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30 May, 2017
Debate on Budget Vote 02 – Parliament by Mr Lennox Gaehler, MP
Honourable Chairperson and Members The Presiding Officers of this 5th Democratic Parliament, in the foreword of the Strategic Plan 2014-19, said, “Parliament exist to represent people and to ensure their involvement in government processes”. In this regard, and in the context of celebrating its twenty years of existence, we would recommend that this house, deliberately creates more mechanisms for citizens to have access to all the laws made by Parliament. We must move towards a deliberative participatory model of democracy anchored by an aggressive civic education. It is through knowledge that the people can understand and appreciate their responsibilities and rights in a democracy. Participation is an essential part of development; it develops self-confidence, pride, initiative, creativity, responsibility, cooperation and sharing and working together. Without meaningful participation development will lack and all development efforts and alleviation of poverty will be immensely difficult, if not impossible. People must be enabled to take charge of their lives and solve their problems whilst government and other development agencies are creating conducive environment and are facilitating. Secondly, the relationship between the parliamentary management and the staff has to be addressed with speed. It cannot be correct that each financial year we face possible labour action, because the management and the workers’ representatives are unable to dialogue effectively. The current dispute on salary increase and the alleged threat of retrenchments do not augur well for the effective functioning of this institution and has to be resolved with speed. Lastly, the outsourced function of cleaning, requires a reconsideration in order to safeguard jobs. The employees have proposed that they be insourced as Parliamentary staff. Given that their service is inherently part of the work of Parliament, we support the proposal for insourcing. We propose that the Presiding Officers prioritise the resolution of this matter. The United Democratic Movement supports the policy debate on Budget Vote 2. I thank you. Address by Mr LB Gaehler, MP in the UDM Eastern Cape Representative in the National Council of Provinces
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25 May, 2017
Debate on Budget Vote 19: Defence and Military Veterans – Bantu Holomisa in National Assembly
Honourable Chairperson and Members The United Democratic Movement supports Budget 19. As we celebrate Africa Day, we are reminded of the important role played by our soldiers in keeping peace on our continent. I am certain, that their contribution will one day make Africa a continent for all its people and the world-over. In the context of my responsibility in the Defence Force Service Commission, I invite the Minister and the Joint Standing Committee on Defence, to appreciate that: 1. The Defence Force Service Commission (DFSC) continues to express its support for the funding of the implementation of the Defence Review 2015. Although the Country is not at war, the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) must be appropriately funded to fulfil its constitutional mandate. Notwithstanding the competing societal needs of, amongst others, health and education, there is a critical need for additional funding to the SANDF in order to fulfil its regional and continental obligations as a multilateral player to advance foreign policy. 2. The requisite funding of the Commission’s recommendation with regard to the model to delink salary from rank, will not only improve service conditions of approximately 8 894 SANDF members stagnated at lower ranks, but will serve as a fundamental building block to eventually rollout the envisaged unique salary dispensation for the man and woman in uniform. 3. It is of strategic value for the Minister and the DFSC to hold bilateral meetings regularly, to create opportunity for the Commission to provide progress report in terms of its mandate, and to equally receive regular feedback form the Minister. Chairperson, the effectiveness of our soldiers in peace keeping missions can be compromised by the quality of the equipment they are using. When the Commission visited Congo, it was exposed to extremely poor quality equipment. The United Nations would, instead of compensating South Africa for its contribution, penalise it, if something urgent is not done. The Minister needs to intervene urgently on this matter. Lastly, the budgets of both the Military Ombud and the DFSC, should be ring-fenced in order to ensure that they carry out their functions optimally and without being subjected to the internal delays within the Department. I thank you
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12 May, 2017
March to the Constitutional Court: #SecretBallot
JOINT STATEMENT BY POLITICAL PARTIES AND CIVIL SOCIETY March to the Constitutional Court: #SecretBallot (Issued on 12 May 2017 at the Parktonian Hotel in Braamfontein, Johannesburg) It is clear to all patriotic citizens that our country, South Africa, is experiencing the worst crisis of leadership since 1994. Our nation has reached a point where the conscience of every Member of Parliament (MP) matters in deciding whether a rogue President is removed from office or not. Next week Monday, the 15th of May 2017, the Constitutional Court will hear arguments by lawyers representing the United Democratic Movement and others arguing why a President who was elected by Parliament through a secret ballot must be removed by a secrete ballot. We the leaders of political parties (the African Christian Democratic Party, African Independent Congress, African People’s Convention, Congress of the People, Agang SA, Democratic Alliance, Economic Freedom Fighters, Inkatha Freedom Party and the United Democratic Movement), together with the Freedom Movement and SaveSA, are united behind the call for MPs to be allowed to decide, by secret ballot, whether President Jacob Zuma must vacate office or not. We believe that a secrete vote will provide the safest space for every individual MP to be guided by his or her free conscience, not by the dictates of political bosses who issue instructions to Parliament from party headquarters. When a country is burning, it is time for conscience to speak! The heavy-handed threat of punitive action by the governing party against its representatives in Parliament who may choose to uphold their oath of office is a grievous threat to our democracy. The Constitution is the only instrument our people can and must use to neutralise this threat. We believe that the matter that will be argued at the Constitutional Court next Monday goes to the heart of the Constitution. This is why we will together lead a march to demonstrate our resolve to defend our country. We call upon all citizens who share our call for President Zuma to be voted out of office to join our march. The details are as follows: Date: 15 March 2017 Time: 08h00 Meeting point: Marry Fitzgerald Square (Johannesburg) Marching to: Constitutional Court The Constitutional Court is the last line of defence for citizens when betrayed by those who wield political power. We believe that President Zuma’s continued stay in office poses a major threat to constitutionalism in South Africa. It threatens to weaken our economy, to impoverish millions of our people, and further to corrupt and ultimately collapse our state. This negative trend can and must be reversed! History will judge us harshly if we do not stand up to defend our country in its hour of need. South Africans must unite in the interest of their country. We call upon all citizens from all walks of life to join us in our historic march. I thank you! ……………………………… (Presented by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP, on behalf of the organisations listed above)
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27 Apr, 2017
Freedom Day 2017, Bantu Holomisa’s contribution at a Multi-Stakeholder Rally
Colleagues in civil society and political parties My fellow South Africans 1. Thank you to the organisers We thank today’s organisers for hosting all of us at this historic celebration of Freedom Day. It can be argued that civil society was at the centre of the campaign that brought Apartheid to its knees. We have not forgotten the work of, amongst others, Bishop Tutu and the various faith based organisations, the labour movements and the United Democratic Front. People were marching across the globe in answer to the clarion call for solidarity against an evil regime. Little did we know that our new democracy would be vulnerable to a cackle of hyenas that is hell bent on destroying the gains of our freedom. Fortunately, we are blessed with civil society organisations that have emerged with the message: “No, not under our watch!”. Truth be told, many did not understand where the opposition parties were coming from when we started our campaign for Jacob Zuma to go once it was clear the he was unsuited for the post of President. As time has gone by, civil society has cottoned onto this critical mission and we are at last walking in the same direction. Civil society is the conscience of a nation and should continue to play this role. Your mettle will be tested once this suspect President has left office. We expect you to stick to your guns for the good of South Africa and not engage in a battle for the soul of the ruling party. 2. Celebrating Freedom Day “And so we assemble here today, and in other parts of the country, to mark a historic day in the life of our nation. Wherever South Africans are… our hearts beat as one, as we renew our common loyalty to our country and our commitment to its future.” This is what uTata Mandela said on 27 April 1995 at the first commemoration of the 1st democratic elections of the New South Africa. 3. An unhappy people: South Africa today Those words resonate today as we are jubilant in celebrating our free, democratic society. But, as loyal South Africans, we also express our concern about the slippery slope on which our Country finds itself. 4. The proposed National Convention We would be naive to deny that South Africa has made make progress in certain areas, but the challenges confronting the Nation are many and complex. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) therefore mooted the idea of a National Convention. A safe space, on a similar scale to Codesa, where all stakeholders, interest groups and individuals may raise issues; actively listen; engage and convince each other and/or make compromises. The product of the National Convention should be a hammered-out, common vision in which we can all believe and which Government can implement. So far, the response to the UDM’s call is encouraging. There is a clear expression of interest from many stakeholders. I had been requested last week, by opposition leaders, to coordinate the establishment of a steering committee to drive this process. A meeting will take place on the 3rd of May and the steering committee, in its current form, plans to expand for the inclusion of representatives of civil society. Regarding the No-Confidence Motion in President Zuma, the opposition parties have already met and our programme of action is underway. We will keep you posted on developments. 5. Conclusion In line with what we are trying to achieve with the National Convention in which we all participate, Madiba concluded his 1995 speech by saying that “…there is no short-cut to making South Africa the country of our dreams. • It requires hard work by those entrusted with positions of responsibility in government. • It demands that workers and employers work together to produce efficiently and compete with the best in the world, to achieve equity and to help create more jobs. • It requires hard work on the part of farmers and farm-workers, to feed the nation and provide raw materials, even in the face of adversity. • It requires hard work by students and teachers to build a literate, skilled and learned nation. • It requires greater exertion by our sports-persons and artists to always offer the best for the country and its people. • It demands of all of us, wherever we may be, to exercise our rights as citizens; and do so without infringing on the rights of others.” How true! Thank you Freedom Day 2017 speaking notes of Mr BH Holomisa, MP (UDM President) at a Multi-Stakeholder Rally at the Caledonian Stadium (Pretoria)
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25 Apr, 2017
“Leading in the South African context” Bantu Holomisa’s presentation at the Spar Gala Dinner in Durban
1. What is leadership? If we accept that leadership is a process of social influence which maximises efforts of others towards achievement of a goal, what does it mean in the South African context? 2. What is the South African “goal” Surely it is to give expression to South Africa’s Constitution; specifically, the Bill of Rights. The Country’s basic vision, as detailed in the Constitution, includes our various personal freedoms, property and labour rights, adult suffrage and so forth. 3. The Constitution versus the State of the Nation But, most sober South Africans would agree that the State of the Nation has for some time stood in stark contrast to the Constitution’s vision. Developments over the past few years, and even weeks, have increased the speed with which we’ve been sliding down the slippery slope of corruption and poor governance. South Africa is stuck with an ill-suited deployee, foisted on us by the ruling party, who does not seem to realise – or care about – the impact of his decisions. With President Zuma’s recent midnight cabinet reshuffle, South Africa literarily has jumped from a very hot frying pan, straight into the fire. Government leaders, with President Zuma in front, no longer serve the people and our constitutional democracy. They don’t seem to understand clean governance, never mind, practicing it. We suffer from a leadership vacuum that makes it impossible for the Country to move forward. Therefore, instead of concentrating on the “basic stuff” such as education, health care and housing, we are fighting to not drown in our seemingly insurmountable woes. 4. The unintended consequence of President Zuma’s actions Ironically President Zuma has achieved one positive thing with his bull-in-a-china-shop approach: he has galvanised this Nation. We have a new short-term goal: #ZumaMustFall. But we cannot afford to be short-sighted… should Zuma fall, what then? Or worse, should he not vacate his office, what should happen? We have made much progress since 1994, but there are fundamental problems that need addressing. The land issue is a case in point; whether one likes it or not, it is an issue at the core of our national identity. It needs to be laid to rest once and for all so that inflammatory rhetoric does not lead to South Africa becoming a second Zimbabwe. 5. National Convention The problems we face are bigger than any one solution, one political party can proffer. We need to find common ground and all stakeholders, including yourselves, must voice their opinions. We need to listen to each other and renegotiate a new vision. This is why the United Democratic Movement advocates for a National Convention. A Codesa-type forum, where we have a safe space to raise issues; to actively listen; to engage and to convince each other and/or compromise. With our struggling economy, lawlessness, poverty, unemployment and many other ills, we need to have leaders who are equal to this task. To answer the question of accountable leadership, we need to institute a deliberate, direct participatory democracy model where the President and Members of Parliament report to people. In the end, the National Convention should produce a well hammered-out, common vision in which we can all believe and Government can implement. 6. Conclusion My and your role as leaders are to do everything in our power to maximise our efforts to make South Africa a Winning Nation, not only for our benefit, but also for those who follow in our footsteps. Thank you
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12 Apr, 2017
#ZumaMustFall: National Day of Action, UDM President Mr BH Holomisa, MP addresses the masses
• My colleagues in other political parties, • Leaders of civil society organisations, • Fellow South Africans from all walks of life! 1. Welcome: • On behalf of the organisers, I welcome each one of you who have made the effort to be here today. • Your presence, as well the wishes of many other freedom-loving South Africans who could not be present, is a testimony that this cause is just. • We should be proud of this display of patriotism. 2. The National Day of Action: our purpose • We are gathered here to send a signal to the ruling party that, although we respect that the electorate gave it a mandate to rule, South Africans are concerned that it is allowing this land of ours to decline under its watch. • Amongst other burning issues, our people are most concerned about corruption, poverty, unemployment and lawlessness. But chief amongst these issues is our waning economy. • Recent events resulted in a plummeting rand, ratings agencies have downgraded South Africa and this will inevitably lead to a depression of our economy. • The knock-on effect of our Country’s economic ‘junk status’ will negatively impact our people. • Banks won’t lend us money and Government will struggle to service our debts. • Levels of poverty will rise, employment will decrease and no new job opportunities will be created. • Everyone will suffer. The rich will become poorer, but worse, the poor will become destitute. • When some of the top leaders of the ruling party apologised to President Zuma for publicly criticising his actions, one disappointed South African said this: “Deputy President is wrong. Secretary General is wrong. Treasurer General is wrong. Integrity Commission is wrong SACP is wrong. COSATU is wrong. Rating Agency S&P (Standard and Poor) is wrong. Concourt was wrong. Public Protector was wrong. SO, only Zuma is right?” I want to add: “the opposition is wrong”. We, the people who are here today, are wrong! • The powers-that-be remain unmoved, and become defensive, when loyal South African citizens raise such points. • We can’t continue marching forever. We MUST find a way to converge in under one roof to discuss South Africa’s future. • We must find a vehicle that will provide a safe space for us, irrespective of political affiliation, to hammer out a common vision, binding to all, of how we should address our Country’s problems. • We may soon need to have a summit of political, and leaders of civil society to exchange ideas on how to take South Africa forward. • Not only should we find solutions to our current set of challenges, but most importantly, we must leave behind a prosperous country for future generations. Thank you #ZumaMustFall: National Day of Action, UDM President Mr BH Holomisa, MP addressed the masses at the Union Buildings, Pretoria
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06 Apr, 2017
Understanding the UDM, Bantu Holomisa’s contribution at ASRI Future Leaders Fellowship Program
• Programme Director, • Future Leaders, • Ladies and Gentlemen. 1. Introduction Before I launch into the United Democratic Movement’s (UDM) vision and policy on certain issues, I want to sketch a bit of background of how we started, since that informs much of our policy and work. Almost twenty years ago, after I was unceremoniously expelled from the African National Congress (ANC), I started a consultation process with South Africans on the need for a new political movement or not. With those that followed me, we started the National Consultative Forum. As it happened, Roelf Meyer left the National Party around the same time and formed the New Movement Process. We were on the same page and established the UDM in 1997. It was clear to many of us, already at that point in time, that South Africa’s political landscape needed to change. And, as recent events have shown, that need still exists. But we can talk about that a little later. The UDM has had to box in the heavy-weight class since its inception and we acknowledge that our support has waxed and waned since 1999. In 2003 and 2005, chequebook politics robbed the UDM of talent, resources and influence when the so-called ‘floor-crossing legislation’ was still in action. The UDM fought that law, tooth and nail, because it allowed public representatives to leave one party for another, whilst those individuals did not have votes confer upon themselves. No! Voters made their mark behind the name of the UDM. We were happy that our efforts paid off when the legislation was abolished in 2009. This leads me to an argument that the UDM has made for some time i.e. that we need a mixed electoral system which draws from the strengths of both constituency-based representation (to ensure that an individual public representative is held accountable) and proportional representation. The UDM also advocates that South Africans should directly elect their President instead of having a person foisted on them by a ruling party. If we had used this system, we might have avoided the tears and embarrassment we have suffered at the hand of our current President. Directly electing their President allows the people to ‘hire and fire’ that person if they are dissatisfied with his/her performance. The UDM also strongly believes that candidates for Cabinet must be vetted at public hearings to ascertain whether they are fit for office. Once again, we might have averted the current leadership crisis, because in such a scenario we could ensure that our leaders in government are qualified and capable. Using such a system might be a bit cumbersome, but we can at least force some measure of stability and accountability. 2. The challenge of competing as a political party in South Africa There are inherent weaknesses in the funding model for political parties in South Africa. What that means for the UDM, and other smaller parties, is that we are hamstrung in performing our duties. Advertising costs money; public relations (PR) cost money and things like the core task of electioneering is particularly draining as most of our activists come from disadvantaged communities and we need to support them in their work. It’s literally a question of buying food to keep them sustained and keeping petrol tanks filled. Any party may have the most brilliant and creative solutions to our problems, but if you can’t effectively get your message out in public, it neutralises your hard work. We cannot get away from the fact that the current funding model for political parties is not conducive to multi-party democracy. The funds parties receive from the Independent Electoral Commission, as well as those that Parliamentarians receive to do their work (called the Constituent’s Allowance Fund), are divvied up proportionally based on the percentage of support a party gets at an election. In addition, the big companies that earmark money for democracy development (in their social responsibility kitty) also spend that money proportionally. What this means is that, the parties with a good election performance gets the lion’s share of the money. The result is that the strong become stronger, irrespective of their performance and policies, and the less-strong are weakened further. It is a vicious cycle. In addition, when we approach companies with sound reasoning as to why they should support the UDM, and therefore democracy in South Africa, we are told that they do not wish to sponsor the UDM, because it will lead to loss of business with government. The ANC, and even the Democratic Alliance, have millions-and-millions of Rands to spend on party and electioneering activities. In addition, there is some element of abuse of state resources to bolster party propaganda, especially at election-times. For your information, the UDM does not have, and never had, a PR company to develop sexy advertising campaigns and programmes. We have sustained ourselves through mere word of mouth. 3. Unpacking political realignment Our version of political realignment does not refer to a ganging up of opposition parties against the ruling alliance, but rather a regrouping of people around new concepts that were brought up in the wash of momentous political change over the years. The results of the last two National and Provincial Elections showed that the South African electorate wants a system where two large parties, of similar strength and size, compete for the mandate to govern. The UDM is of the view, that a healthy realignment of our political landscape will culminate in the emergence of two major political parties, with some smaller cause-based parties – as is the case in established democracies such as in the United Kingdom, France and the United States of America. 4. The emergence of coalition governance after the 2016 Municipal Elections Considering that we have different ideologies and philosophies, the so-called “smaller parties” have the challenge of finding each other. The advantage is that the precedent has been created in different places in the world where, political parties with different interests, work together without losing their identities. That said, the results of the 2016 Municipal Elections are a clarion call to all political parties to join hands with communities and civil society to provide visionary leadership to the Country. The UDM has always understood coalition government as a form of cooperation between political parties who agree on specific principles and programmes to address the challenges of service delivery. Central to these is the immediate need to create jobs, eradicate poverty, fight and uproot corruption and promote good governance. I must however admit that being a coalition partner in two municipalities, in the Johannesburg and the Nelson Mandela Bay metros is challenging. The wide spectrum of political philosophies of the various parties has inherent challenges. We don’t always agree, but we keep our minds open and work hard at finding each other. 5. A little bit more on our founding tenants The UDM’s vision reads as follows: “We are the political home of all South Africans, united in the spirit of South Africanism by our common passion for our Country, mobilising the creative power inherent in our rich diversity, towards our transformation into a Winning Nation.” The core values which the UDM upholds and promotes and upon which it fundamental policy positions are based are: • respect for life, dignity and human worth of every individual; • integrity in public- and private life; • the individual rights and freedoms enshrined in our Country’s Constitution; • tolerance and respect for the rights and freedoms of others; • solidarity in the common spiritual ownership of all that is good in our Country; • national self-discipline based on an acceptance that each right and freedom carries with it a corresponding and equal obligation and responsibility; • national moral regeneration towards a clear distinction between right and wrong, between what is acceptable conduct and what not, between good and evil; • economic policies based on moral values and; • freedom of religion and worship. Those are lofty, but achievable, ideals. For the purpose of today’s discussion, and to remain topical, I wish to focus on “integrity in public- and private life”. The reason why I want to do this, is to highlight the conundrum facing South Africa today. After the ANC Working Committee’s pronouncements yesterday, one South African summarised the situation as follows: “Deputy President is wrong. Secretary General is wrong. Treasurer General is wrong. Integrity Commission is wrong SACP is wrong. COSATU is wrong. Rating Agency S&P (Standard and Poor) is wrong. Concourt was wrong. Public Protector was wrong. SO, only Zuma is right?” I want to add: “the opposition is wrong”. We are in this mess, precisely because our Country’s President does not, judging by is actions, epitomise integrity in public- and private life. I am not going to unpack this further, because I am sure that you keep abreast of the news as it breaks, but feel free to ask tough questions in the Q and A session just now. 6. Some key UDM policies in a nutshell The UDM has batted on anti-corruption wicket since its inception and we never wavered. It is precisely because corruption bleeds the Nation dry that we keep our focus on this issue. Another of our points of departure is: “Government must do more”. Meaningful government intervention is needed to ensure economic growth and the UDM therefore advocates, what could be called, “conscious capitalism”. While the UDM recognises the valuable role that markets should play, it is of the firm belief that Government must play a key role in creating a stable policy environment and developing the economy for the benefit of our people. Government must have an awareness of purpose. It must be sensitive to our people’s needs, especially the most vulnerable of our society and, most importantly, it must be responsive in a constructive manner. One-in-three South Africans survive on grants. That is the harsh reality. And, although “Government must do more” can be interpreted as a mandate to make more money available for grants, that is not the best it can do. Government must in fact do more… to help people, to help themselves. Another issue, which I am sure is close to your hearts, is education. We have one of the most unequal societies in the world and our economy is not growing. An educated and healthy citizenry is needed to grow and develop our economy so that we are capacitated to eradicate poverty and inequality, and to generate employment. The UDM is of the view that South Africa must develop and maintain an education system that produces school-leavers and graduates that are equipped with balanced job-related and life skills to enter the job market, economy and greater society and be productive and responsible citizens. The genuine demand for free, and quality, higher education has unfortunately been turned into a political matter, which is effectively being abused by the contending factions of the ruling alliance. South Africa cannot afford a situation where education is used to settle political scores. We desperately need strong higher education institutions that produce students with the relevant skills for our socio-economic development. The UDM believes that special attention should be paid to poor students who are unable, or is struggling, to pay their tuition fees. We agree that subsidies for the children of domestic workers, or worse, unemployed persons, cannot be the same as those for the children of advocates, doctors and investment bankers. The reality is that there are those deserving students who need to be totally subsidised by government. But where will we get the money? Well, let’s start with a Government, which must stop splashing public money on wasteful and unproductive expenses. It is with a sense of loss that I mention that former Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan, last year, called on departments to save money and cut costs. It was reported, at the time, that R35,2 billion was spent on consultants, travel, catering and entertainment. The UDM has long held the view that the continuous outsourcing of government work, which ought to be done by civil servants, is expensive and perpetuates poor service delivery. 7. Conclusion On 27 September 2017, the UDM shall mark the 20th anniversary of its existence. We will celebrate this achievement by reviewing our policies and repositioning the UDM at centre stage of the South African political landscape and discourse. The UDM prides itself on being a ‘listening party’ rather than a ‘dictating party’. I therefore invite you to participate in this policy review process as this is a platform for young South Africans to share their concerns, express their hopes and participate in finding creative solutions to our problems. Make yourselves part of the UDM’s vision to make South Africa a ‘Winning Nation! Thank you Understanding the United Democratic Movement – Address delivered by Mr B Holomisa, MP (UDM President) at the ‘Understanding government’ week, 2017 ASRI Future Leaders Fellowship Program in Auckland Park, Johannesburg on 6 April 2017
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16 Mar, 2017
Human Rights Day 2017 debate
Address by Mr LB Gaehler, UDM Member of Parliament in the National Council of Provinces: Eastern Cape Honourable Chairperson, and Honourable Members The United Democratic Movement (UDM) acknowledges that we, as a Country, have come far in terms of ensuring that all South Africans enjoy equal human rights. For that we are thankful. However, in its January world-report, Human Rights Watch said that South Africa “continued to face a number of human rights challenges” and that the public confidence in Government’s ability to deal with these challenges has eroded. This revelation must be looked at against an international backdrop of the rise of populist, authoritarian leaders who pose a threat to human rights across the globe. The UDM holds the view that human rights violations include corruption and the lack the respect for the rule of law. As we debate in this House, we find a typical example of this unfortunate reality, where millions of poor South Africans (whose livelihood depend on social grants) have pinned their hopes on the Constitutional Court to defend their right to social security. Government has – instead of creating this hope – jeopardised the rights of the most vulnerable of our people. The actions of Government have created panic and anxiety, and instilled the fear of perpetual poverty. Every South African is entitled to economic, social and cultural rights as entrenched in the Constitution. These rights are indispensable to his or her human dignity. The UDM believes that poverty is the greatest of human rights violations and it must be treated as such. The high levels of poverty, gross economic and social inequality, as well as chronic unemployment and corruption, are the enduring realities in our country that, in practical terms, cast doubt on whether South Africa is indeed a country for all her people. In the midst of plenty, some are still unable to enjoy even the minimum level of food security, water and electricity, quality education and healthcare, as well as shelter. This is not only as a result of a depressed economy, but also unwillingness, wilful negligence and/or discrimination on the part of both the public and private sectors. Yesterday, we witnessed this kind of gross negligence and arrogance in the Constitutional Court. Those on the margins of society are overlooked and are made prisoners of poverty, rather than prisoners of conscience, enduring the torture of hunger and a slow death from preventable causes. Chairperson, given the interconnected nature of all human rights violations, we need a comprehensive and holistic approach in engaging with the economic, social and cultural rights of our people. Before we can celebrate human rights, more needs to be done before our people can fully enjoy their rights. I thank you
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14 Mar, 2017
The UDM on the recent increase in farm murders and farm attacks in South Africa
Address by Mr ML Filtane, MP in the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa Honourable Speaker and Honourable members I wish to preface my contribution to this debate by saying that the United Democratic Movement (UDM) is keenly aware of the plight of farmers who have fallen victim to what we generally call “farm attacks”. The UDM, without reservation, condemns these acts of violence and murder, and lawlessness that has the daily characteristics of our communities but we wish to direct your attention to “another kind” of “farm attack”. On Friday the 25th of March 2016 – on a Good Friday – and ironically in Human Rights Month, a six-year-old boy was attacked by a baboon on a farm near Richmond; leaving him in critical condition. In addition to the attack on a human being, the baboons had endlessly destroyed the crops of the families living on the land. They were continuously exposed to physical danger and food insecurity, thus degrading their humanity and condemning them to poverty. The UDM is still repulsed by reports that the farmer had ignored the multiple warnings of the farm dwellers. The recent shooting of a farmworker in Limpopo by a farm owner claiming to have mistook him for a monkey, is another example of where farm workers and dwellers are treated as less than human. These examples are a clear indication that the relationship between farm dwellers, workers and owners, is at its lowest ebb. The lives of farmworkers and dwellers are not taken seriously by the land owners and they even give animals better treatment, and protection, than they do their workers whom they pay meagre wages. The South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) confirmed these observations when they briefed the Portfolio Committee on Rural Development and Land Reform in February 2017. They conducted site inspections, some unannounced, on farms throughout the Country and found, amongst others, that: • There is a challenge in accessing privately-owned farms in the Western Cape, Mpumalanga and Limpopo; • There have been several complaints relating to water and sanitation access on farms; • There has been a lack of access to food and electricity for farm dwellers; • Several farm families were allegedly forcibly removed from a farm in the Breede River Valley and placed in an informal settlement known as Spookie Town; and that • In Limpopo there is a prevalence of hate speech where farm workers are still called by the k – word. Farm workers and their families must be freed from continuous physical, social and economic isolation. Government needs to speed up its programmes aimed ensuring that farming families have access to services such as schools, healthcare, decent housing, water, sanitation and others. As a society, we must continue with our efforts to ensure the peaceful and mutually beneficial co-existence of farmers and farm workers; including the surrounding communities. A stern warning against the violation of human rights on farms must be issued. This kind of behaviour must be rejected by all of us and it must come to an end. An integrated approach must be adopted to ensure that the lives of farmers, farm workers and dwellers are supremely respected. It is time for us to join hands in the movement that work towards finding lasting solutions to the socio-economic challenges that face the farming communities in our country. South Africa must belong to all who live in – it both in word and in deed. Thank you
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08 Mar, 2017
Consideration of 2017 Fiscal Framework and Revenue Proposal and Report of Standing Committee on Finance – address by Mr ML Filtane, MP
Honourable Speaker and Honourable members The United Democratic Movement (UDM) supports the 2017 Fiscal Framework and Revenue Proposal and the Report of the Standing Committee on Finance. We appreciate that the Minister, as always, tried his best, notwithstanding the difficult circumstances occasioned by the bold call from the President for a budget that responds to the Radical Socio-Economic Transformation path as adopted by government. This was a very difficult expectation given the hard fact of a government which is wrestling with an unprecedented national debt challenge post the dawn of democracy. Consequently, and with respect to the land question, the budget failed to create hope for a speedy transfer of land to its rightful owners. This was further exacerbated after the ruling party subsequently objected to the possibility to expropriate land without compensation and or with compensation only to the improvements made in the land. There was no budget for extension of land expropriation beyond the Constitutional limit of 19 June 1913. Had we agreed to amend the Constitution, we would be talking a different story. Although the Minister had difficulty to manoeuvre for a radical budget, he has however confirmed that our monies as South Africans are in good hands. That is what all good citizens of this country at least want, in particular during such difficult time, when the economy is struggling to grow. People are jobless, poverty is on the rise and individual debts are the order of the day. This therefore brings an urgent challenge to the Minister, his colleagues in the Executive, the industry, civil society and citizens in general, to ensure that our economy grows and reduce the ratio between the revenue base and the debt. The austerity measures that were announced are welcome. However, government must implement these without compromising on the delivery of basic services to the poorest of the poor. Taking advantage of, amongst others, corporate income tax, government, working with industry should consider financial awareness campaigns at schools and communities in general. When society has an economy that is not growing, and citizens are heavily indebted, that then creates a deeper crisis and possible collapse of the entire economy and the nation. Lastly, the UDM still believe that it is possible to provide fee free higher education and training in particular for the poor, and that this has not been provided for. We, however, welcome the steps taken to improve the chances of our children achieving a degree without a crippling debt burden, post qualification. Thank you
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21 Feb, 2017
Socio-political impact on Governance, Risk and Compliance Address by Mr B Holomisa, MP (UDM President) at the ITWeb Governance, Risk and Compliance 2017
• Programme Director, • Colleagues, • Ladies and Gentlemen 1. Introduction When discussing Governance, Risk and Compliance (GRC) we must consider socio-political issues. It might be an obvious thing to state, but whether we like it or not social attitudes and political policy decisions, are the frames within which we must work to assure that our organisations (public or private) meet their objectives. GRC as a discipline takes a dry, unemotional look at how we manage our organisations or businesses. Socio-political issues, on the other hand, are fuzzy, fickle and sometimes unpredictable. The obvious example of how socio-political issues affect how we operate, is the recent election of Donald Trump as the President of the United States of America. For many countries and companies alike, Mr Trump’s triumph will send (or has already sent) them back to the drawing board. 2. What is a “socio-political approach”? Looking at GRC, with a socio-political approach, puts context at the centre stage and it assumes that politics matter. It must be understood that policy choices, that are not rooted in a deep understanding of how societies work will not produce the desired results. A socio-political approach focusses on histories, social relationships, identities, capacities, power-dynamics, how resources are distributed and contested and it delves deeper into formal structures to expose underlying interests, incentives and institutions that determine how politicians act, how governments perform and how policy choices play out. In this regard, the main issues to consider with a socio-political approach, is: • To understand the interests and incentives facing different political, social and economic groups; • How these influence politics, policies and efforts to promote development; • How formal institutions and informal social, political and cultural norms interact and shape human interaction, as well as political and economic competition; and • What are the values and ideas (including political ideologies, religion and cultural beliefs) that matter to political behaviour and public policy? A socio-political approach is however not the “magic bullet” for the current political and economic issues and their implication on companies in South Africa, but it helps to identify opportunities and obstacles to reform, and it also assists leaders to target their efforts in a way that make them more likely to succeed. 3. Socio-political state in South Africa- Let’s talk politics! Notwithstanding the possible impact that Mr Trump’s election has on South Africa, we have to consider our own space, our own challenges, and the impact of these issues. We can make a long list, but for the most part South Africa’s economy is “Problem Number One”. In response to this challenge, we have since 1994 had: 1) the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), then 2) the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR), then 3) the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa (AsgiSA) and thereafter 4) the New Growth Path (NGP). The latest, plan number five, is the National Development Plan (NDP) which is touted as South Africa’s socio-economic policy blueprint. However, the NDP does not enjoy the support of the ruling party’s main allies, Cosatu and the SACP, which causes tension between organised labour and the business sector. This tripartite conflict undermines governance and compromises investor confidence, which leads directly to a rise in unemployment and poverty. I make this sensitive point and talk a little politics at the risk of offending some of you, because of the following… We could agree that our economy needs our undivided attention. Because, in one way or another, all the socio-political ills we suffer in this country could be eliminated, or at least mitigated, by a flourishing economy. Simply put, the dignity of a person is linked to his/her ability to put food on the table, to have a roof over his/her heads or own a property, to buy clothes, to be healthy, to have an education and so the list goes on. But, how do we use the tools of Governance, Risk and Compliance to manage the business of government i.e. to reach our objective of a flourishing economy, if there is such continuous, fundamental dissent and lack of political will? The willy-nilly shifting the goal post, depending on who is in the pound seats, means we are not working towards the same objective. 4. GRC in Government With the advent of the King IV report, good governance, effecting and efficient risk mitigation and maximum compliance are at the centre stage of our accountability framework. Practitioners of governance, risk and compliance must also appreciate that South Africa has a rich ethical and legislative framework for accountability and good governance which should help to realise GRC imperatives. They must consider their fiduciary duties as essential in the success of their organisations, they must be caring, act in good faith, be transparent and show loyalty to the South African taxpayer, and therefore shareholder. The people at the helms of State Owned Enterprises and Companies must be persons of good standing, with independent minds and they should have the relevant expertise and skills to fulfil the tasks of these organisations. Board members and executives must be committed and should have unquestionable integrity and ethical values. They should respect and obey the rule of law and engage stakeholders comprehensively and transparently. GRC practitioners – both at a level of the organisational boards and the executives – must contribute to the development of relevant strategies and taking correct decisions; they must ensure accountability and introduce and maintain effective management teams. This approach is lacking in far too many of our State Owned Enterprises and that is why they are always in the media for wrong reasons. There is a failure to internalise the meaning and significance of Governance, Risk and Compliance. Turnover of boards, board chairpersons and officials is an area of concern, as well as inappropriate interference from government and then, of course, perennial corruption. We saw the ugly breakdown of governance at the South African Broadcast Cooperation (SABC) and the conduct of some which could border on criminality. An example of where GRC in government works, is the Competition Commission’s recent findings on alleged currency manipulation and collusion by many major banks operating in South Africa. The individuals who played these games, showed a shocking lack of patriotism and callousness; because this mess reverberates through South Africa – from top to bottom, left to right. It affects all of us. Not only could this directly affect the individuals on the street, as well as the futures of companies, but such shenanigans affect South Africa’s precarious standing with the ratings agencies. Therefore, in terms of compliance, the Competition Commission has done courageous work to expose this malfeasance and corruption in the private sector. So, this is a good thing and it begs the question, why does our government not take GRC more seriously? After all, it is the business of government to make sure that South Africa becomes a prime investment destination, where our people flourish in their personal lives and thrive in their jobs. One of the major stumbling blocks to the proper implementation of GRC in government is that, the very people who are supposed to walk-the-talk, are found (increasingly so) with their hands in the cookie jar. In far too many instances, the people and/or organisations that are supposed to preside over the effective management of government, shirk that responsibility and betray the people of this country; and in particular, the downtrodden masses. As voters, we have a responsibility to take stock of these tendencies, make different choices and exert pressure on government to do the right thing. We can all agree that GRC is a good tool to eradicate corruption. Each of our ministers, directors’ general, premiers and MECs, mayors and city managers; and in fact, each person in a position of power must become a GRC expert of sorts. We forever hear that there is a limited budget and the Minister of Finance harps on stopping wasteful expenditure, but if we can “save” money by properly implementing GRC in government, there will be enough resources to fund bread-and-butter projects. 5. Conclusion I have probably articulated some problems with GRC in South Africa, sketched ideals and not proffered a solution that will suit all. But, if we were to take the SABC example, the collapse of the institution is a result of a failure to do things the right way. The fundamental interest of society and the principles of inclusive development were sacrificed at the altar of divergent and divisive interests of some political and social elites. A socio-political approach towards GRC must espouse high ethical values and standards which must in turn, be the foundation for sound policy development. It requires adoption and implementation that are in line with the purpose of serving the people and ensuring that societal development needs are met. The success of governance in a risk mitigated environment and maximum compliance is at the core of the what needs to be urgently done in South Africa if the ideals of the National Development Plan are to be realised. Thank you
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18 Feb, 2017
Bantu Holomisa addresses the UDM Regional Council in Port Elizabeth
• National and Provincial leaders of the UDM, • Regional and Local UDM leaders, • UDM Public Representatives • Members of the United Democratic Movement 1. Ascendancy Profile – organisational programme for 2017 The National Council of the United Democratic Movement (UDM), held on the 3rd of December 2016, took the time to discuss the challenges we would face in the wake of the August 2016 Municipal Elections and to map the way forward towards the 2019 National and Provincial Elections and beyond. The National Council took several important decisions, amongst others, that it is a priority for the Party to re-organise our structures starting with the basic organisational building blocks i.e. the branches. Our Constitution is clear on the life-cycles of executive committees at the various structural levels, but the National Council deemed it necessary for us to “start from scratch” and that we should do so as soon as possible. In this regard, the UDM’s National Secretariat has declared 2017 as the year to revive Party structures from branch-level, right up to provincial-level. The implication of this massive exercise is that we must launch our branches, as well as regional and provincial structures in accordance with the UDM Constitution and do so within a very short space of time. In order to reach critical mass, a minimum of 60 branches must be launched, and should pass stringent audit, before a Region may qualify to host a Congress. Such Regional Congresses must happen by the end of May 2017. The Provincial Congress of the UDM in the Eastern Cape must in in turn happen by June. This means a lot of work has to be done. This task requires that the UDM in the Nelson Mandela Bay Region, must develop a concrete and clear programme of action that is aligned to our Ascendancy Profile, to map your road towards launching your branches, hosting a Regional Congress when you will elect regional leadership. Your programme of action must for instance: • Tally the number of existing branches that are in good standing; • Depict the number of branches that must be re-launched; • Identify areas where new branches can be established and launch such new branches; • Compile recruiter packs to assist our field-workers to renew membership and register new members; • List the dates, times and venues of new branch launch meetings or the annual general meetings of existing branches; • Consider the practical deployment of regional leadership to oversee each branch launch or re-launch; • Once a branch has been launched, the Branch Secretary must ensure that the required paperwork is submitted to the provincial and national offices timeously. • Although branches may still be launched, no branch will be considered for auditing and may not participate in any congress, if their Q1-forms are submitted after the 4-week deadline. • Define clear achievable timeframes for each of the activities in the programme of action. Most important is the daily activities of the UDM membership at a branch-level. Given that our branches should be demarcated in line with the Independent Electoral Commission’s (IEC) Voting Districts (VDs), it requires that our daily activity plan is based on the needs of the people in a particular VD and/or in a particular ward. To be able to recruit new members and renew existing membership, our strategies of engaging communities must be relevant to the issues that affect their daily lives. We must have daily activity plans that places the UDM at the centre of the lives of the citizens in the VD and/or ward where they reside. During the 2016 Municipal Elections, our slogan was: Put Communities First! This is still our prevailing message working towards 2019 and beyond. Therefore, our daily activities as members of UDM must be about the issues that affect a particular community, for example: • water leakages, potholes and/or broken street-lamps, • lack of houses and toilets, • poor spatial development, • access roads and bridges, • crime, gangs and community safety in general, • drug and alcohol abuse, • well stocked and equipped health facilities, • access to basic education and adult education programmes, • refuse removal and pest control, • clean community spaces such as parks and cemeteries, • safe areas for children to interact, • access to ID cards and assistance with child or old-age grants, • community projects such as vegetable gardens and safe harbours for victims of domestic abuse, • in other words, any issue affecting the daily life of the people on the ground. This is the programme of action for all UDM members and structures, and you are called upon to plan and implement it immediately as soon we conclude this Regional Council. 2. Coalition government in the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality As you are aware, after the 2016 Municipal Elections, the UDM took the correct decision to be part of the Coalition Government of Opposition Parties. We entered into a five-year agreement which I had signed as the President of the UDM. In this regard, we affirm our commitment to the coalition government of the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality and will do everything possible to make it succeed in the service of the people of this area. When we took this decision, we were fully aware of the inherent challenges of a coalition government, but we respected the decision of the people of Nelson Mandela Bay who said, through a democratic process, that they were tired of an African National Congress (ANC) dominated local government. It is not in the ANC’s interest to have this coalition government succeed and we are aware of their desperate attempts to recapture control of this municipality through devious and dirty means. The UDM shall never capitulate and cooperate with them. It was widely reported that there recently was so-called “tension” between the Democratic Alliance’s Executive Mayor and the UDM’s Deputy Executive Mayor. The ANC did everything in their power to blow the matter out of proportion and drive a wedge into this relationship. For your information, there was an administrative misunderstanding that did not threaten a collapse of governance in the metro. The UDM shall always focus on serving the entire community of Nelson Mandela Bay and shall not be led astray by attempts to rock the boat. 3. The work of the UDM in Council Regarding the work of our councillors, one of the urgent issues we must agitate for is the Minister’s well-published allocation of R4 billion towards human settlements. We must work with the Council to demand to see this budget and the implementation programme. Also, on the eve of elections, the ANC administration passed a very populist indigent policy known as the Assistance to the Poor and Rebates policy (ATTP) that has resulted in the bankruptcy of the municipality. They passed this policy in order to attract votes, but residents had already made up their minds that the ANC had lost the plot. UDM councillors must work collectively with their colleagues in the coalition government to find urgent solutions on these matters. The UDM must be at the forefront of rooting out every vestige of ANC corruption and maladministration in the Nelson Mandela Bay Metro Municipality. Our councillors must be seen to unambiguously fight for the eradication of all forms of corruption. This is consistent with what I had said during the Parliamentary debate on the State of the Nation (SONA). In order to put the people if Nelson Mandela Bay first, our councillors must be at all Council meetings and participate in its activities. They must make constructive and qualitative contributions, and focus on strategic issues. All meetings – whether it’s a committee meeting and/or a full Council sitting – must quorate and must take decisions in service of the people. UDM councillors must, when such is required, seek guidance from the leadership of the Party. They must also ensure that they secure proper and qualified technical support as provided for in the Council regulations. Because this is a municipality where the UDM occupies the second highest office, I personally commit to pay a special attention to our work in Council and regularly report to the national leadership. We must not lose momentum or focus. We must harness the energy we’ve generated thus far and use it to find solutions to the challenges facing the people of Nelson Mandela Bay. 4. Working for communities and making communities work 4.1. Putting Communities First: participation in ward committees To achieve our organisational vision and mission, and to make a positive impact on our communities, UDM members must be part of ward committees. Don’t let the ANC scupper our efforts in the Metro by allowing them to hijack ward committees. We must be pro-active and active to raise the issues that affect the people through the correct channels provided for in Council. 4.2. Putting Communities First: review of the IDP The review of the Integrated Development Plan (IDP) for the financial year 2017/18 is underway. Therefore, as part of the coalition government, our task is to know the issues people want pushed in each ward. We must take those to the IDP forums for discussion, integration and budget allocation. We must call for Ward Based Development Plans and budgets. The Nelson Mandela Bay Municipal IDP and budget must be as collection and integration of ward based needs. We must never fail to carry-out this is a task if we are to be true to our manifesto. 5. The UDM’s 20th Anniversary On 27 September 2017, the UDM shall mark the 20th anniversary of its existence. We will celebrate this achievement by reviewing our policies and repositioning the UDM at centre stage of the South African political landscape and discourse. As we announced in our contribution to the State of the Nation Address debate, we have already begun with our preparations for a National Consultative Conference. We want to give opportunity to South Africans of all backgrounds to play a role and bear influence on the UDM. We want to update and reshape our policies as guided by our vision, mission and party platform; and always honour of our Country’s Constitution. We have always promoted the idea that: Government must do more. This is consistent with our principle of Putting Communities First, before ourselves, which is in contrast with the political fashion of today. The UDM is not about individual leaders; it is about the people and therefore, our policy review process will take into cognisance this important principle. 6. Towards 2019 National and Provincial Elections The work we must do in terms of our Ascendency Profile, as well as our work in this Municipality’s Council, must lay a firm foundation for a formidable campaign for the 2019 National and Provincial Elections. In addition to all of the work already mentioned, we must begin now to: • Identify persons to be our party agents and train them, • Ensure that we participate in by-elections where we can make a difference; • Encourage and assist people to get identity cards; • Encourage new voters to register with the IEC at the offices of the Municipal Electoral Officer; • Know where all the Voting Stations are, in all wards; • Participate in the demarcation processes of the Demarcation Board; • Appoint members to the Municipal Party Liaison Committee (MPLC) and attend all MPLC meetings; • Train all branch members as UDM canvassers; • Get the current voter’s roll and monitor the movement of voters from one VD to another; • Pick up on issues that will constitute our manifesto for 2019; With this work, we must continue the fight against corruption, the arrogance of power and the dominance of the ANC. The voice of the people as expressed in 2016 must be heard and realised in 2019. We must aim for better performance. 7. Conclusion On behalf of the national leadership of the UDM, I wish you very fruitful discussions and please, make sure that you represent your party and conduct yourselves in accordance with our Constitution. Good luck and thank you!
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14 Feb, 2017
Address by Lennox Gaehler in Parliament: UDM reply on the State of the Nation Address(SONA) 2017
Honourable Speaker, Honourable President and Members The task of creating a developmental state where the primary mandate is to build an inclusive economy by fundamentally changing the status quo in favour of the poor majority, who find themselves in the rural hinterland, is now more urgent than ever before. Further and any unnecessary delay will have grave consequences for our hard-won freedom and the governability of state. In this regard, South Africa must indeed review the many agreements entered into before, and at, the Codesa negotiations. Such an exercise will identify the bugbears which makes it difficult to ensure that all citizens enjoy equal economic freedom. Whilst our welfare system has helped millions, who would have gone to bed with empty stomachs, the painful truth is that the super-exploitative economic system the new South Africa inherited, continues to produce structural inequality and remains enemy number one. The United Democratic Movement suggests that radical economic transformation should not just be mere rhetoric and we believe that: • Patronage and corruption must fall, and that prudence and good governance must rise; • Free education must not be “free of quality”; but it must produce young adults, and especially black young adults, who are ready to operate new enterprises and be job-creators rather than being job-seekers; • Whilst progress has been made with housing delivery; the minister should have clear, achievable timeframes for the correction of the defects in some of the existing buildings and act decisively against those found to be on the wrong side of the law; • Recent reports on alleged maladministration, and possible corruption in the department of water affairs, is worrying. If true, it flies in the face of the spirit of the announced radical economic transformation. Speedy action must be taken, especially given the current drought. • In agriculture, we need to train more agronomists with practical skills to utilise and manage the land once it is returned to the people. Indeed, and in the words of OR Tambo whose centenary we are commemorating, liberation has no meaning without the return of the country’s wealth to the people and therefore the existing economic arrangement must be radically changed to the equal benefit of ALL South Africans. I thank you
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14 Feb, 2017
Address by Bantu Holomisa in Parliament: debate on the State of the Nation Address (SONA) 2017
Honourable Speaker, Honourable President and Members As we enter the 23rd year of our democracy, we see a rise in the levels of anxiety and anger among citizens, with anarchy knocking at our door. Notwithstanding these trends, the United Democratic Movement (UDM) acknowledges the great strides South Africa has made since 1994. The most disturbing reality is that we see an increase in the politics of patronage, uncontrollable corruption, the collapse of government institutions, a high unemployment rate, lack of development, failing health and education systems, widening inequality, chronic poverty and ineffective provincial governments. With regard to provincial governments; the question is, do we really need these glorified homelands or rather strengthening the local sphere of government and let national government take control and introduce the lacking uniformity. We are commemorating the late OR Tambo; an undoubted champion of the struggle for a just and free society. It would be interesting to know his thoughts on the so-called leaders who have dumped the deprived masses and took care of themselves at the expense of the poor. We believe that no individual party’s policy conference could proffer all the sustainable solutions to the challenges we face as a nation. This is even more apparent when the governing alliance lacks policy coherence; thus threatening investor confidence. It is in this regard that the UDM resolved that, in preparation for 2019 and beyond, we will during this year convene a consultative conference which will be open to all citizens, to amongst others: • Take stock of the 22 years of our democracy; • Identify areas of intervention to bring about meaningful economic transformation; • Review the legislative framework that impedes fundamental socio-economic transformation, including the Constitution; • Develop mechanisms to stop corruption and maladministration; • Take stock of the quality, qualification and placement of our civil servants including those who provide security services to the nation; • Improve our constitutional democracy with the introduction of a people-driven electoral system; • Introduce legislation for transparent political party funding; and • Find a lasting solution to reduce tension between the social partners at NEDLAC in particular labour, government and business. At the envisaged National Consultative Conference, we shall also evaluate the agreements between the ruling party and the apartheid government pre- and during the Codesa negotiations. Meaningful transformation, including the transfer of land and control of the economy, will never realise so long as those agreements are used as scarecrows and lock the majority of our citizens outside the economic mainstream. South Africans, it is our collective task to ensure that the ideals of a truly democratic and prosperous society as envisaged by OR Tambo and others, are realised. In this regard, I encourage you to take advantage of the proposed conference to ensure that we reclaim the original objective of the struggle we have so dearly fought for. I thank you
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10 Nov, 2016
Motion of no confidence in the President in terms of section 102 (2) of the Constitution of South Africa
Address by Bantu Holomisa, MP Madam Speaker, Deputy President and hon members Two weeks ago, the president misled the nation, during the NCOP question session when he claimed that he was never given an opportunity to present his side of the story to the Public Protector. We now know with evidence in our hands that this is contrary to the facts as they are also confirmed by the audio version of the report. In normal democracies, this is an act of perjury and punishable through impeachment. Many South Africans have long lost confidence in the leadership of this monumentally flawed president. We also heard, from amongst others, the mouth of the ANC Chief Whip, that many branches of his party have also lost confidence in his leadership and are calling for his removal. President Zuma, the ANC and the world over, must know that South Africans reject to be led by an irreparably damaged leader. However, the ruling clique on this side of the house, is behaving like wolves, screaming in unison, to defend one of theirs at the expense of the country. They are showing South Africans a middle finger. Another confusion is being made by the party Secretary General, who on the one hand calls for his leader to follow his conscience yet his party members in this house are blocked from thinking. It begs a question, how many and to what extent are the apex leaders of the ANC are contaminated by the actions of their flawed leader. This crisis is only equal to the collective conscience of all the citizens. In this regard, UDM calls on all citizens, irrespective of their political persuasions, not to abdicate their historic and fundamental civic responsibilities. We must find a common point of convergence to defend our hard won democracy. The remaining months to 2019 must be about re-claiming our collective freedoms, and I dare say, there is a lot to be done. We support the motion. I thank you
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02 Nov, 2016
Address by Bantu Holomisa at the March Against State Capture
Fellow South Africans We are here today to talk about the challenges we face as a Nation and we wish to send a strong message to Government. Our Nation finds itself on the slippery slope of corruption, lawlessness, anarchy and dissatisfaction. We must capture the lost ground of the past 22 years. We are frustrated. We are tired. We are hungry. We don’t have houses. We don’t have jobs. Election promises that were made, such as free education, have not realised. Our resources are syphoned out of the Country at the expense of our people. The agencies, that are there to protect the interest of the public, are being openly abused and/or undermined. We want things to be better. We want our people to be happy and to be proud South Africans. The big question is: can we trust the current establishment to lead the nation out of this quagmire? For instance, instead of delegating representatives of Government to talk to dissatisfied citizens, they dispatch the police. The Marikana example, and other related incidents, remain the tragic products of this style of leadership. Must this country wait for the ruling party’s congress next year for them to elect new leadership whilst the country is burning in the meantime. Even if they choose new leadership, there is no guarantee that those new leaders will be able to address the current challenges. If not for the work of the opposition parties in Parliament, the situation would have been worse; but it can no longer be the opposition parties alone, being tasked to find solutions. Don’t you think it is each of our responsibility, as citizens of the country, to work together in finding solutions? All sectors of civil society should participate in a dialogue. During the negotiations, after the Municipal Elections of 2016, the African Christian Democratic Party, the Congress of the People, the Democratic Alliance, the Economic Freedom Fighters, the Freedom Front Plus, the Inkatha Freedom Party, the United Democratic Movement and the United Front, agreed in principle that it is necessary for the Nation to meet. In this regard, we proposed that a National Convention should be held as a platform to discuss the problems facing South Africa today. Some of the issues we need to talk about date back to the Codesa era. We can no longer afford a situation where discussions around South Africa’s problems devolve into a talk-shop or yet another useless bosberaad. Should there be an emerging consensus at the proposed National Convention that there is a need to change legislation, it should go straight to Parliament for ratification. We must not lose momentum. We must harness the energy we’ve generated thus far, and use it to find solutions to the current challenges. For anyone who is interested in reading more about the concept of the National Convention, the proposal that the UDM sent to other political leaders yesterday, is available on https://udm.org.za/road-map-towards-south-african-national-convention-udm-perspective/. Thank you Delivered at St Alban’s Cathedral, Pretoria
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28 Oct, 2016
Bridging the gap: advancing civil military relations to deepen democracy
Address by Mr B Holomisa, MP (UDM President) at the Civil Military Relations Conference 2016,CSIR International Convention Centre, Pretoria on 27 and 28 October 2016 · Programme Director, · Chairperson of the Defence Force Service Commission, Professor Van Harte, · Colleagues, · Ladies and Gentlemen 1. Introduction Allow me to join the Chairperson of the Defence Force Service Commission in thanking the sponsors who made this event possible. As I was seated here yesterday, I was reminded of the time in 2009, when our soldiers marched on the Union Buildings. I was called on the day and requested by the President (through the then Minister of Defence, Ms Lindiwe Sisulu) to join other South Africans in trying to solve the problems raised by the aggrieved soldiers. We have travelled a long distance since then. A special word of thanks to our main sponsor, Saab, a Swedish company. As we all know Sweden played a leading role in supporting the struggle to liberate the country. 2.Apartheid and the military of yesteryear Before the dawn of our new democracy, the Apartheid government had readily, and unscrupulously, used its armed forces to implement its schemes against the liberation movements, anti-apartheid activists and the homelands that collaborated with the liberation movements. Heart wrenching testimony at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) revealed that their missions included train massacres, hostel and township violence, the permanent isolation of freedom fighters and the murder of “enemies of the state” such as the Cradock Four. I have personal experience of this and you can Google how many people from the South African security forces of the previous government, testified at the TRC about plots to assassinate me. 3.Civilian oversight in the reconstitution and management of the military after 1994 The amalgamation of the South African Defence Force, the Bantustan security forces, as well as the armed wings of the African National Congress, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania and the Inkatha Freedom Party, was challenging in itself. But, because of the Apartheid stigma attached to the military, and other paramilitary organisations, the new government placed disproportionate emphasis on civilian oversight. South Africa ended up with several statutory bodies that form part of civilian oversight, such as: 1. the Ministry of Defence and Military Veterans, 2. the Portfolio Committee on Defence and Military Veterans, 3. the Joint Standing Committee on Defence, 4. the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence, 5. our Commander in Chief, the President, 6. Parliament itself, 7. the Defence Force Service Commission (DFSC), 8. the Military Ombud, and then of course 9. the media. We all agree that civilian oversight is essential, but it cannot be at the expense of the safety of South Africa’s borders and our citizens. Indeed, all the aforementioned bodies, must at all times ensure that the SANDF is in a constant state of readiness. This principle is internationally applied. For us, the question should be: is it necessary for an out-and-out civilian to function as the military’s accounting officer as an additional step to safeguard civilian oversight? There are several examples, in other countries, where this works well, but this is because of their culture of conscription. This means that the managers at the helm of the armed forces are steeped in military strategy and administration. This is enforced by the relevant lawmakers who are also products of the practice of conscription. In my view, this arrangement does not work in South Africa. Simple things like, delays in approving requisitions, disagreements on what the necessities are and a Secretary for Defence (SecDef) who is constantly abroad, adversely impacts on the SANDF’s capacity to fulfil its mandate. As a result of delays, and a lack of decisive leadership at SecDef-level, much needed funds are sometimes returned to National Treasury. When we moved around the military bases across the country, as part of our work as the DFSC, we engaged with SANDF personnel. They made it abundantly clear that there is too much bureaucracy involved and that it is in conflict with military culture. Given this situation, Parliament may have to review this area and perhaps consider making the Chief of the SANDF its accounting officer. This will eliminate the situation where Minster has to waste her time to mediate between the SecDef and the SANDF Chief, as she alluded to yesterday. 4. Parliament’s role in civilian oversight All state institutions are accountable to Parliament and it is therefore incumbent upon it to ensure that the SANDF operates within the law and does abuse its power. Parliament’s oversight work, however, does not start and end with legislation, it also includes the actual exercise of its influence on the organs of state that fall within this portfolio. It further includes monitoring, investigation and making recommendations on how defence challenges could be addressed. 5.Consultation with Parliament Parliament must demand to be kept abreast of South Africa’s involvement in United Nations and the African Union’s peacekeeping efforts, as well as involvement in conflict situations before troops are deployed. However, instead of being briefed in the House, we read of military deployments in the papers and then, after the fact, Parliamentarians would get the information in annual reports. This is not good enough. To make matters worse, there are plenty examples where Parliament only gets roped in once things have gone wrong. This happened, for example, when the South African government, in 2013, assisted François Bozizé in the Central African Republic and thirteen of our paratroopers were killed in Bangui. For Parliament to fulfil its oversight mandate, it is important that it has timeous and sufficient information. This demands transparency on the part of the Department of Defence, the Minister and the military’s top brass. Side-lining Parliament is dangerous and it makes accountability impossible. 6.The Arms Deal: As a striking example of the lack of consultation There is a strong impression that the Executive runs roughshod over Parliament. For instance, in 1999, the Department of Finance warned the responsible Cabinet Sub-Committee about the risks involved in the Arms Deal. Yet, they went ahead with the deal, in spite of this sound advice. Parliament was never asked to sanction the deal. It had only exercised its oversight function in relation to the charges of corruption and conflicts of interest around the transactions. Aside from the obvious problems, one also has to consider the ArmsDeal’s shopping list, which consisted of boats, submarines, helicopters and fighter aircraft. These are the tools of the navy and the airforce. Why did the army, which operates on land, not get apparatus such as armoured trucks, personnel carriers and so forth? Because of this ill-advised arms purchase, and constant budget cuts over the years, the army has backlogs in maintaining and updating their prime mission equipment. On a side note: not only are South Africans still servicing the R70billiondebt, but we must also pay for the costs of the SeritiCommission of Inquiry that amounted to almost R140million. 7.Dissatisfaction within the SANDF Tension between defence management and military unions must be speedily alleviated. Parliament, as part of its oversight function, has a responsibility to harmonise these relationships. Parliamentarians should also be concerned that, on the one hand, troops complain about commanders and, on the other hand, commanders complain about the lack of disciple within the ranks. The conditions of employment of our servicemen and women are not up to scratch. There is a constant stream of complaints about the state of their equipment and poor training. Parliament has a role to play in addressing these matters. 8.The SANDF’s budget There is, what has been described as, a persistent disconnect between the defence mandate, government’s expectations and the allocation of resources. In addition, the Executive and National Treasury should not willy-nilly cut the military budget without applying their minds, because it appears as if there is a lack of understanding of what our defence priorities are. When statements are made such as: the staff complement of the SANDF should be reduced by 10,000 members, one cannot help but wonder on what research such decisions are based. Despite socio-economic conditions, South Africa should earmark at least 2% of its GDP to the defence budget. This is in line with international standards. If the question is asked: “Where should the money come from?”, we just have to think of the fact that government departments wasted R35,2billion (in the 2015/16 financial year) on consultants, travel, catering and entertainment. The call by the Minister of Finance for financial discipline should be heeded and wasteful government spending must be stopped. Political decision-makers should open their ears and listen when our military commanders warn that South Africa’s defence budget is insufficient. Parliament has a role to play in ensuring that the budget is adequate so that our defence requirements are accommodated. 9.Who should champion the SANDF’s cause? Given Parliament’s oversight role, our Members of Parliament (MPs) are the logical people to fulfil this important function. The Portfolio Committee on Defence and Military Veterans should be more assertive in championing the cause of our servicemen and women. In general, Parliamentarians must familiarise themselves with the challenges that the SANDF face by visiting our military bases. I think they will be shocked to see the state of disrepair of infrastructure and equipment; even looking at simple things such as the habitability of barracks. MPs must also acquaint themselves with the work of the Defence Force Service Commission, so that they can exert pressure on the Minister and the Department of Defence and Military Veterans, to implement the recommendations of the Commission. 10.Conclusion If we are to succeed in bridging the gap and advance civil military relations, in a manner that deepens democracy, we require a collective effort with an unwavering commitment to our country and her people. Thank you
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18 Oct, 2016
#FeesMustFall: UDM asks Speaker to release MPs to assist in finding solutions
Honourable Baleka Mbete, MP Speaker of the National Assembly PO Box 15 Cape Town 8000 Dear Madam Speaker #FeesMustFall: REQUEST FOR URGENT DEPLOYMENT OF MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT TO INTERVENE AND ASSIST IN FINDING SOLUTIONS A precedent was created last year, during the terrible xenophobic attacks where we, as the Parliament of the People, were dispatched to calm the situation and try to find solutions to the problems we faced as a nation. Whilst the United Democratic Movement (UDM) supports the principle of free education, the #FeesMustFall campaign, in its current form, is out of control. The fact that the academic year has been interrupted and the destruction of learning infrastructure, personal injury, arson and vandalism is unacceptable. The UDM believes that the current state of affairs at our tertiary institutions warrants urgent attention and that we do everything in our power to try to find a speedy and lasting solution. We have a responsibility as leaders in our communities to see if we cannot find independent persons to mediate between students, institutional representatives and government stakeholders. While we understand the heavy workload of Parliamentarians ahead of the Medium-term Budget Policy Statement later this month, we request that Members of Parliament be sent to our communities and the affected institutions to speak to the citizens of our country and the disillusioned students. We all have a responsibility to build a South Africa in which we all look forward to the sunrise of our tomorrow. Your sincerely, Mr Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP UDM Chief Whip
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19 May, 2016
Bantu Holomisa’s remarks to the Cape Town Press Club: President Zuma
Greetings: Chairperson, Ladies and Gentlemen Thank you very much for sharing this platform with me today. The electioneering season has begun and all of us are on the streets, to once again connect with the electorate. Chairperson, the United Democratic Movement in its 5th National Congress held in December 2015, amongst others; declared corruption as a national threat to sustainable development of the country and its citizens as it directly affects good governance and economic growth negatively. You will also recall that since its inception, the UDM has always been batting on a wicket of anti-corruption and good governance. We remain committed to this both in words and actions. I mention these two points because, today our country finds it difficult to be described fully without mentioning the word corruption. Centrally to this is that the country is led by a party in implosion. Its internal implosion has left the country sneezing and the state institutions in a state of paralysis. Leadership of these institutions are a product of a disastrous cadre deployment policy and by design, they are inherently part of the fighting factions within the party. Naturally, they will abuse their positions within these state institutions to defeat the other factions. At the helm of all these shenanigans is a President who has become an untouchable, even those close to him are apparently unable to apply breaks on him. So the country is stuck with this monstrous individual who has no regard for the rule of law. Those who are still placing their future in the ruling party, they can only wait for their national conference at the end of 2017, hoping that some new medicine will come. However, this hope is very much un-realistic given the fact that, Mr Zuma and his marshals are the same medicine in differently shaped bottles. He has successfully mustered his plan to render every senior member of the ruling party in parliament dormant through patronage, and as a result, it is impossible to differentiate between his NEC and the cabinet. There is therefore no possibility for any of the senior members of the ruling party within their NEC to question him on his escapades. The ruling party’s internal fight has now taken a very dangerous shift from a political symposium of ideas to the terrain of the former military operatives of the ANC armed wing. Mr. Zuma is now pitting junior former MK members against their former senior colleagues in the MK. He has activated a battalion of the former junior MK operatives in defence of his Nkandla scandal and his family friends, the Guptas, whilst the former senior leaders of Operation Vula, like Pravin Gordhan, are on the opposite side of the battle field. To exacerbate the chaotic situation, there is another group that is characterised by former senior leaders of the party, who are yearning for the ANC to return back to its original values, unfortunately they are on the periphery of the formal structures of the party. They will simply be locked-out in the cold with absolutely no say or influence. This is well expressed in how the ANC marshals are behaving in parliament. These marshals are the voting cattle in the coming national conference of their party and will therefore dictate the direction of the party which will directly affect the future of the country. It is not absurd to think of a possibility, where some, within the ruling party, who still harbour the original values and principles of the party, would consider pursuing the same principles and agenda outside of the currently exploding party. Notwithstanding all these, the country still has to move forward. It is in this regard, that our conference made the commitment to continue fighting against corruption and mobilise society behind the banner of good governance. We are happy that many other opposition parties and society in general are resonating with this noble campaign. The positive side of this crisis, is that political parties and citizens are presented with an opportunity to think deeply about whether it is not time to take a different route in defending the gains of our freedom. The fourth local government elections are a fertile platform to discharge this responsibility. The parties must provide concrete alternative and the electorate must not shy away from denouncing the failures of the ruling party through a ballot paper. The electorate has more than enough to understand why they should liberate themselves from the ruling party. There is no minute passing without scandals of looting public purse by the ruling elite. Their immorality has now directed their hands to the pension funds of the government employees in the Public Investment Corporation. Once again, major beneficiaries have links with the president of the country, like the Sakh’umnotho transaction amounting to no less than R1.5bn. The funding of the independent newspapers in which the Guptas are in court fighting for their 20% stake is in the public domain for electorates to see. The alleged payment of the ANC birthday bash and staff salaries using pensions of government employees is a subject of investigation by the office of the Public Protector. The opposition parties have tried their bit in parliament, in courts including the Constitutional Court, however, the numerical arrogance of the ruling party, and the used of state security apparatus has been a new weapon to silence different views. In conclusion, while the ruling party is imploding and Mr. Zuma remaining intransigent, the country is in a state of anarchy, because it is not their priority but their bottom less pockets. I thank you.
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13 May, 2016
Speaker of the National Assembly condones abuse of public monies
Statement by Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP in the National Assembly The closing remarks by the Speaker of the National Assembly, Ms. Baleka Mbete during the debate on the Parliamentary budget are shocking and preposterous. Her condonation of the abuse of public money by the Parliamentary officials, who blew R1m on a holiday spree in London, led by the Secretary of Parliament, is a clear demonstration of arrogance and abuse of power. Ms. Mbete has absolved the Secretary and his officials of any wrong doing. Interestingly, ten minutes before the debate, the she delivered a letter to me, responding to a request I made, on the 14th of April 2016, for an investigation of a possible irregularities related to the so-called benchmarking trip. In her reply she says, “Regarding the request for Parliament to investigate possible irregularities, kindly note that the matter is receiving attention by the Executive Authority. A response will follow in due course”. Hardly, two hours later, the same Speaker says, nothing was wrong with the trip and everything was above board. Where did she get this information when the request for investigation is still being considered? The conduct of the Speaker is the same as that of her travelers in the ruling party, who are led by a President who has neglected his oath of office. It appears, with the permission of the Speaker, that public monies entrusted in Parliament are up for grabs by corrupt politicians and officials as long as they sing to the tune of the corrupt ruling party elite. The Financial Management of Parliament and Provincial Legislatures Act, 10 of 2009 is very clear on General Financial Management Functions. It instructs the Secretary who is the Accounting Officer of Parliament to ensure that Parliament’s resources are used effectively, efficiently, economically and transparently. The Speaker, without any investigations, says all is above board. What a shame!. End
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29 Apr, 2016
Debate on Budget Vote 11 – Public Works
ADDRESS BY Mr ML Filtane MP in Parliament Honourable Speaker and members The United Democratic Movement (UDM), support the budget vote with the following important comments. The most common problems with this programme are: · Insufficient support by the department with no collaterals from any other source, including the beneficiaries themselves. This makes the beneficiaries to be almost totally dependent on the department; a rather too heavy a burden to bear. · Lack of Project Management skills on the part of the senior management of the department its glaring. This puts the beneficiaries, and therefore, the department in an invidious position where there is so much reliance on the Director General department as stated above. Hence the Minister recently directed that from downwards, staff members should attend a project management course. · The department is caught up in a situation where the Community Property Associations (CPAs) become a law unto themselves thus failing to maximise the opportunities presented to them by the department. In some cases courts are brought in to resolve internal issues. · Kwa Zulu Natal was beginning to see the unfortunate, but unavoidable effects of the drought that has devastated crops and livestock in most provinces of South Africa. · Most beneficiaries of the restitution programme prefer cash to land. This is a political scenario brought about by severe levels of poverty, both of the ability to develop land and make it productive, as well as lack of foresight in so far as the long term benefits of owning land are some people do not understand that land appreciates in value because of external factors not necessarily influenced by its owner. More advocacy is needed as a critical component of the restitution programme. Accordingly; we strongly suggest that this political challenge should no longer just be addressed through a simple mechanical process of qualifying people for restitution but rather that people must be offered land only. I cannot find anything contrary to the Bill of Rights therein and therefore such a policy would withstand a constitutional test. The slow pace of restitution is actually a contravention of section 25 (6) of the constitution. Government just cannot deliver on its promises of the promised land. Thank you
