent as a deduction from their taxable income, South Africans will be in a position to contribute to the Solidarity Fund. A call should also be made to all sectors of society, celebrities and private businesses and other arms of the state which have not made a public declaration on contributions, to lead by example, and contribute to the Solidarity Fund. Government must also immediately settle the R7 billion debt owed to its small and medium enterprise service providers, which, beside it being the right thing to do, will serve as a lifeline and important stimulus package for SMMEs. Localisation of our economy is paramount. In light of the Coronavirus crisis we should ensure that during this time all protective equipment is produced and sourced locally. This could be a magnificent project to create jobs in the informal sector and in rural areas, for women in particular. This strategy should be continued post-Coronavirus and our manufacturing industry should be brought up to scratch so that South Africa is less dependent on imported goods and we should not be a dumping ground for other countries. In principle, we support the economic stimulus package as it is good on paper and it is in line with our social democratic values of equality and solidarity as the plan seeks to ensure that our country’s resources are arranged to the greatest benefit of the most vulnerable and the poorest of the poor. The UDM, however, strongly believes that if government had recouped the R500 billion stolen during state capture, South Africa would not have had to stand in the queue for loans from the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, BRICS New Development Bank and the African Development Bank. In addition, we are sceptical of government’s political will and ability to manage South Africa’s finances under the current circumstances. The reason being that, given for instance state capture, it does not have a proven track-record and also, given the extraordinary circumstances created by the Coronavirus pandemic, there are not sufficient checks and balances in place to monitor government’s income and spending. Just now we will need a Coronavirus Commission of Inquiry, post the crisis, which we cannot afford. Time will tell. Issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa UDM President
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17 Apr, 2020
UDM donates to Coronavirus Solidarity Fund
Ms Gloria Serobe Chairperson of the Solidarity Fund Dear Ms Serobe UNITED DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT’S DONATION TO SOLIDARITY FUND We greet you at this critical time of South Africa’s battle against the Coronavirus pandemic on our shores, in the spirit of empathy and unity. In line with President Cyril Ramaphosa’s call that public representatives make donations to the Solidarity Fund, as one of the tools which this nation is using to combat Covid-19, the United Democratic Movement’s (UDM) public representatives, at all three levels, is pledging R300,000 to the Fund for three months, starting in June 2020. Over and above that, the UDM has set aside R200,000 for the purchase of masks and food for needy families. We hope that these donations will make a difference and wish you God’s speed in all your efforts. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
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09 Apr, 2020
Holomisa writes to NCCC re COVID-19 lockdown review
Dear Chairperson of the National Coronavirus Command Council IMPORTANT MATTERS TO CONSIDER DURING THE COVID-19 LOCKDOWN REVIEW I wish to thank you for taking us, as political parties and stakeholders in South African society, for the confidence you showed in consulting us regarding the COVID-19 lockdown. We still endorse this critical move to find a lasting solution. We realise that this is a trial-and-error process and in line with your announcement that the decision for a lockdown will be reviewed, I ,yesterday, took it upon myself to do a snapshot survey asking South Africans the following on my social networks: “South African Review of Lockdown. We are past the halfway mark of the 21-day lockdown period and the government is busy reviewing the effectiveness of the lockdown in preventing the spread of Covid-19. Which regulations do you think should be reviewed and why? I intend compiling your suggestions and submit them to the President since he involved us as leaders of political parties right from the beginning in this coronavirus saga. I anticipate that he might consult us once more, if he intends to make changes. All the best.” Please note that, browsing through these comments, people, amongst others, are calling for government to carefully investigate the economic impact of the lockdown, given that the socio-economic conditions of South Africans are remarkably diverse and that no one solution can fit all. I submit these comments as is, but it should go a long way in finding a lasting solution; please see their comments and proposals on Twitter and Facebook. There are a number of well thought through ideas and comments from the people closest to this pandemic. Please also see the attached email from Ms Diane Redelinghuys for some additional suggestions. However, please note that the United Democratic Movement (UDM) is concerned that there are signs of maladministration regarding tenders during this time as evidenced in the City Press article: “Outrage over Gauteng’s 24-hour, R30m express tender” published on 5 April 2020. See also a Sunday Times article of 5 April 2020 “‘Sub-standard sanitisers, masks for soldiers’” and “Soldiers ‘forced’ to patrol streets during lockdown in ‘unsafe gear‘” regarding R10 million that had been spent on allegedly unsafe sanitisers and masks. There are also allegations of a R50 million tender allocated to a certain Kirinox non-profit organisation to provide services for the homeless and street children’s shelters (see the announcement by the Deputy Minister of Social Development on the left). We hear that this NPO has already submitted an invoice for R20 million. Regarding Minister Ndabeni Abrahams’ now infamous visit to Mr Mduduzi Manana’s house during lockdown, the jury is still out as to exactly what was being discussed in a situation where you have a minister and staff of the presidency present, and that the host had the temerity to say that the minister only came to fetch personal protective equipment, as a donation from his foundation. There are legitimate worries that this could be the tip of the iceberg and since Parliament and the provincial legislatures are shut down, there is no level of oversight and monitoring. In addition, people are concerned that there is no mechanism in place where any suspected maladministration and corruption can be reported. The UDM would therefore suggest that a small body be put in place, comprised of representatives of the Human Rights Commission, National Treasury, the Special Investigation Unit, the National Prosecuting Authority, the Auditor General, the Hawks and the police, to monitor government’s tendering processes during this time. This oversight and monitoring body, chaired by a judge, should be given the necessary powers to act, as ministers and deputy-ministers tend to give political directives to accounting officers. Given the history of this country, we cannot rely on the word of ministers and/or deputy-ministers in these matters. We hope that you and your colleagues will take our citizens’ and the UDM’s suggestions on board in the review of the COVID-19 lockdown. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
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24 Mar, 2020
COVID-19: Holomisa writes to NCCC: “Keep SA clean”
Dear Chairperson of the National Coronavirus Command Council CRITICAL IMPORTANCE OF ENVIRONMENTAL CLEANLINESS AND HEALTH DURING COVID-19 CRISIS AND LOCKDOWN As I stated at the Union Buildings on 22 March 2020, when the President and some of us as political leaders addressed the nation, the United Democratic Movement (UDM) believes that in order for South Africa to succeed in combating COVID-19, our plan should be guided by discipline, clean environment, speed and control. Even though all the other legs are vital, the UDM believes that a clean environment is of paramount importance. For, whether one lives in the rural villages, townships, informal settlements, cities, towns and even the leafy suburbs, the phenomenon of littering and dumping can be seen all over. As we know, the socioeconomic impacts of a dirty and foul environment run abound. Littering and dumping can promote the transmission of disease and in particular, for example, tyres and containers are perfect for collecting water and provide ideal places for mosquitos to breed, disease carrying rats multiply in these environs and contaminated medical waste can spread diseases. To compound matters, there is already anecdotal evidence that rats are becoming a problem where countries have imposed a Coronavirus lockdown as, for instance, restaurants abandon activity and people leave garbage bags out in the open, which attract rats. Now that the streets are empty of people, rats have come from their hiding places and move around with ease. Waste management in this critical period of our nation’s health should be on all our minds, but especially on that of government. As an essential service, government cannot drop this ball. However, it is not only incumbent on government to do something about environmental health and waste management. We therefore call on the National Coronavirus Command Council to direct our nation to de-litter and clean their environs as a matter of urgency. Shop owners must clear packaging and other waste materials from the backs of their shops and alleyways. Vehicle drivers, especially those in the public transport industry, must ensure that passengers do not throw garbage out of car, bus, taxi and train windows. Factory managers and owners must urgently clear dump sites on their properties. Most importantly, each individual person must take responsibility for his/her actions and surroundings, and should stop this mentality of thinking it’s someone else’s problem or that it isn’t a problem at all. As from now on, anyone seen littering or throwing out things from a vehicle window, must be stopped and made to pick up his/her garbage. We need to instil a new culture of tidiness and personal environmental responsibility. Unfortunately littering and dumping sites have scarred our environmental landscape for decades and the mess has been building up. In order to help government to catch-up and level the ground, so to speak, the Council may want to appeal to truck-owners and construction companies to make their equipment available to reinforce municipalities in dealing with this problem, thus embarking on a massive 21-day clean-up exercise. If our proposal is accepted, ideally speaking, one of the unintended consequences of this Coronavirus lockdown could be a cleaner South Africa. The UDM would like to take this opportunity to wish upon the President and the National Coronavirus Command Council the strength and stamina required to see South Africa through this crisis. God bless us all. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP
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12 Mar, 2020
PIC report: the UDM is vindicated on Harith
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) welcomes the publishing of the long-awaited report of the Mpati Commission of inquiry into the Public Investment Corporation (PIC). We are happy that, even though President Ramaphosa took his sweet time in releasing it, it does not seem as if there was any attempt to lessen the blow. We have been vindicated with the Commission’s findings which attributes improprieties to the PIC senior management for failure to manage decision-making in a professional and honest manner. The Commission found in particular that the former CEO, Dr Dan Matjila was dishonest, and the PIC board merely rubber-stamped his decisions. In particular the UDM is happy that the Commission cut to the bone in its findings around Harith, saying that the company managed the PAIDF I and II “at significantly high fees” and that the earnings and incentive schemes provided rich rewards for those “…selected by the PIC… confirming that PIC directors and employees used their positions for personal gain and/or to benefit another person.” “Harith’s conduct was driven by financial reward to its employees and management, and not by returns to the GEPF. In essence the PIC initiative, created in keeping with government vision and PIC funding was ‘privatised’ such that those PIC employees and office bearers originally appointed to establish the various Funds and companies reaped rich rewards.” Even though we are proud of the fact that we championed the cause in getting the rot exposed at the PIC, the sad part is that the damage done will be everlasting. At this stage, we certainly hope that the National Prosecuting Authority, and other authorities, will run with the ball and bring any and all guilty parties to book. This process should be a lesson in point for the greedy hyenas out there that they will not get away with corruption and mismanagement. The UDM will be scrutinising the details of the almost 1000-page report in due course. Issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa UDM President
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05 Mar, 2020
Bantu Holomisa on Socio-Economic Transformation and Inclusive Growth
Speech by Bantu Holomisa, MP and UDM President on The Big Political Corner – Socio-Economic Transformation and Inclusive Growth at the Black Business Council Annual Policy Summit at Gallagher Estate in Midrand Let me start off by saying thank you to the Black Business Council for hosting this summit and complimenting it for having a good spread of contributors to the “big debate”, which is our economy. 1. Introduction Ladies and gentlemen, truth be told, during the struggle period the arts and law faculties of our universities were flooded by students from our disadvantaged communities. This happened because the focus at the time was to train scholars who were focussed on the liberation of our people. This was the right thing to do at that time. Unfortunately, while those classes were full, those in the economic sciences were bare. I witnessed this in 1979 when I enrolled for just such courses at the Umtata branch of the University of Fort Hare, where Professor Wiseman Nkuhlu, South Africa’s first black chartered accountant, lectured us. Hindsight being 20/20; looking at the success of, for example, Gloria Serobe who was my classmate and our highly successful businesswoman who obtained her BCom degree at the then University of Transkei during those years, we would have been speaking a totally different language today if there had been greater focus on economic sciences. This was part of the reason that I in 1998 partnered with Mr Matt Matthyser in a project called P-m=g2, where we developed supplementary study guides, providing high quality education in the subjects of English, physics, math and accounting. The aim was to give an edge to formerly disadvantaged students entering tertiary education, and for those who did not have the means to proceed, to have a proper grasp of the basics that would enable them to run their own businesses and their own private finances. Matt and I met with Ignatius Sehoole and Chantel Mulder of the South African Institute of Chartered Accountants (SAICA). We also lobbied various state departments and those in the corporate sector. Our efforts culminated in a programme, which is today called, Thuthuka and is run by SAICA. The aim having been to produce more black chartered accountants. Some of you might be aware that this project was launched in 2001 by Nelson Mandela in Umtata, and today I am proud that thousands of students have successfully graduated through the efforts of this programme, with many more to follow. Today Ignatius is the CEO of KPMG and we wish him well in turning that organisation around. I give this background, because once we attained political freedom in 1994, it was clear that our important institutions, government and the private sector would require trained and qualified professionals to run their business. The take-away from me making the point of an effective education system is that the successes of programmes like Thuthuka must be replicated en masse in, for example, the fields of agro-processing, steel and other manufacturing industries and tourism. It is not only important to create jobs, but also to send a skilled and qualified work force to fill those jobs. Not this mediocrity we have been subjected to. 2. A high-level snapshot of what we are facing Regarding the achievement of socio-economic transformation and inclusive growth, the United Democratic Movement (UDM) is of the view that government must do more, especially to address the backlogs and imbalances of the past. This would include the issues of education, land, economy and integrating the infrastructure of South Africa. Not only do we have to contend with the legacy of the past, but compounding our problems is a new triple crisis, which is: first, a fiscal crisis; second, an energy crisis; and third, the climate crisis that affects everyone, everywhere around the world. While the climate crisis is a global phenomenon, in which the developing world is a victim of the choices made by the Western powers of the industrial revolution and what followed it, the first two are own goals. The fiscal crisis and the energy crisis are clear failures of governance. On a side note and talking about a global phenomenon, the jury is still out on how great the effects of the Corona Virus will be on our economy in the end. That said, to position ourselves for the future, we urgently must fix the fiscal and energy problems over which we have control. For the economy to grow, we need a reliable supply of energy. If the government finds that it cannot maintain the social security safety needs, that it has created since 1994, and which the Constitution requires, then we will be in real trouble in terms of socio-economic risks and public order unrest. At some point, we need to take a serious look at our population growth, and the impact it has on our economy and the need to ensure a certain level of economic growth that keeps pace. This debate must take into consideration the burden on our limited resources and the pace of infrastructure development required. This dynamic should be considered in tandem with bulging immigration. Disrespect for the rule of law, as exhibited by our executive over the years, as well as institutionalised corruption have a direct bearing on South Africa’s downgrading on international ratings, which in turn negatively impacts investor confidence. Nobody doubts that over the last 25 years we have been consumers only. We need to find the ingredients to bake a bigger economic cake so that everyone not only gets a fair share, but that they also contribute to an inclusive, healthy, stable and growing economy. Also, in the past, companies like Anglo and other big conglomerates sustained government; albeit the Apartheid government. Too late did we realise that their campaigns for changes in foreign exchange policies would culminate in their listing outside South Africa. Thus, they sent the message that it is not good to invest here, and they also ended up spiting the new democratic government. Our focus from now on must be on how do we empower our own people to bake this larger economic cake I have mentioned. 3. A historical perspective on socio-economic transformation We must also look at which useful lessons history can teach us. A case in point of the “government must do more”-principle I mentioned earlier, is the international precedent of the European Recovery Programme of 1948, better known as the “Marshall Plan”. Closer to home, the Afrikaner government was deliberate in using state resources to successfully address Afrikaner poverty after the Anglo-Boer War. Some might consider state intervention as a taboo, but there is a lesson to be drawn from this part of the Afrikaner’s history i.e. how they purposefully managed to pull themselves up by their own socks and actively did something about their problems. 4. Policy certainty as a steppingstone for socio-economic growth The other important way in which we can position ourselves for the future is to be more decisive about where in our economy we want to welcome new private sector investment. Also, we cannot get away from the fact that policy uncertainty has for far too long caused South Africa much economic damage and has, in essence, halted socio-economic transformation and inclusive growth. First we had the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), then the Growth, Employment and Redistribution framework (GEAR), then we switched to the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa (AsgiSA), followed by the New Growth Path (NGP), then the National Development Plan 2030 and most recently, Radical Economic Transformation. This chopping and changing erodes investor confidence and drives out entrepreneurship. To compound matters, the tri-partite alliance’s differing stances on the economy further confuses policies. We urgently need to align policies with the needs of investors, and we need to provide clear policy certainty above all else. 5. Economic Indaba Regarding our macro-economic policy, after 25 years, there is still no consensus (not even within the tri-partite alliance) on how South Africa must transform its economy in a manner that creates wealth and improves the fortunes of the disadvantaged majority. This is indicative that something drastic must happen, and it must happen soon. Although we do not out of hand discard the current administration’s economic summits, the UDM strongly believes that a similar exercise as the Codesa talks needs to take place, but this time in the form of an Economic Indaba. Piecemeal conferences and summits will not do the job; it needs a concerted effort with all stakeholders gathering under one roof to hammer out South Africa’s economic policy. This Economic Indaba should emerge with consensus after which its decisions should directly go to parliament for ratification and implementation In this concerted manner, we are more likely to achieve policy certainty that will in turn ensure socio-economic transformation and inclusive growth in the near future. This proposed Economic Indaba is our best chance to find the right socio-economic solutions that will benefit all South Africans. I thank you.
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20 Feb, 2020
Bantu Holomisa on South Africa today and how best to position ourselves for the future
Let me start off by saying a heartfelt “thank you” to the South African Ubuntu Foundation for giving me this opportunity to chat with you today. Ladies and gentlemen, South Africa faces a triple crisis. Not the conventional one of unemployment, poverty and inequality, though those underlying socio-economic conditions remain, scarring our land, and casting a long shadow over the post-1994 South Africa. No, a new triple crisis: first, a fiscal crisis; second, an energy crisis; and third, the climate crisis that affects everyone, everywhere around the world. While the climate crisis is a global phenomenon, in which the developing world is a victim of the choices made by the Western powers of the industrial revolution and what followed it, the first two are own goals. The fiscal crisis and the energy crisis are failures of governance. To position ourselves for the future, we first must fix these two problems. For the economy to grow, we need a reliable supply of energy. For the investors to invest, we need a reliable supply of energy. And to avoid a downgrade to full junk status, we need to stabilize the fiscus. In turn, that means addressing the size of the public sector wage bill. All eyes will be on Tito Mboweni next week when he delivers his budget speech. Will he be able to show sufficient progress since the mini-budget last October. I very much doubt it. The danger of the downgrade, is that it puts further pressure on the fiscus and then on the social wage. If the government finds that it cannot maintain the social security safety need that it has created since 1994, and which the Constitution requires, then we will be in real trouble in terms of socio-economic risks and public order unrest. But we are not there yet. And we must not be too pessimistic. This is a resilient country, as we have shown many times. Most recently, we showed it in our determination to defend the freedoms and rights enshrined in the Constitution. A rogue president was held to account and ultimately ousted from power. Our rule of law held the line; our judges proved their independence; and many of our institutions either resisted state capture or slowly being rebuilt. Although I credit our President with having made steady progress in his reform programme, I worry about the urgency and boldness of his decision-making. I am concerned that he does not understand the full gravity of the situation. Even more worryingly, I am worried that he is too concerned about appeasing his political enemies within the ruling party. That is a waste of time and energy. The Zuma cabal, the Fightback Faction – call them what you like – are a bunch of scoundrels. Their strategy is a scorched earth strategy. The worst things are, the worse it is for the president, and the better it is for them. They believe that they can defend their interests and avoid prosecution and jail. They must be proved wrong. Hence, although the link with the economy is vague and indirect, I realise that in order to position ourselves for the future, we need to show to ourselves and to the world that we are capable of bringing to account those who were responsible for state capture. And we must not make the mistake, state capture did not start in Zuma’s era, it was there long before that. Just look at the Arms Deal and Sarafina II scandals and Chancellor House in particular which was a vehicle to loot state resources with impunity. They must pay the price for their vandalism and their selfish disregard for public integrity. The other important way in which we can position ourselves for the future is to be more decisive about where in our economy we want to welcome in new private sector investment. It is clear now that the government has run out of ideas and run out of runway – certainly in terms of SAA, if you will forgive the pun – in terms of the contribution it can make to public investment and job creation. If anything, the state needs to make some tough decisions to prevent massive job losses and cut costs, because of the fiscal crisis. While the state has a developmental role to play, it also needs to reignite economic growth of new private investment. This is no time, then, for holding onto sacred ideological cows. We need to be pragmatic. We cannot deny the fact that the state has a critical role play in redressing the backlogs and imbalances of the past. There is once more a great opportunity to find common cause between the state, the people and the private sector. We need to align policies with the needs of investors, and we need to provide clear policy certainty above all else. The tensions at NEDLAC, between labour and big business, and the mistrust investors have around government’s connection with labour needs to be addressed. This could be attended to by including other social partners. Here again, there are concerns about the willingness and ability of the President and his cabinet to offer the certainty that is required. Too often they appear not to be singing from the same hymn sheet. The notes jar; there is a discordant sound when, for example, Minister of Minerals and Energy Gwede Mantashe, speaks on the subject of opening up the energy sector to private investment. Why is this? Is it really ideological wariness or is the hesitation due to something else? Is he trying, for example, to protect coal interests? Or his apparent reserve about renewable energy more to do with a concern that foreign renewable energy companies will prove to be resistant to attempts to create rent-seeking opportunities for the tender-preneur community? We need the president to lead. His job is to ensure that his cabinet is aligned and speaks with one voice, unequivocally obedient to the strategies he outlined in SONA last week. To do so, he will have to abandon the pretence that the ANC can be re-united. That ship has sailed – long ago. It is divided and factionalised. He is on a complete hiding to nothing if he invests too much political capital in trying to keep everyone inside the ANC happy. So, he must decide where his real priority lies. There can be only one choice: the country. But I wonder whether he is capable of making that tough choice. Lastly, we must play to our strengths. This is a country that is rich in talent, has plentiful local capital markets and well-run companies as well as some well-run public institutions. As I have said, it has an independent judicial branch of government. And it has an effective, free media and a robust civil society. We must work together to harness these talents. We can no longer expect government to do everything, still less the ANC. We must take our futures into our own hands, forging partnerships across sectors and society and the economy. We must do what we do best as South Africans – be creative and resilient, and thereby avoid the precipice. The responsibility for those of us who are elected to serve in parliament is to look beyond the walls of parliament and to help cultivate those creative partnerships. As we build our ability to build and sustain coalitions in party politics, so too we must build and sustain extra parliamentary coalitions – between political leaders, community leaders, NGOs and thinktanks, and, yes, business. That is the sort of social compact that we need. If we do so well, then we will position ourselves effectively. We will be able to articulate exactly what it is that we need our government to do, and then the government will have no choice but to respond positively. This requires a sense of strategic leadership and vision. Those of us with power and privilege and wealth will need to continue to make sacrifices in service of this goal. Because we must remember that the great majority of South Africans struggle to live a decent life and to feed their children. We owe to them to create the conditions, the partnerships, the policies, and the good governance needed to grow the economy and create employment. Nobody doubts that over the last 25 years we have been consumers, we need to find the ingredients to bake a bigger economic cake so that everyone not only gets a fair share, but that they also contribute to a healthy, stable and growing economy. I thank you.
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12 Feb, 2020
SONA 2020 debate: response by Bantu Holomisa in the National Assembly
Mr President Honourable Speaker Honourable Members Since the change of government in 1994 there have been improvements. Yet, judging by the uneasiness of the people who have been suffering due to poor service delivery, it is difficult to explain to them, when the same leadership which liberated them yesterday are now embroiled in the looting of state resources. It simply means that the noble intentions which were pronounced in 1994 have been hijacked by thugs. Indeed, many people who had hoped that when you, Mr President, ascended to office with your pronunciations that by today there must have been action taken against those who stole the money. Money that could have been used to alleviate the backlogs and imbalances of the past. It is equally worrying that some of those who have been implicated are seemingly regrouping to continue with their looting sprees. It is for that reason that there must be a plan and strategy to improve on the performance of the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA). Take all these cases, such as the massive Gupta looting, VBS robbing of the poor, municipalities’ monies, Bosasa and the other revelations of the commissions of inquiry… we can’t allow this nonsense to continue! Either the NPA’s leadership must resign, or be fired, and we must employ competent people, or we must request secondment of experts from countries we have bilateral agreements with. Honourable members, the state of our environment needs attention in particular pollution and the lack of enforcement regarding waste management. Mr President, we propose that all vehicle owners or drivers be made liable for people throwing garbage out of car, taxi and truck windows. Shop owners should stop dumping packaging material on our sidewalks. In addition, we propose that one of our public holidays be set aside to launch a cleaning initiative so that our streets and living areas can be made litter free and thus raising the quality of life of our people. Cellphone companies should be lobbied to assist with a communication campaign as they have access to all our phones. It is time that we inculcate a culture of ownership. We must clean up the mess we made; nobody is going to do it for us. Lastly, climate change is a reality of which South Africans should be keenly aware. General desertification, dams that are dried up and soil erosion are at the order of the day. Silting of dams and riverbeds are problematic. Job opportunities can be created if government could launch a programme to plant grass and put other erosion combatting measures in place to preserve the soil in rural areas and to clear silted-up dams and rivers to restore their capacity. I thank you.
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31 Jan, 2020
Speech by Bantu Holomisa at the farewell function for Major General Mlindeni Sibango
Ladies and gentlemen Thank you for allowing me this opportunity to say a few words at this farewell function for Major General Mlindeni Sibango; a brother in arms and a long-time friend. On behalf of General Sibango I wish to thank the South African National Defence Force for giving him the opportunity to serve this Country. He certainly distinguished himself and made us proud. I have known General Sibango since the years of the then Transkei Defence Force (TDF) as he rose through the ranks. He was one of the former commanders in the TDF that I had encouraged to study and do military courses. In fact, he was one of the strategic individuals that were chosen for training in India after Chris Hani, General Mgwebi and my trip to India to arrange training for both TDF and uMkhonto we Sizwe cadres. General Sibango was always a willing and able student and his achievement of a master’s degree at Wits bears testimony to that. His long-time career, and his leadership and participation in preparing our troops for deployment in peace-keeping missions on the Continent shows a man who “knew his stuff”. In fact, I would call General Sibango a “mobile archive” of military knowledge and we cannot allow his skill and experience to go to waste just because he’s reached retirement age. Given his background and knowledge, it’s people like him who should be recruited by the state for diplomatic missions, because they know the field and, above all, are disciplined. In the same vein, outgoing officers such as General Sibango should seriously consider establishing an independent institution to train future leaders and managers for the military, civil service and private sector. I cannot think of a better course developer, role-model and lecturer than General Sibango who could impart discipline, wisdom and knowledge to young South Africans. General Sibango, you have dedicated your life to South Africa and her people. We thank you for that. From one retired general to another, my friend, I say to you: “Welcome to the Club!” I thank you.
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26 Nov, 2019
Member’s statement: Holomisa on United Kingdom visas
Honourable Speaker, For some time now the United Kingdom (UK) has required South Africans to apply for visas to visit the UK, because of that country’s security concerns. This includes the tedious requirement to obtain a transit visa to connect with flights to other countries. Yet, South Africa is still committed to freely welcome UK travellers and business-people to our shores. Rightly or wrongly, there seem to have been a taint of distrust of South Africans that arose around 2008/9. Much has changed since then, and one would argue that the time has come for the British and South African governments to reassess, and to alleviate a situation that by design unfairly penalises South Africans and virtually, still brands us (as a nation) as potential terrorists. The United Democratic Movement calls upon the South African government to sit down with their British counterparts to re-evaluate and to ascertain whether the reasons for their decision still stand. Also, the British government must please be requested to publish the details on where we are still failing. I thank you.
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14 Nov, 2019
Condolences with passing of Xhosa King Zwelonke Sigcawu
We have learnt with shock of the untimely passing of the AmaXhosa King Mpendulo Zwelonke Sigcawu. His death is a terrible loss for the Xhosa Nation and South Africa. King Zwelonke was an outspoken and independent individual who did not shy away from expressing his opinions – especially when things were not right in our country. On behalf of the United Democratic Movement and myself, I express our condolences with his family and the Xhosa people. May his soul rest in peace. Statement by: Mr Bantu Holomisa UDM President
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01 Oct, 2019
Vehicle financing: Holomisa asks Wesbank CEO some pointed questions
AN OPEN LETTER TO THE CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER OF WESBANK, CHRIS DE KOCK Mr Chris de Kock Wesbank Chief Executive Officer Enterprise Road Fairland 2170 Dear Mr De Kock ALLEGED CORRUPTION IN MOTOR VEHICLE SALES: THIRTY MORE PEOPLE CONFIRM SEEMING FRAUDULENT TRANSACTIONS INVOLVING WESBANK FINANCING 1. Introduction Our meeting of the 10th of May 2018 regarding Mr Mzukisi Ndara’s complaint and subsequent correspondence refers. You will recall that I addressed an open letter to you in May last year that contained serious allegations of impropriety and possible fraudulent misconduct occasioned by officials that were acting on behalf of FirstRand Bank, trading as Wesbank. The vehicle sale deal that was concluded with Mr Ndara, on the face of it, carried fraudulent misrepresentations that have led to untold financial harm and prejudice to him and his family for fifteen years; this year. The letter I wrote to you was also posted on my social media platforms provoking a flurry of activity largely condemning the conduct of the bank. 2. Context You consequently invited Mr Ndara and I to a meeting to discuss this matter further. We met at Wesbank’s headquarters at Fairlands in Johannesburg. Apart from you absolving the bank of all responsibility, and partly blaming the dealership, you were unable to debunk the authenticity of what Mr Ndara contended. Instead, pursuant to him narrating what had transpired, during and post the conclusion of his vehicle sale deal you said that “if it is true what you are saying, and its accurate, then I must sympathise with you because you will have been done a grave injustice”. In order to eliminate in your statement, the suspensive condition “if” Mr Ndara took the trouble to furnish your legal officer, Mr McLellan, with the documents that relate to his matter, his utterances when he saw them, was “it is the first time I am seeing these documents”. This is yet another statement that begs the question: Does FirstRand bank value its reputation as a corporate citizen in this country and if so, why doesn’t it redress what are clearly gross violations of Mr Ndara’s constitutional rights? Sir, I have had to answer this question myself. Shocking as this may be, scary as this may sound, the balance of probabilities points to Wesbank having used this approach as its modus operandi to seemingly swindle a significant number of South Africans from their hard-earned money. It came as a shock to the system, when Mr Ndara told me that Mr Prishen Ramsamay and Mrs Cheryl Moosa contacted him to say that they had been trying to locate him since the time I had posted the first letter to you. There are now at least thirty other people who have been party to vehicle sales transactions borne out of alleged fraudulent misrepresentations; destroying many people’s lives in the process. All these seemingly fraudulent transactions that were initiated at the BMW Melrose Arch Dealership in Sandton were predictably all financed by Wesbank. The shocking details of some of these transactions are contained here below. This group of ordinary South Africans whose demographics constitute a rainbow nation, have come together under the banner “Crusaders for Justice” Stop Bank Corruption. 3. Legislative framework In my first letter to you, whilst I am by no means a legal eagle, I ventured an opinion that asserts that, on the face of it, you do not require intimate insights of jurisprudence to understand that a bank cannot approve finance for a new car and the customer receives and pays for a used vehicle, in order to discern fraud. Surely it is not that difficult. My opinion aside, the first reason that points to Wesbank having possibly gone rogue is simply the nature of the transactions they have concluded with the members of Crusaders for Justice. Some of these transactions have violated so many provisions of the National Credit Act of 2007 and its forerunner, the Credit Agreements Act of 1980. The National Credit Act (Act No. 34 of 2005) Section 90 is entitled: “Unlawful provisions of Credit Agreement” and it reads as follows; 90. (1) A credit agreement must not contain an unlawful provision’ (2) A provision of a credit agreement is unlawful if – (a) its general purpose or effect is to – (i) defeat the purposes or policies of this Act; (ii) deceive the consumer; or (iii) subject the consumer to fraudulent conduct; (b) it directly or indirectly purports to – (i) waive or deprive a consumer of a right set out in this Act; (ii) avoid a credit provider’s obligation or duty in terms of this Act (iii) set aside or override the effect of any provision of this Act (iv) authorise the credit provider to; (aa) do anything that is unlawful in terms of this Act; or (bb) fail to do anything that is required in terms of this Act; (e) it purports to make the agreement subject to a supplementary agreement, or sign a document, prohibited by section 91 (a) (g) it purports to exempt the credit provider from liability, or limit such liability for- (i) any act, omission or representation by a person acting on behalf of the credit provider. In summary, all these provisions refer to a credit provider, and in everyday language a credit provider referred to above is a bank. Banks in terms of the law must not violate any of the provisions above. Hence, we can boldly say, FirstRand Bank has seemingly broken the law in many instances and on many occasions. The Bank is not above the law. 4. What has the bank done? Wesbank’s modus operandi is as follows; at least according to the lived experiences of the members of Crusaders for Justice; • Most people were induced into these unlawful deals or contracts; the National Credit Act also deals with inducement as being unlawful. • There are seemingly fraudulent misrepresentations in most, if not all these deals, with the following examples: ? The dealership processed a car for finance as if it is brand-new and this is approved by the bank, yet the vehicle is used. The consumer is invoiced for a brand-new car, whilst the dealership agents and the bank are aware that there appears to be misrepresentation; in fact, there is alleged fraud (as in Mr Ndara’s case). ? There is a member of Crusaders for Justice, who was a first-time buyer but, in his contract, the bank purports that he traded in a vehicle and yet that is not the case (as in the case of Devy De Klerk). ? The most common of these alleged unlawful practices, we have come to learn, is what is called loading or adding onto the price of a vehicle, what is normally known as “extras”. An extra in a vehicle, is a material enhancement the customer requests of his/her own volition over and above the cost of the vehicle i.e. an additional item, at an additional cost. Extras under normal circumstances would be things like cruise control, bull bars, metallic paint, sunroofs, air-conditioning, boot spoilers, etc. The buyer would then be advised of the price of each of these extras so that he/she can make an informed decision on whether it was desired. Some members of the Crusaders for Justice had all manner of extras added on to their contracts without them even knowing that they were so-called extras. These include Group Life Insurance at R25,900 (M Ndara) and a digital braking system at a cost of virtually R60,000 (Cheryl Moosa). In some cases, some of the contracts were padded with these fictitious extras to an additional total amount of R150,000 per vehicle. ? The National Credit Act also refers to consumers being induced into signing supplementary agreements, as if these were obligatory. And, unwittingly through trust and naivety, people sign only to find they are being defrauded and further prejudiced. There are some that are paying instalments of R30,000 for having concluded car deals, in some cases up to R50,000 (Mr Siva Pather). Sir, I have taken the trouble to write to you again. As previously, giving you the benefit of doubt to say, you may not be aware, maybe Mr Ndara’s matter was an isolated incident. However, with these latest revelations, nothing can be left to chance. This needs to be probed as it now comes across as a deliberate and planned scheme to rob people who least suspect that a reputable bank is capable of such. 5. Do the banks know? I have in my possession a High Court judgement handed down on the 16th of May 2013 by the KwaZulu-Natal High Court, in Durban, Case No 2142/2009 in the matter between: FIRSTRAND BANK LIMITED t/a WESBANK as plaintiff and DUAL DISCOUNT WHOLESALERS CC as defendant. In a nutshell, Wesbank in this case took to court a dealership in Durban that had misrepresented the price of a vehicle, as a result of which Wesbank paid more than the value of the car and ended up charging a consumer through instalments more than what the car was worth. Simple and straightforward. When the consumer discontinued payments the bank repossessed the vehicle and, in that process, discovered that in this contract there was fraudulent misrepresentation regarding the price of the vehicle, so they invoked what is called a “master agreement” that regulates transactions between dealerships and banks. These master agreements ironically protect the consumer against such conduct. Needless to say, Wesbank was successful in this action and the dealership carried liability. What defies logic is the principles that underpin this case have not been applied to all these complaints lodged by this group of people. And this is clearly a precedent that demonstrates what should obtain and what steps should have been taken against all dealerships by the bank. 6. Conclusion In our meeting you harped on the fact that you have a judgement against Mr Ndara on case number 3180/2013 underway at the Grahamstown High Court, wherein on the 3 March 2015 Judge Elna Revelas upheld the bank’s Special Plea of Prescription against Mr Ndara’s application against the Bank. Further to that, the Bank obtained a judgement on the 18th of August 2015, dismissing Mr Ndara’s Application for Leave to Appeal Judge Revelas’ decision. A new team of lawyers for Mr Ndara discovered in May 2018 that the judgement the Bank had obtained in August of 2015 was sought through underhanded means, it was erroneously sought and granted in the absence of Mr Ndara’s legal team and without even a Notice of Set Down served on them. Invariably it was set aside by Judge Buyiswa Majiki in August of 2018. The Bank’s appeal of the same judgement was dismissed with costs on the 12th of March this year. Sir, with due respect, is all this necessary? What do we make of the sacrosanct corporate governance associated with the banks in this country which you purport to subscribe to? It is now an open secret that Mr Ndara’s saga is a drop in the ocean, as clearly there are many, many others whose documentation is in our possession. I am now appealing to the shareholders of FirstRand Bank to assist you to do what is right for the benefit of us all. Redress for all these people who have been done wrong is the first step in my view that is non-negotiable. I also call upon the South African public, political and leadership of all self-respecting organisations to call out First Rand Bank for these unlawful acts against ordinary citizens. The all-round condemnation of anyone who was involved in the VBS scandal is commendable. Corruption is corruption by any other name, so let us join the call for Wesbank to be held accountable and answer openly and honestly to these accusations. After all, Wesbank operates on a license granted by government, and is regulated like all other companies in this country. Mr De Kock, I shall eagerly await your response to this matter before we take it further. We look forward to your response. Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
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20 Aug, 2019
Bantu Holomisa’s address at the Colloquium on Civil Military Relations in South Africa
• Honourable Chairperson • Honourable Minister and Deputy Minister • Secretary of Defence • Fellow Committee Members and Parliamentarians • Ladies and gentlemen 1. Thank you Allow me this opportunity to thank our Chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Defence and Military Veterans, Mr VC Xaba, MP, for the opportunity to address you today. 2. Introduction In a time of war, the politics and society are willing to accept that the military has a just cause and its own set of values and standards, because we believe that they act for a higher good. The majority of the populace is happy to believe that the military is acting on its behalf and that it will do so with honour and justness. We have two familiar examples in our history where this is true: The South African Border War and the Armed Struggle. In both cases “the people”, or at the very least, certain sections of society, approved of, and supported and believed in, those armed actions. However, upon the dawn of true democracy, government was challenged by the necessity to make a paradigm shift, in which the South African National Defence Force simultaneously had to build an institution that is transparent, accountable and representative of the societal demographics. In addition, the former statutory and non-statutory armies had to be moulded into one united force. Both tall orders and as I discovered in my work with the Defence Force Service Commission, we, after 25 years, are still struggling to get right. As a quick example, many defence force men and women, who came from the various former armed forces retained their force numbers. There is no uniformity in the system and it has led to discrimination in promotions. We can, however, all agree that there must be a balance between having a well-funded and strong military to defend the state’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and well-being of its citizenry, and one that is subservient enough to not threaten the state and the people. But most of all, we need to guard against a military that is abused by government to quash dissent and destroy human rights and freedoms. We just have to look at our own history to understand how serious such a situation can be. 3. Parliament and laws keep us from running the risk of repeating the past The relationship between the military and civil society is sometimes a fickle one. On the continent, it has happened that the people look to the military to almost “save” them from the abuse of severe governmental corruption and looting of resources. In South Africa, there has for good reason, been a marked constitutional shift from “doing things the old way”, where military decisions were taken at security council level without consulting parliament. Which, in a certain way, meant that the military held government and the people at ransom. We can be thankful that our constitution now dictates that parliament has an imperative role to play in terms of monitoring our defence force’s readiness and sanctioning military action should the country be in imminent danger. Parliament must be kept abreast of the goings-on in the military, such as budget and operational needs, which talks to civilian oversight in its strongest and purest form. The laws governing the military and defence reviews (1998 and 2012/3) are the tools used to ensure that the civil-military relations in South Africa are healthy, trustable and that this relationship is kept stable and intact. 4. What could the business of the defence force be if we are not at war Not all threats are what we could traditionally consider the business of a defence force. The role of the defence force is not only to protect our people from outside military threats as, sometimes, the problem arises from within our borders. That is why the military should from time to time work in support of the police. Serious crime in various guises threaten the internal safety of our citizens and the security of our country. • There is a form of “economic espionage” where the intellectual property of Denel and Armscor is pillaged. • South Africans with links to foreign countries make use of our porous borders to fuel the drug trade to where it has become a pandemic. • Hijacked vehicles find their way across our borders in a matter of hours. Aside from the obvious role the defence force, for instance, plays in peacekeeping operations and emergency assist in case of natural disasters, it is clear that we need to let our minds go to see where the defence force can also play a meaningful role. 5. Secretary of Defence: is the civilian component inside the department effective? I want to zone into a very specific mechanism of civilian oversight in terms of the department of defence. As the system stands, for day-to-day administration and the coordination of strategic processes, the Minister of Defence and Military Veterans relies on the Defence Secretariat; which is the civilian component within the department. The system of having a Secretary of Defence primarily works well in developed countries, which have their own military conscription programmes, which in turn means there is a general understanding of how the military works. There is therefore a deep appreciation for the basic underpinnings of defence, which are speed, control and discipline. Even so, normally, the person who holds the post of Secretary of Defence has likely studied defence as a profession and is steeped in military culture. We need to understand that in a country where this is not the case, this leads to tensions. For instance, during my period of service on the Defence Force Service Commission, many frustrations were registered with us regarding the Secretary of Defence. On our tours across the country, interacting with the defence professionals and military careerists, the delays in decision-making and implementation was a hot topic. Commanders reported that they were constantly embarrassed when they were forced to go to the rank and file to try and explain why certain decisions were not yet implemented. This is not military culture. The Defence Force Service Commission quite often heard of scenarios where the office of the Secretary for Defence was blamed for delays. It seemed to them that the Secretary spent far too much time outside the country, for whatever reason, and was not preoccupied with making the defence force a well-oiled machine. We can all agree that the work of our defence force is by its very nature based on its ability and need to make quick decisions and ensure effective implementation. It is therefore counter-intuitive, that a civilian non-professional would be the lynchpin in this process. As currently implemented, civilian oversight has evolved into the appointment of civilians in the highest decision-making positions in a manner that undermines the ability of the security forces to manage their operations effectively. In my view, we need to take a look at the practicality of the current system of civilian oversight in the department of defence. Do we still need the Secretary of Defence to be an accounting officer? I personally favour that the commander of the defence force plays this role. Civilian oversight can reside with the office of the minister with constant liaison with parliament. Because, after all, how can the Secretary of Defence play the role of oversight and be the accounting officer? It’s just not common sense. In addition, it would be good if the defence force leadership could directly indicate their budgetary requirements to National Treasury. This will go a long way in making it an effective force that can serve this country well, and keep us safe. 6. Closing We can all agree that there is a careful, if not sometimes precarious, balance between the legislature, civil society and the military. Given our country’s history, it is all the more important that we continue to maintain this balance that we have struck over the past 25 years, but we must also be realistic about what works and what does not. It is of no use to cling to that which does not work at the expense of our country’s safety and the ability of the defence force to fulfil its constitutional mandate, in particular that “The defence force must be structured and managed as a disciplined military force”. I thank you.
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31 Jul, 2019
Bantu Holomisa reacts to ANC’s Jesse Duarte statement
Ms Jesse Duarte took the opportunity to make scornful remarks about leaders who have left the African National Congress (ANC), and casting aspersion on their integrity, in an SABC “documentary”. Clearly, the SABC is still run as a subsidiary of the ANC and it still uses the public broadcaster as a publicity tool, hiding its propaganda in the guise of so-called documentaries. Ms Duarte in a recent “documentary” attacked me by calling me a dictator. I answered the volley and now the ANC is defending Ms Duarte by conveniently playing the gender card. We have, over the years, noted that Ms Duarte has a tendency of even undermining her own leaders in the media. Now, when she experiences vehement resistance and someone calls her out, she (and the ANC) cries foul. The time for the ANC of just attacking anybody in this country without expecting a comeback is over; they must go find someone else to bully. Issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa UDM President
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04 May, 2019
Bantu Holomisa’s address at a UDM Election Rally the Khutsong Stadium, Carletonville
• National Leadership of the UDM • Provincial and regional leaders of the party • UDM members and supporters • Fellow South Africans 1. Introduction A big thank you goes out to the United Democratic Movement (UDM) leaders and activists who have worked tirelessly in our campaigns over the past few months. The UDM does not have the luxury of spending millions of rands on our electioneering. But, we managed to stage a successful campaign with the flighting of billboards, putting up posters, handing out flyers and talking to the voters during our door-to-door canvassing. We also achieved our goal of successfully launching our manifesto in Port Elizabeth with thousands of South Africans in attendance. We can proudly say that we have worked as hard as we possibly can; and hold our heads up high. What we did not have access to is the constant media coverage that two political parties have enjoyed. We do however thank some media houses who covered us during this period. The Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA) and the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) have a responsibility to promote multi-party democracy and to ensure that news providers comport themselves in an ethical and unbiased manner. By not fulfilling their mandates and not enforcing the rules and regulations, these bodies have failed to ensure fair coverage of all political parties in these elections. 2. Another five years of corruption The bulk of the millions of registered voters will cast their votes on Wednesday. They will be cognisant of South Africa’s faltering economy that has produced jobless growth, and the situation has been compounded by corruption and maladministration – especially over the past ten or eleven years. It’s up to the voter to assess the status quo and decide what kind of leadership they want for the future. The commissions of inquiry, especially the Zondo commission, have unmasked a common denominator in the years of nauseating corruption and lies we hear about these days. We have heard how Bosasa and the Guptas have bankrolled the African National Congress (ANC). We erroneously thought that the former president and some of his cabinet ministers were the sole perpetrators of corruption. However, the revelations at the Zondo Commission tells another deeply distressing story. We now realise how Bosasa bought the top echelons of the ruling party. You will recall that the UDM, together with other opposition parties, have sought the constitutional court’s intervention on several occasions in an effort to fight the ruling parties’ looting and misrule over the past nine years. Had it not been for the opposition, there would not have been any change in government’s leadership. It is time for the voters to recognise the contribution we made to root out corruption. Voters must realise that the ruling party’s so-called, self-correcting nature, is a myth. The question voters must now ask themselves is this: “Do we want another five years of corrupt ANC rule?”. Should they get a simple majority, we are definitely in for more of the same. We will have the same corrupt individuals at the helm, and South Africa simply cannot survive under these conditions. We have seen first-hand how they operate. We know that the comrades in corruption see nothing wrong with their misdeeds and don’t care that our people are paying the price. What is worse is that they are not even ashamed of their blatant lies. We know that state institutions have become the private banks of the ruling elite. We, for example, know how the Public Investment Corporation wrote off billions of the Government Employees Pension Fund (GEPF) monies. We now know how a choice group of people, built empires using pensioners’ monies, making investments that has yielded no results and risked hundreds of thousands of pensioners nest eggs. The civil service wage bill remains cause for concern. This burden on government’s resources, is exacerbated, because of the overreliance on consultants. Civil servants, simply cannot do the jobs they are appointed to do. The side-effect of this system is that big business has ingratiated itself with the ruling party as they line up for lucrative government tenders; and they do this without investing that money to create more jobs. The greedy will continue to milk the system ignoring the fact that Jacob Zuma was not alone in his corrupt activities. It is not in their best interest to support other political parties. It would rather suit big business to, notwithstanding the ruling party’s gross failures, support Cyril Ramaphosa as if he is an individual free of political ties. What nonsense is this? People should not be surprised when they see this narrative repeated if the status quo remains. How much more proof does the voting public need to say no to another five years of ANC rule? 3. One party dominance One-party dominance breeds corruption. Multi-party democracy ensures that we have a government system that has the checks and balances built in. We have to fight for this system. The simple truth be told, should the current ruling party get a simple majority: • Looting of state resources will not end; • Instead of growing a bigger economic cake, economic depression will continue; • Dreadful joblessness will endure; • Our clinics will still not be equipped to take care of our people’s health needs; • Our education system will remain in tatters; • Our roads and infrastructure will further deteriorate; • The tolerance for crime and lawlessness will continue; • Environmental problems such as poor waste management will continue to plague informal settlements and townships; • Societal ills, such as alcohol and drug abuse, will never be rooted out; • We will still have elite projects, like the eToll system, impacting on businesses and workers, and; • We will still have a government of no consequences. After a twenty-five-year track-record, the ANC still has the temerity to campaign on the anti-corruption ticket. Given its reputation, why would the voting public give them another chance? 4. Free and fair elections South Africans demand free and fair elections. The world has their eyes on us. Investors are holding money at bay to see what happens. We have heard scary stories of how elections in other countries were rigged through the sophisticated hacking of results. We hope that the IT companies the IEC has appointed will not fall into this trap. If such a thing should happen, the IEC’s independence will mean nothing and our elections would hold no value. We also call on our colleagues in other political parties to watch the IEC like hawks. Our voting agents should make arrangements to rotate so that we can always have fresh eyes on the voting processes. We must be especially vigilant when it comes to the marking of the voters roll, to ensure that crooks don’t cast more than one vote. 5. What are the first things the new government should attend to? Priority number one for a new government should entail a broad approach, with the public and private sectors included, to create sustainable jobs. The role of government should be ironed out. It’s of no use to rattle off numbers, saying that so many millions of jobs will be created, whilst we see people being retrenched. Once this exercise is completed, we can say how many jobs will be created where e.g. in the agriculture and the textile industries. We need to stop the mass dumping of goods in South Africa from countries like China, Brazil and India, whilst we should be creating local jobs. The time for folding our arms is over and government has a responsibility to intervene to stop unfair competition with other countries who heavily subsidise their industries. 6. Closing The UDM’s message to the voting public is to apply your minds and vote wisely. Consider what we have said today when you make your cross on the 8th. For a corruption-free government, vote UDM! Thank you
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07 Apr, 2019
UDM meeting discussing xenophobia
• Members of the UDM’s National Executive Committee • The party’s regional leaders • Ladies and gentlemen 1. Welcome I wish to thank you for the opportunity to address you today. It might be a little cold outside, but you are here and ready to participate. Also, thank you for sacrificing your time on a Sunday. Despite South Africa’s challenges since political emancipation in 1994, we can all agree that we, as a nation, have made great strides in tolerance and acceptance. We have a modern constitution that we should be proud of, which defines our nation’s character and our relationships with one-another. Even though it’s not always plain sailing, we still work hard on the project of the new South Africa; and we do so every day. 2. Xenophobia in South Africa Xenophobia in South Africa is not a new thing. It’s a harsh truth and we have to stare it in the eyes, with a view to address it once and for all. There are multiple sources for xenophobia, but in the United Democratic Movement’s (UDM) view the root of the problem lies in the unregulated and unfair competition for the poor’s meagre resources. The dearth of housing and jobs are, for instance, part of this dynamic and complex situation. Much of the blame is also to be laid at government’s feet. To cite two examples: • Firstly, one cannot help but feel that xenophobia in South Africa has a cyclical quality and that government’s perennial inattentiveness exacerbates the problem. • Secondly, the impact of its inadequate control over the arrival of illegal immigrants, and lack of resettlement mechanisms, are not addressed. 3. Competition for meagre resources Impoverished South Africans, are already scraping along to make a living in a harsh socio-economic environment. For instance, the competition for shelter and housing is already tough in the South Africa of today. To add to the complexity of the matter we have the issue of illegal occupation of housing by undocumented foreigners. The owners of such houses, and other housing buildings such a flats, should be made to explain themselves, as they exploit undocumented immigrants and, by default, also deprive South Africans of safe havens. The law must step in and these landlords must be brought to book. A UDM government will create special units to be dispatched to identified hot spots. Such units will comprise of purposely trained SAPS personnel, UN refugee experts, social workers and our local authorities, such home affairs. In addition, embassies of affected countries, should be involved so that we can together find our way to address the problem through bilateral agreements and extradition treaties between South Africa and the relevant country. 4. Bringing crime to our shores: safety and security of the country No-one will refute the fact that many non-South Africans find themselves within our borders due to them seeking asylum from war, genocide and persecution. This is understandable and given this country’s past human rights record, we certainly have empathy with these desperate, downtrodden and homeless peoples. But, we can agree that there are those who come to South Africa with wicked and criminal intent. 5. Drugs and human trafficking Many of our cities’ streets are lined with foreign criminal cartels that sell drugs to communities that are already under social and financial stress. Such people soon find themselves locked in the vicious cycle of addiction and its attending social ills. This drug pandemic has also spread to our rural communities, especially with the idle and jobless youth who find income in drugs and escape from their poverty ridden lives. These cartels are also responsible for trafficking humans and is active in the sex-trade. The absence of reliable statistics masks the truth about human trafficking in South Africa. But anecdotal evidence suggests that poor South Africans are struck the worst. As we understand it, many such foreign traffickers evade prosecution because there is no law that criminalises human trafficking. This is something the UDM will raise awareness of in the new term of Parliament. Despite us appreciating the plight of illegal immigrants in South Africa, we can never sacrifice our safety and security. I have travelled the length and breadth of South African on my campaign trial over the past few weeks. There was a clarion call from our people (whether they live in rural or urban areas) that our security agencies are failing to stamp out crime where illegal immigrants are involved. During my interaction with them, the frustration was palpable. They say that even though they report such criminal elements to the police, nothing is done. There are also allegations that the police are in cahoots with the foreign criminals and that they are bribed to turn a blind eye and that they share in the spoils. A UDM government will definitely pay attention to these ills in an effort to rid South Africa from the foreign criminal elements within our borders. 6. Capital outflow Capital outflow to Europe, Asia and other countries on the continent needs to be addressed as leads to a disappearance of wealth and a sabotage of our economy. A UDM government will reconsider the laws, rules and regulations on this score and make them water tight. 7. Conclusion The UDM is a party that promotes a culture of tolerance and understanding. And, I wish to assure everyone that a UDM government will handle illegal immigration in a humane and holistic manner in line with our continental and international obligations. We urge the undocumented immigrants to come to the fore so that they may be registered. Finally, we must recognise that legal immigrants contribute immensely to our society and our economy. We are home to, for instance, educators who teach our youth and do valuable research and development on the academic front. The UDM believes that xenophobia has no place in our society, but we must also be cognisant of our responsibilities to our own people. It is possible for both these directives to work in harmony. Thank you
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01 Apr, 2019
UDM’s concern over the it service providers employed by the IEC
Mr VG Mashinini Chairperson of the Electoral Commission Private Bag X112 Centurion 0046 Dear Mr Mashinini UDM’s CONCERN OVER THE IT SERVICE PROVIDERS EMPLOYED BY THE IEC The United Democratic Movement (UDM) is extremely concerned over the information technology (IT) service providers, and systems, the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) employs to run the 2019 National and Provincial Elections. We have, in the past, said much about the selection of these IT companies, their vetting and the security of the entire system, especially where it pertains to the capturing of results. As we stand at the door of these eminent elections, those grave concerns resurface. We would like to establish the following: 1. Has only one IT company been appointed through a tendering process? If so, can the IEC share this information (including its name) and confirm that it has been vetted and cleared? 2. If not, how many IT companies have been appointed through a tendering process; can the IEC share this information (including their names) and tell us whether they have been vetted and cleared? 3. At which stages and levels, of the process of the capturing of results, are each of these companies involved? Sir, it is of paramount importance that the political parties, as stakeholders in these elections, be provided with this information. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President Copied to: Political parties contesting the 2019 National and Provincial Elections Mr Sy Mamabolo, IEC Chief Electoral Officer
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29 Mar, 2019
Personal bribes paid to ruling party top 6?
The latest shock in the state capture debacle, that some of the ruling party’s top 6 had allegedly personally pocketed millions of rands from Bosasa coffers, will undoubtedly have a very negative effect in the eyes of potential investors. The whole system is contaminated. Given that President Ramaphosa could possibly be implicated, seriously jeopardises South Africa’s current administrative machinery, and will erode the last shred of dignity it possesses. The country is sick and tired of wave upon wave of corruption revelations crashing down on us. This causes the nation anxiety about the future of our country. We also note that, former Bosasa COO Angelo Agrizzi is quoted saying that: “I know of large donations given to the top 6 at one stage of 10 to R12 million…”. At how many “stages” were the top 6 allegedly bribed? The United Democratic Movement therefore advises President Ramaphosa and Justice Zondo to urgently get the police, the Hawks and a team of forensic auditors involved at this stage. A docket must be opened so that the NPA can decide if these alleged villains can be prosecuted. Issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
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31 Mar, 2019
Various community concerns: Eastern Cape and Kwazulu-Natal
Mr CM Ramaphosa President of the Republic of South Africa Union Buildings Private Bag X1000 Pretoria 0001 Mr PG Masualle Premier of the Eastern Cape Private Bag X0047 Bisho 5605 Mr TW Mchunu Premiere of KwaZulu-Natal Private Bag X9037 Pietermaritzburg, 3200 Dear Sirs Various community concerns: Eastern Cape and Kwazulu-Natal From the beginning of March 2019, I had the privilege to visit various communities in the Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal. From my interaction with them, it is clear that there is a desperate cry for attention and service delivery. Hereunder are the concerns and requests raised by the various communities 1. KwaZulu-Natal, Zululand District Municipality 1.1. Ukhukho village in Ulundi under Nkosi Zungu, The following requests and concerns were raised: • Discrimination on employment and youth unemployment. • RDP housing is needed. • Lack of water supply. • The coal mine in the area should give bursaries for the community’s children. • A lot of water is consumed by the coal mine, which deprives the surrounding communities. • A new crèche is needed after Ozweleni one was destroyed in a storm. • They are requesting for an ITC centre to help the community in their basic needs, this facility could also be used as a call-centre to communicate with government and the mining houses. The same centre could be used to run workshops and develop skills for the community e.g. agricultural training. 1.2. Msinga Municipality under Nkosi Mthembu, he following requests and concerns were raised • Lack of water. • No jobs. • Ngubo Dam in the Thugela River is close to this community and they request engines to pump water to their areas, as well as that they be supplied with tractors. • Fencing for mealie and grazing fields is needed. • Educated children are being exploited by being continuously called upon to do government work as volunteers without getting permanent employment with little or no stipends at all. 1.3. Msinga at Gordons Stars Village, the following requests and concerns were raised • The main complaint is access to water. • No roads. • Unemployment. • Local people are not employed at Pomeroy hospital. • Qualified teachers cannot find employment. 2. Eastern Cape 2.1. Dangwane A/A, Mount Frerre, the following requests and concerns were raised • Water and access roads • High stock theft and owners do not get police protection after they have located their stolen animals. • Drugs peddlers must be arrested, • The ANC discriminates against communities who do not belong to the party when RDP houses are issued. • High crime rates. • Speed humps are needed on the N2 which passes through their area. • Electricity is needed in some newly built villages. • Unfair discrimination when jib is allocated. • No medication and service at the local clinic. • Criminals use underaged children to commit crime, then these children are released by police without charging them. • Clinic at Empindweni not in use, it is standing there as a white elephant. • The community of KwaBhaca, in general, is complaining about stock theft. They claim that these stock thieves are known but there are not caught and prosecuted. They kindly request police to assist them, although they allege that some police are part of the problem. • Demarcation board does not consult communities. 2.2. Ward 24, Mount Frere, a. All the villages of Ward 24 request a shopping mall as they are far away from town. b. Sivumela A/A The following requests and concerns were raised: • Access roads • Water • Unemployment is too high; young people do not have work. • Bursaries for children. • Need for recreational and sport grounds • Nepotism is the order of the day when people are employed when projects are introduced in their areas. • Seeds for mealies and vegetables. • Assistance for the destitute children. • RDP houses. c. Magontsini A/A The following requests and concerns were raised: • Electrification • Roads are impassable • RDP houses • Toilets d. Mnyamana A/A The following requests and concerns were raised: • Electrification in the area • RDP houses with water tanks • Crèche • Agricultural projects e. Luyengweni A/A. The following requests and concerns were raised: • Roads • Water tanks • Agricultural seeds f. Chwebeni A/A area The following requests and concerns were raised: • Water tanks • RDP houses • Doing away with nepotism when people are employed in a projects. g. Ezigadini A/A area The following requests and concerns were raised: • MTN reception pole. • Water. • A pre-school. • Sport grounds. • Roads. 2.3. Bizana Local Municipality, Eastern Cape a. Nkantolo A/A . The following requests and concerns were raised: • Demarcation board is deviding communities. • They were promised 2000 houses many years ago, but only 500 were built. What happened to the money which was earmarked for this project? • Mr Gugile Nkwinti, whilst MEC, gave them two tractors and these tractors have not been functioning for years yet we are told that there was a R3m allocated budget for these tractors to function. • They claim that the home of OR Tambo do not deserve the so called R25m spent in building it. They request that there be an investigation as they suspect corruption. • The multipurpose centre has been dogged by controversy where millions of rand are reported to have been stolen. As a result, contractors are being changed on a daily basis. • At OR Tambo Tech High there are no practicals for students because there are no provision for a workshop with required tools. • The road T112 from Magelaan to Ludeke must be fixed • At St Patricks Hospital there are no doctors • The roads to Green Ville hospital are impassable • They need proper writing pads for their children • They ask for the driving schoo,l which was removed from their area, to be returned. • The municipality is undermining the chief and headmen in their area • They want old age pension fund for elders to be raised to R5000 and R3000 for child grant per month. • At Ludeke Dam the community claims that there were not compensated properly when that dam was built. b. Dindini A/A The following requests and concerns were raised: • The people who are suspected of having killed a local chief have been detained without trial. The case has been postponed on several occasion. The community is requesting for the finalisation of the case. • Roads • Toilets • RDP houses • Niko Village, foreigners are being accused of taking local jobs • Mrs Gladys Mampofana complained that her house was destroyed by tornado and she has not been responded to get assistance from the state to build a new home. • Demarcation are creating confusion • Sport grounds • Old water pipes • Employment, graduated children are not getting jobs • Business tender system is full if bribery and corruption • Stock theft, they request special crime unit to assist them • Access roads • The companies that employed people are not paying UIF and provident funds to their ex-employees, especially the ex-mine workers. • They request micro chips animals, to for tracking purposes. • They produce a lot of mealies in their area, they are asking for assistance for marketing to sell their mealies. • The area of Mbizana is full of agricultural potential and they want assistance from the state. • They request school buses as their kids are travelling long distances. • They need clinics. • They request that retirement must be lowered to 55 so that they can have access to the state grant. • They are complaining that they do not see their future in terms of getting employment for disabled people • They say this RDP houses were intended for the poor people, but they notice that the mayor and some selected communities got two houses. • They request that Decree 11 of the then Transkei Military Government be effected. This decree was used to encourage other people to voluntary retire from government service in 1993, however some of the people who took early retirement were never paid their monies. The list included teachers, nurses, soldiers etc. There are asking government to pay the money due to them. c. Sea view –KwaMadiba A/A The following requests and concerns were raised: • Drugs are killing their children • No services • R111m at wards 23 was approved for RDP housing project but nothing has been done. • Access road are in bad conditions • The toilets need maintenance as some of them are full already • They request street light in order to combat crime • They complain about police brutality especially when people are protesting such as recent women march. • Mzamba police man are not listening to their needs • They need medication and proper services at Madiba clinic. • They need ambulance in the area from Mobeni to Sea View there’s no clinic in between. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
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21 Mar, 2019
UDM lodges complaint with IEC re alleged ANC attack on members campaigning in Mbizana
Mr VG Mashinini Chairperson of the Electoral Commission P/Bag X112 Centurion 0046 Dear Sir LODGING OF COMPLAINT: ALLEGED ATTACK ON UDM MEMBERS BY PERSONS DRESSED IN ANC REGALIA Earlier this week, United Democratic Movement (UDM) members were campaigning in Ward 7, Khaleni Administrative Area, in the Mbizana Local Municipality (Eastern Cape). Four of our members were allegedly assaulted by persons wearing African National Congress regalia. One of our members was admitted to hospital with injuries sustained in the attack. One of the alleged assailants is known to our members and a case has been opened with the police. We understand that two suspects have been arrested for common assault in the meantime. It is ironic that political parties have just yesterday signed the Independent Electoral Commission’s (IEC) Code of Conduct, and the Code has, allegedly, already been infringed upon by the aforementioned party. The UDM condemns political intolerance and violence in the strongest terms and we call on the IEC to play its role in taking action in terms of its powers to enforce the Code of Conduct. We will not accept another scenario where we, as in the past, lodged complaints with the IEC and, in our opinion, nothing was done. We look forward to your response. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President Mr Sy Mamabolo, IEC Chief Electoral Officer
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07 Mar, 2019
UDM welcomes ATM’s youth Deputy President and his followers to the UDM in Johannesburg
• Our newly arrived young lions • Ladies and gentlemen 1. Welcome Today the United Democratic Movement (UDM) proudly accepts a group of young lions into the fold. Welcome! You will have to hit the ground running as elections are around the corner. As new members of the UDM you will be part of the drive to rid our country of one-party dominance. We have all witnessed how one-party dominance has brought South Africa to its knees. Corruption has permeated into all sectors of society. Recent revelations have verified that government monies have been channelled to the ruling party via front companies. In essence, the taxpayer has footed the bill for the ruling party to, amongst others, ferry people to its rallies. Bosasa CEO, Gavin Watson, does not fear arrest, because to arrest Watson is to arrest the ANC. Government institutions are led by ruling party deployees that are mandated to channel money to Luthuli House. We can abide by the fact that Nomvula Mokonyane and her ilk will never face the consequences of their actions, precisely because they are deployees of ruling party. 2. What does the UDM’s manifesto say about our youth It is a given that this country rests on the shoulders of young South Africans, yet they are side-lined from economic and other opportunities. But, there are other possibilities for the youth to be their own wealth creators. The UDM therefore subscribes to the belief that our youth should not only rely on the private sector or government to create job opportunities. This is why the UDM would implement the following policies once it is in government: • Identifying markets for small firms through promoting domestic and foreign connections to adequately address both the supply and demand side of the economy. • Developing capacity in the areas of improved business and entrepreneurial skills. • Identifying loan and capital sources, as well as facilitating loans and investments in community businesses. • Investing in sector-based planning and implementation, including the creation of sector-specific banks to provide financial assistance to young South Africans. Also, under a UDM government, funding will be made available for political parties represented in parliament to have leadership training programmes to teach our youth, amongst others, about their country, current affairs, the constitution, patriotism, human rights, the political landscape, a culture of ownership, as well as respect. 3. Your task as UDM members • When we leave here today, go to your communities and preach the gospel of the UDM. • Make people understand that we, as citizens, must save South Africa from the slippery slope of corruption. • Go from door-to-door and speak to our people of the new direction the UDM envisages for our country. • Explain to them that the UDM’s political philosophy is based on integrity, dignity and prosperity. Integrity amongst our ranks. Dignity for our people and, Prosperity for all South Africans. I thank you
