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Request for intervention: renewable energy sector challenges in the Eastern Cape

Request for intervention: renewable energy sector challenges in the Eastern Cape

Dear Minister Patel, Minister of Economic Development RE: REQUEST FOR INTERVENTION: RENEWABLE ENERGY SECTOR CHALLENGES IN THE EASTERN CAPE The abovementioned matter has reference. Thank you for the interest you have shown on this matter. This letter highlights some of the challenges faced by renewable energy investors, whose projects are situated in former Homeland areas of the Eastern Cape. I had intended to bring some of these issues to your attention during the Economic Development Budget Vote Debate, but due to time constraints (3 minutes speaking time) I could not do so. While some of the issues here fall under the mandate of the Department of Energy and, to a less extent, the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform, I have decided to include them in an attempt to give you a comprehensive picture – and primarily because they all have a negative impact on the economic development of the aforementioned areas. Please find hereunder the details of the issues I would like to bring to your attention. 1. REIPP Procurement Programme In 2011, the Department of Energy launched the Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer Procurement Programme (REIPPPP) consisting of 5 bidding rounds taking place over a five year period. The first 4 rounds saw 79 renewable energy projects being selected amounting to R170 billions of investment by the private sector nation-wide. The Eastern Cape Province was only awarded 1 solar project and 15 wind energy projects by the Department of Energy (DOE). The total Rand value amount of this investment is approximately R26 billion. However, regrettably none of these projects is located in former Homelands, despite these areas representing 40 per cent of the Province’s land mass and 60 per cent of its population. I therefore appeal to you Mr Minister to influence the DOE to spread the benefit of these projects as wide as possible. 2. Socio-Economic Impact of the REIPP Procurement Programme Apart from its primary objective of procuring energy, the DOE has commendably designed the REIPP Procurement Programme as a tool to foster long term rural development within a 50km radius of each project location. The social benefits of this are massive. Each successful renewable energy project is compelled and has to commit to spend between 1 to 2.1 per cent of its turnover on Socio-Economic Development (SED) contributions and Enterprise Development (ED) contributions over the 20 year life cycle of its project. In addition to the job opportunities created during the construction and operation phase, each renewable energy project has to set up a community trust that owns between 5 and 40 per cent of the project’s equity shares and the dividends should be spent on community upliftment projects. The long term benefits are substantial, and will definitely change the face of rural South Africa in the medium to long term. 2.1 Over-concentration of Projects While these policies have massive socio-economic benefits, several challenges about the overconcentration of projects in certain areas of the Province remain. For instance, the majority of Wind Farms in the Eastern Cape are situated in two areas, Jeffrey’s Bay and Cookhouse, and together they have a combined investment value of R26 billion. In other words, the entire R26 billion that has been invested on renewable energy in the Eastern Cape thus far has gone to the two “previously advantaged” areas. Needless to say, this creates a long term imbalance with regard to development in the Province. It is often argued that the Northern Cape also suffers from the same over-concentration of projects in some areas. This over-concentration results in a situation, where a few communities that happen to fall the same within the 50km radius experience massive development, while leaving those who fall outside largely depending on the limited resources of the municipality for development. If left unchanged, this will become a major source of future intra-community inequality, which would lead to major community tensions and instability in future. To balance development in the Eastern Cape and other Provinces, I would like to propose that 30 per cent of the 1 and 2.1 per cent of the turnover companies have to spend on socio-economic development and enterprise development over the 20 year life cycle of the project be channelled to municipal coffers for service delivery across the municipality. Government should also take active steps to address the over-concentration of projects in a few areas. In particular, there should be deliberate focus on projects that are situated in previously disadvantaged communities. 3. Complex Land Tenure Systems: Former Homelands at a Competitive Disadvantage A private investor has to secure land rights before participating in the REIPP Procurement Programme. To acquire such rights on communal land, an investor must follow a lengthy and complicated administrative procedure with the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform, which takes anything between 3 to 4 years to complete. In contrast it takes a couple of months to achieve the same result when land is acquired from a private landowner. Government has to streamline this process if it has to level the playing field. 4. High Community Ownership and the Role of Development Finance Institutions (IDC) In former Homelands, communities are the landowners, meaning that in rural areas instead of dealing with a few farmers as landlords; a developer has to negotiate with several communities and therefore has to ensure that the project will meaningfully benefit tens of thousands of people, who live on the land earmarked for development. However, when the community is the landlord, most developers will back-end the payment of dividends from the community trust as a way to increase the competitiveness of the project. In other words, developers delay the payment of dividends to the surrounding communities by 10 years. This enables a developer to secure much more favourable financing terms for the community trust, which has a direct impact on the improvement of the project’s finances. But the downside of it is that communities have to wait for ten years to get dividends. Again the playing field is not level, as high community ownership stakes and favourable financing terms are required for projects that have thousands of community members as landlords, but there are currently no incentive schemes or reward mechanisms built into the DOE’s selection criteria to reflect the positive long term socio-economic impacts of rural projects. Moreover, development finance institutions do not provide projects located on communal land in Former Homelands any preferential financing terms for community stakes. For instance, the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) has been very active in financing community stakes for projects located on privately owned land in the renewable energy hotspots with 50km radius overlap between projects. The terms offered by the IDC to project’s located in former Homelands are less competitive than commercial banks. For instance, one of the Wind Farms in Motherwell had to acquire finance from commercial banks in order to finance the community stake due to the IDC’s unfavourable loan conditions. Clearly, IDC failed to play its developmental role of bridging the inequality gap in our economy in this example. It is estimated that in order to finance a 30 per cent community ownership stake for the 400MW of renewable energy projects that are currently being developed in Former Homelands, about R600 million would be required at competitive rates. The amount of R600 million might seem like a lot of money. But it is not out of reach when one considers that the Department of Economic Development has set aside R23 billion to assist black industrialists out a R100 billion rand package earmarked for industrial development. Currently, lack of funding and other challenges force developers, who are located in former Homelands, to reduce community stakes, back-end the distribution of dividends and reduce the percentage of ED and SED contributions in order to stand a slim chance of winning in the REIPP Procurement Programme. In summary, to level the playing field, I propose that two actions be taken by Government: • The DOE gives more credit in its score card to projects located on communal land in the former Homelands. • Development Finance Institutions provide very competitive financial terms for community stakes in order to beat commercial banks and allow projects to be more competitive. 5. Underutilisation of Electricity Infrastructure. Since 1994, the ANC government has successfully built brand new electricity substations in former Homelands in order to give access to electricity rural communities. This new infrastructure represents cheap and rapid means of connecting renewable energy projects to the grid, while placing no additional financial burden on Eskom. However, the large majority of projects selected to date by the DOE require substantial network investment with the associated timing implications, while the country is in the middle of an energy crisis. The DOE has not taken into account the advantages former Homelands offer in terms of rapid, cheap and decentralized energy generation capacity they bring to the Eskom grid. In other words, it is easier to connect the small wind farm projects to the substations that are in rural areas than it is to connect big renewable farms to the same substations for reasons mentioned above. Again, the playing field is not level, as these advantages which have a financial implication for the country are not taken into account. I look forward to hearing from you. Mr Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP Copied to: Honourable Elsie Mmathulare Coleman, Chair PC on Economic Development

Debate on the African Union’s Agenda 2063: “The Africa We Want”

Debate on the African Union’s Agenda 2063: “The Africa We Want”

Address by Mr Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP UDM Chief Whip In the National Assembly Debate on the African Union’s Agenda 2063: “The Africa We Want” Thursday, 30 October 2014 Speaker and Honourable Members, On 3 May 1999, respected BBC newsreader and former African correspondent, George Alagiah, wrote in a piece for The Guardian (of London) that, and I quote: “For most people who get their view of the world from TV, Africa is a faraway place where good people go hungry, bad people run government, and chaos and anarchy are the norm. My job is to give a fuller picture. But I have a gnawing regret that, as a foreign correspondent, I have done Africa a disservice too often showing the continent at its worst and too rarely showing it in full flower.” End quote. Making a bad situation worse is that even Africans themselves contribute to the negative African narrative. In a study of Afro-pessimism online in 2011, Matha Evans highlights that, and I quote: “Online expatriate responses to events in South Africa perpetuate its [afropessimist] thinking to varying degrees, with openly racist declarations and fantasies of recolonisation sitting at the extreme of the continuum, and predictions about the country’s decline and apologetic speculations about the benefits of apartheid situated further along the scale.” End quote.   Even today there is a litany of media stories both here at home and abroad that propel this negative narrative about Africa. However, beneath this media-fuelled pessimism is a continent that dreams of moving out of the malaise of poverty and underdevelopment and building a new Africa. After many decades of relative economic stagnation, a number of African countries have achieved economic growth through the adoption of prudent macroeconomic policies and have seen improvements in political stability and more transparent elections. Therefore, the African Union’s Agenda 2063 should, among others plans and programmes, serve as a new trajectory for Africa’s development. Despite these achievements, we are aware that in Africa there is a yawning disconnect between word and deed, between our grand plans and implementation. And this disconnect regrettably tends to be couched in idealism rather than pragmatism. To achieve Africa Vision 2063, we must demonstrate the political will to implement our plans and commitments to eradicate hunger and poverty in Africa and by so doing place African countries on a path to sustainable growth and development. In Africa, we should commit to good governance and democracy and do away with the tendency to tolerate authoritarian regimes. As long as we tolerate authoritarian regimes, which brazenly fiddle with the public purse for self-enrichment, we will never remove the detritus that shackles Africa’s potential. We should compel African countries to create conditions necessary to help democracy take root. The success of nations rests on their ability successfully to entrench good governance, promote and consolidate democracy, because where there is democracy there is likely to be observance of the rule of law and of human rights. We all need to put hands on deck to end wars and conflicts in Africa and prevent new ones from occurring. We need to deal in particular with the “Big Men” of Africa who commit to bringing peace and stability in their countries, but simultaneously tear them asunder by conflict and endless civil wars due to, in part, their refusal to relinquish power. Fellow South Africans, Africans need a leadership that is able to reconfigure the hidden dynamics in the world that shape the relationship between Africa as the powerless continent and the mighty in the world, because these are important in how trade and wealth accumulation are determined in the world. We need a good leadership that takes on an iconoclastic character to providing African solutions to African problems. Taking the aforementioned bold steps would ,among other things, help to improve the depressing investment climate on the continent. Fellow South Africans, As we begin the process of implementing Africa’s Vision 2063, we should draw inspiration from the words of Haile Selassie, when he once said, and I quote: “We remain persuaded that in our efforts to scatter the clouds which rim the horizon of our future, success must come, if only because failure is unthinkable.” I thank you.

Honourable Kwankwa Requests For A Snap Debate On Xenophobic Attacks In South Africa

Honourable Kwankwa Requests For A Snap Debate On Xenophobic Attacks In South Africa

TO: Hon. Baleka Mbete, Speaker of the National Assembly From: Hon. Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP – UDM Chief Whip Dear Madame Speaker, RE: REQUEST FOR A SNAP DEBATE ON XENOPHOBIA IN SOUTH AFRICA The above matter has reference. We once more find ourselves faced with the challenge of having to deal with attacks on foreign nationals by South African citizens. According to media reports, many lives have once again been lost and property destroyed in the spate of xenophobic attacks taking place in KwaZulu-Natal. To this end, it is the United Democratic Movement’s (UDM’s) considered view that Parliament should lead the debate on this very important matter in order to influence the climate of public opinion. I therefore request you, Madame Speaker, in terms of rule 104 (1) of the Rules of the National Assembly, to place the problem of xenophobia in South Africa on the Order Paper for discussion. I am aware that rule 104 has never been invoked before in the democratic South Africa. However, the violent crimes that have been committed against foreign nationals in South Africa over the past ten years, if not nipped in the bud, are likely to escalate into a vicious fight or a full blown genocide. However, should you, Madame Speaker, feel that this matter is not of urgent public importance, I would be delighted if you would accede to my request in terms of 103 (1) of the Rules of the National Assembly, which would make it just a matter of public importance. We are aware that the rules provide for such requests to only be made during days on which the House sits. However, the UDM is of the view that the urgency and seriousness of this matter warrants that we act without delay. I look forward to hearing from you. Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP. UDM Chief whip

Address By Mr Bh Holomisa Mp: Statement By The President Jacob Zuma On Violence In Kzn

Address By Mr Bh Holomisa Mp: Statement By The President Jacob Zuma On Violence In Kzn

Hon Speaker and members A country with high levels of poverty, high unemployment rate, high levels of inequality, blended with leadership whose attention is on filling their pockets through corrupt activities, breeds all social evils including criminality. Compounding the situation is that the African Agenda we were once known to be its champions, has taken a back seat. We must agree that, indeed the violence we see today in KZN with a potential to spread to other provinces can be best described as recklessness, inhumane, barbaric and criminal. This debate must immensely contribute to the stoppage of this inhumanity in the history of our democracy. We must also acknowledge that the levels of lawlessness in this country are increasing daily, this has to come to a stop, if we are to redeem our image and attract investors as a country. To respond and address this situation a number of things needs to be done immediately; amongst are the following: • An immediate Presidential visit to the Kingdom of the Zulu nation has to done immediately after this house concludes this debate to share with the King the spirit of the house on this important matter. (Nxamalala ndikulungele ukuhamba nawe siyo Phunga ne Silo Samabandla) • We must contain the current situation in KZN by amongst others enforce the law to the fullest. Such a step must communicate to all, that South Africa is not a lawless society. • The state of our intelligence services requires urgent attention because these activities should have been detected before their occurrence. • Special police units as well as special courts to deal with incidents of sporadic lawlessness must be established nationally. • A comprehensive audit must be conducted on foreigners already in our country, what are they doing where, how and with whom are they engage in those activities. This will help to expose those who are in the country for wrong reasons like corrupt activities including drug and human trafficking. • The poor and slack labour relations regime with regard to foreigners within our labour market needs and urgent review. Included to this is to ensure that those who trade, do so in accordance with the applicable laws of the country. • Aggressively reduce unemployment by amongst others, create more entrepreneurs on soft skills to run small business in the township, salons, small shops, car washes and others. Target young people in particular, train them in these areas and providing seed funding and support to run sustainable business. • Build a sense of responsibility and collectivism amongst the people, motivate them to move away from hand out syndrome into action for their livelihood. • Implement a civic education programme on Africanism targeting young people in-particular to change attitudes towards other Africans and citizens of the world. • We must revisit our policies on people entering and leaving South Africa to ensure full control of our borders. In the words of Kwame Krumah, “Africa must Unite”. I thank you

UDM letter to the Public Protector Thuli Madonsela: Request for a forensic audit on Inkandla non-security expenditure

UDM letter to the Public Protector Thuli Madonsela: Request for a forensic audit on Inkandla non-security expenditure

The Public Protector Hillcrest Office Park 175 Lunnon Street Pretoria 0001 Dear Advocate Madonsela REQUEST FOR A FORENSIC AUDIT ON INKANDLA NON-SECURITY EXPENDITURE Following the release of your report on the Nkandla Security Upgrades as well as the Report of the President to the National Assembly; the National Assembly appointed an Ad-Hoc Committee which made the following recommendation with respect to non-security upgrades: “the Committee recommends that the matter of what constitutes security and non-security upgrades at the President’s private residence be referred back to Cabinet for determination by the relevant security experts in line with the Cabinet Memorandum of 2003. Cabinet must report back to Parliament on the steps taken to give effect on this recommendation within three months”. This recommendation was adopted by the National Assembly through a majority vote. On the 18th and 19th of March 2015, the Speaker of the National Assembly convened a meeting of the Leaders of the Parties represented in the National Assembly. The purpose of the meeting was to first advise the party leaders that the Minister of Police has indicated his readiness to present the report on the non-security expenditure on Nkandla. Secondly, it was to secure the support of the party leaders that they be briefed by the Minister of Police on the contents of the Nkandla non-security upgrade report, and in turn for them to agree to blackout what she referred to as sensitive areas, all this was to be done before the same report is presented to the National Assembly. However, during the meeting, I personal asked the Speaker; whether the report is based on the report of the Public Protector or the report of the President and or that of the Ad-Hoc Committee. This question was not answered and it remains not responded to. The above question is critical and at the centre of what I wish to bring to your attention for a possible action. The report of the Public Protector says with regard to the matter at hand: “The President is to: take steps, with the assistance of the National Treasury and the SAPS, to determine the reasonable cost of the measures implemented by the DPW at his private residence that do not relate to security, and which include Visitors’ Centre, the amphitheatre, the cattle kraal and chicken run, the swimming pool. Pay a reasonable percentage of the cost of the measures as determined with the assistance of National Treasury, also considering the DPW apportionment document”. The President in his response to the Speaker said with respect to this matter: “the Minister of Police as the designated Minister under the National Key Points Act, to report to Cabinet on a determination to whether the President is liable for any contribution in respect of the security upgrades having regard to the legislation, past practices, culture and findings contained in the respective reports”. What is interesting in both the report of the Ad-Hoc Committee and that of the President, is the omission of the critical role of the National Treasury. In my understanding, amongst other reasons that the report of the Public Protector would have seen a role for the National Treasury, was the internal expertise within that department in handling matters of this nature. Whilst I have not seen the report, I am unable to see how a determination on this matter could be arrived at, without forensic auditing as I believe that the same methodology could help to verify how much the then architect and contractors at Nkandla could be liable for. It is my humbly request that your good office cause the National Treasury to conduct a forensic audit in order to determine the actual amounts that constitute what is non-security upgrade in Nkandla. I do not see how best this can be done without such scientific process being followed. The President has, during the last question session in the National Assembly, emphasised the need for quantification of costs to be paid by him, if any. He protested, how can, he be expected to pay monies that are not determined and that he does not know. This clearly calls for this methodology to be considered for the finalisation of the matter. I look forward to your excellent guidance on this matter. Kind regards Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement

UDEMWO calls for investigation on involuntary sterilisation of women by health workers

UDEMWO calls for investigation on involuntary sterilisation of women by health workers

Dr Aaron Motsoaledi Minister of Health 4th Floor, Room 417 120 Plein Street Cape Town 8000 Dear Honourable Minister UDEMWO calls for investigation on involuntary sterilisation of women by health workers Recently there were allegations of doctors and nurses who perform gruesome practice of sterilisation to women without their consent. No one has the right to perform such a heinous procedure without the consent of the patient; the fact that the women are living with the virus does not mean they are less human. Adding insults to injuries most of these women are those living with HIV/AIDS. This is surprising and offending to us as women especially in this day and age of human rights. The United Democratic Movement Women’s Organisation (UDEMWO) is even more dismayed to learn that this horrible practice is taking place in both private and public hospitals in most provinces in the country. The rights of women have been once again violated and taken for granted by the health officials. It is important to remind officials that the duty of health workers is to help the community and not to make them feel less human. Living with HIV/ AIDS should not be seen as a death sentence to those infected and affected by it. So far 48 cases of involuntary sterilisation have been documented. This takes away the dignity of women. It permanently violates the right of women to have any babies when they are ready to do so let alone the risks it brings to women living with the virus. This is unacceptable and UDEMWO demands answers to this matter. We are calling upon you Dr Motsoaledi along with your department to investigate these serious allegations. Doctors and nurses who are found to be responsible for these demoralising actions must be severely punished for their inhumane and unethical behaviour. Yours sincerely in nation building, Thandi Nontenjwa UDEMWO SECRETARY GENERAL

UDM Letter to President Zuma about political parties’ participation in national events: Women’s Day 2014

UDM Letter to President Zuma about political parties’ participation in national events: Women’s Day 2014

By Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP I refer to the Department of Arts and Culture, the Department of Women, and the KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Government’s hosting of the National Women’s Day celebrations at ABSA Stadium on 9 August 2014 at the eThekwini Metropolitan Municipality which was later changed to King Zwelithini Stadium. The United Democratic Movement (UDM), however with regret notes that the representatives of other political parties were treated as mere window dressing. The provisions of the policy in this regard, where representatives of other political parties participate in the programme, were undermined during this state function. A clear bias was shown with only the ruling party that was acknowledged and was allowed to address the gathering. We saw women in full ruling party’s women’s league regalia, it was like and ANC Women’s League rally. Since the adoption of the relevant policy, this was anomalous. This speaks to a matter that the UDM has raised time and again i.e. that there must be clear distinction between state and party. This situation makes us wonder why we should continue to honour and respect national events organised by government if the very regulatory framework governing such events are not respected by government. The UDM believes that unless this situation is corrected there will be no reason for it to be associated with abuse of public funds by the ruling party in the name of official state events. In conclusion, the UDM proposes that you conduct an urgent investigation into this matter, and pronounce on whether government policy has changed or there are other policies by the ministers. In the event the policy you pronounced remains in force, do indicate what actions are to be taken to rectify the situation before the next event. We await your kind response.

UDM proposed meeting between you and the leaders of political parties in parliament

UDM proposed meeting between you and the leaders of political parties in parliament

Mr MC Ramaphosa Deputy President of the Republic of South Africa Leader of Government Business in Parliament Tuynhuys Private Bag X1000 Cape Town 8000 Dear Mr Deputy President PROPOSED MEETING BETWEEN YOU AND THE LEADERS OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN PARLIAMENT The above matter has reference. On behalf of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) I congratulate you on your appointment as the Deputy President of the Republic of South Africa, as well as the leader of government business in national parliament. We are pleased to have someone of your calibre, who is widely respected as a skilful and formidable negotiator, who in 1991 as head of the Codesa negotiation team of the African National Congress (ANC), gave substance to our aim to build the South Africa we all want. Your institutional memory will certainly contribute immensely to remind us of the kind of democracy we all want and strive for. Whilst we agree that over the past twenty years significant progress has been made, we note with concern the stagnation and/or lack of proper leadership on important matters, some of which I cite hereunder. Matters pertaining to our democracy and the role of political parties 1. Regular meetings of political leaders In the past, South Africa had a dispensation where multi-party democracy was fostered through communication between government and political parties at a national level. It made for a situation where transparency and confidence were promoted – in other words there had been greater mutual trust between the cogs of the wheel that moved our country forward. As a particular hallmark of the terms of office of former Presidents Mandela and Mbeki this was done through regular meetings between the presidency and political parties. We therefore strongly recommend that regular meetings should take place between the leaders of all political parties in parliament and the presidency to discuss matters of national importance. 2. Review of the legislation governing political party funding Delays in resolving this matter has resulted in court action by a civic movement inviting political parties to show cause as to why new legislation, that govern the funding of political parties, cannot be introduced. Whoever will represent parliament in court will have to obtain a mandate from all political parties and not just one. There will be a need for the political parties represented in parliament to coordinate their replies to the court papers to avoid confusion and to do everything possible to avoid the wasteful expenditure of public funds. Regarding this matter, one is reminded that some political parties, like the UDM, have a congress resolution. We are further reminded that your party took its own resolution regarding the matter at the ANC’s 52nd conference held in Polokwane in December 2007. Both parties have endorsed the need to have this legislation reviewed so as to make it impossible for big business or individuals to buy political clout and/or source government contracts. It should therefore be easy to resolve the matter to avoid legal action and save money. 3. The allocation of debate time in the house The so-called “proportional” allocation of debate time in the house is sometimes difficult to explain. For instance, a “one member party” is allocated three minutes, which is the same that is allocated to a “four member party”. At face value, this time allocation favours the majority and the official opposition. This requires proper regulation in order to ensure robust and healthy discussions that give a voice to the entire electorate. The UDM outright rejects the current argument of the ANC whips that opposition parties depend on the ANC for debate time and/or that they are using ANC time. It cannot be that political parties take instruction from the ruling party. There should be clear standing regulations and presiding officers should have a formula to guide this proportional allocation of time to ensure that all parties are given enough time to make quality contributions to debates. The UDM strongly argues for a minimum of five minutes for a “one member party” and more proportionally allocated time to those parties that have more members, in order to represent their constituencies effectively. Issues affecting the citizenry and the country 4. Blurring the line between party and state This is a matter of serious concern that finds more expression during electioneering where it is difficult to differentiate between state and party functions. These past elections have shown again how easy it is to use state resources to thinly veil election campaigns. You will agree that we need to give this key issue the urgent attention it deserves in order to stop the misuse of state resources. 5. Civil disobedience and violent protest We find this last matter on our list the source of greatest worry. In far too many instances, and increasingly so, public protests in South Africa are characterised by violent lawlessness and a crippling culture of anger which results in the destruction of private and public assets. We must straightaway address the frustration of our people where they feel there is no other way of communicating with government and arrest the few malicious criminals who exploit this situation and incite lawlessness. In conclusion, the UDM proposes that you convene an urgent meeting with all leaders of political parties in parliament to discuss, amongst others, the items we have raised above. Other parties may however have additional items that they would like to place on the agenda. Should this proposal find your favour, we ask that your office organise and facilitate such regular meetings, and that it consults with other parties to ascertain which other matters they may want to discuss We await your kind response. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement

Elections 2014 – Thank you to UDM supporters and members for hard work

Elections 2014 – Thank you to UDM supporters and members for hard work

Dear All Thank you for your support and votes in the National and Provincial elections on May 7th. I would also like to extend my appreciation to all the United Democratic Movement (UDM) members and leaders. We have all had the opportunity to meet so many amazing, progressive people throughout this campaign period, I hope that each and every one of you stays in touch and stays involved. I can confirm that the UDM has been allocated two seats from the National List [10th] and two seats from the Regional List to National in Eastern Cape, making the total of four seats in the National Assembly. We also qualify for a seat of a permanent delegate to the National Council of Provinces (NCOP). In total the UDM will have five Public Representatives represented in Cape Town. Looking at the UDM candidates who will be sworn-in in the National Assembly we were challenged when it comes to gender balancing. In the last five years we have been coming under heavy criticism in the House because the UDM did not have a female representative. Mr Lennox Gaehler who is one of the candidates will voluntarily go to the NCOP and accommodate a woman candidate in the National Assembly (Ms Cynthia Majeke). Let’s continue to build the movement. I have faith in the Party and faith in the people of South Africa especially UDM members. Yours in Party building, Mr BJ Msomi UDM Secretary General

Government not honouring contractual obligations at the expense of small businesses – Dimbaza

Government not honouring contractual obligations at the expense of small businesses – Dimbaza

TO: His Excellency, Mr JG Zuma, President of the Republic South Africa Minister of Trade and Industry, Dr Rob Davies Chief Executive Officer: Coega Development Corporation, Mr Mninawe Silinga FROM: Bantu Holomisa, MP Government not honouring contractual obligations at the expense of small businesses – Dimbaza See below, correspondence from Mr B Willows, representative of SBM Iron and Steel Manufacturers (Pty) Limited from Dimbaza, near King William’s Town in the Eastern Cape. Mr Willows clearly outlines the history of the situation and the company’s frustrations with government’s non-payment since February 2012. This is yet another example where government’s administrative bungling results in the non-payment of its service providers. This unacceptable situation is proof enough that the promises recently made by the national chairperson of the ruling party, Ms Baleka Mbete, are hollow. Government touts small business development and entrepreneurship as a focus points to generate jobs, however actions speak louder than words. It is an undeniable fact that government is responsible for ruining many companies, because of its non-payment, thus forcing them to close their doors. Clearly the past, and current, election promises of the ruling party is nothing more than election rhetoric that never realises at grassroots level. We call on you and the relevant authorities to urgently attend to this matter. Kindly advise Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President   ——————————————————————————————– To: The Honourable Bantu Holomisa                                                      17th April 2014   Dear Sir. My name is Barry Willows and I represent SBM Iron and Steel Manufacturers (Pty) Ltd herein after referred to as (SBM). In September 2011 we were in the process of concluding a deal to open a Steel Plant in the Coega Industrial Development Zone (CDZ). We had a site reserved right next to another applicant, called Agni Steel SA. In October 2011, we were approached by Economic Development Department (EDD) asking us to please consider moving our operation to Dimbaza, as Scaw Metals were closing down their foundry and retrenching 500+ staff. We agreed to look at it and after a rapid Due Diligence, and decided that it would be beneficial to construct a steel plant in Dimbaza, but would need to conduct a Detailed Feasibility Study (DFS) first. EDD agreed and they applied to the Employment Creation Fund for funding to conduct the DFS, and the structure was that EDD owned the Dimbaza DFS Project, and SBM were appointed as the Implementing Agency to conduct the study. In February 2012 the ECF approved the funding for the DFS. Memorandum of Agreements were drawn up between the DTI and EDD, and EDD and SBM respectively. These were signed by all parties in January 2012, and the transfer of funds was to occur within 30 day thereafter. Initial investigations by SBM showed the potential to open a steel mill and a Direct Reduced Iron (DRI) Plant, which combined has the possibility to create 700+ direct jobs. A support Letter was received from the ECDC offering SBM the use of any or all vacant factory space in Dimbaza. Besides the steel mill and DRI plant, the DFS is designed to convert all disused factories in Dimbaza into a steel hub or cluster whereby small businesses will be set up to fabricate products from the steel mill such as window and door frames, reinforced concrete, nuts, bolts, screws, nails, Eskom pylons, a galvanising plant etc. The aim is to create between 3000-5000 jobs and entrepreneurs in Dimbaza. To cut to the chase; let us fast forward to April 2014. Despite many promises of payment, continued correspondence, pleas, requests etc, absolutely nothing has happened. In fact, just last month March 2014, the DG of the DTI has requested a re-verification of all projects, whether approved or not to be conducted by Ernest and Young. So in effect the Dimbaza Project is right back to BEFORE we started. Whilst EDD and SBM felt this was unnecessary as this is only a feasibility study, SBM complied and a re-verification has been done on the Dimbaza Project, there has still been no further communication from the ECF and both EDD and SBM do not know what is happening. Agni Steel have since opened a R400 million billet plant at Coega, whilst SBM have still not received one cent to conduct the DFS to assess the viability of a Steel mill and cluster in Dimbaza. This has clearly frustrated job creation in the area, and we are concerned that this may continue as SBM and EDD receive information from the ECF that continuously fails to materialize. SBM has been promised the “Transfer of Funds” on so many occasions, but absolutely nothing ever comes of it. It continuously gets delayed for some reason or another. We have (and have had for over 14 months now), signed legal and binding agreements but still nothing ever materializes. All documentation is complete and with the ECF including tax clearance certificates etc, so there is absolutely no reason whatsoever for these hold-ups, but still they persist. We are appealing for your intervention as we know the Eastern Cape is very close to your heart, and we pray that we will be able to conclude the DFS as soon as possible so-as to possibly get a steel mill up and running and change the fortunes of the unemployed and destitute in Dimbaza. It would be greatly appreciated if you could intervene in the hope that you may be able to accelerate the process so that the Dimbaza Project can actually materialize and an employment initiative can be explored. Thank you and we look forward to implementing this exciting project soon. Kind Regards. B Willows SBM Iron & Steel Manufacturers (Pty) Ltd.

Department of Labour Compensation Fund: corruption and wasteful expenditure

Department of Labour Compensation Fund: corruption and wasteful expenditure

To:                 The Public Protector – Ms Thuli Madonsela Copy:           The President of the Republic – Mr Jacob Zuma                          The Auditor General – Mr Thembekile Makwethu From:          The UDM President – Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP subject:         Department of Labour Compensation Fund: corruption and wasteful expenditure Dear Ms Madonsela The above mentioned matter has reference. R2,5 billion Compensation Fund investments misuse The UDM understands that the main purpose of this fund is to compensate for occupational injuries and diseases. Reserved funds normally are invested with the public investment cooperation for unforeseen mass occupational injuries that might occur in future and to cater for increases on injury on duty, monthly pensions for employees and dependents. Payment of advances to private companies – R546 million There are serious allegations which fingers the Compensation Commissioner who has paid some companies in advance to the tune of R546 million. He is alleged to have undertaken a very risky action by paying advances to these companies without any invoices to reconcile the payments. Debtor’s book has increased: R3,3 billion in 2010 to 8,9 billion in 2013 The Compensation Commissioner appointed a debt collector by the name of NICS since 2010 that has already been paid about R160m. In contrast, the debtors’ book has increased from to R3.3billion in 2010 when they took over from internal staff to R8.9 billion in 2013. This is evidence that NICS is not effective at all but is collecting on the efforts made by internal staff by charging 10% of collection. The contract was deliberately manipulated and changed by the Compensation Commissioner to deviate from the initial tender specification whereby NICS was supposed to collect on older debts beyond 180 days. NICS collects on simpler cases to make quick cash while internal staff is also pursuing the same cases. The Commissioner has flatly refused the legal advice by the Senior Council that the contract should have been terminated on grounds of poor performance. We therefore appeal to your good office, President’s office and the Auditor General to speedily attend to this seemingly looting spree taking place at the Compensation Fund. As you will be reading this document, especially Mr President, you will find that the Minister of Labour Ms Mildred Oliphant is being accused of conflict of interest with the Accenture IT Company, where her close relative is a director. As a result of this apparent corrupt relationship, Accenture was procured to a closed tender and the Minister did not declare her relationship to Accenture. Kindly advise. Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President

Corruption and maladministration at USAASA: victimisation of whistleblowers

Corruption and maladministration at USAASA: victimisation of whistleblowers

TO: His Excellency, Mr Jacob Zuma, President of the Republic South Africa FROM: Bantu Holomisa, MP The abovementioned matter had reference. I also refer to an:  email from Mr Gcina Ntsaluba of Corruption Watch, dated 20 January 2014, as well as Adv. Sithembiso Nkatha, Chief Director, Legal Services of the Department of Communications’ “Analysis on the forensic report of Gobodo on the appointment of the chief executive officer (“CEO”) for the Universal Service and Access Agency (“USAASA”) and whether any impropriety pursuant to  the previous employment relationship between CEO and board chairperson, and cell c proposal for 100% subsidy by USAASA and whether payment and appointment of service providers met the legal requirements:” dated 5 September 2013. We wish to thank you because after we wrote to you on the 7th of June 2013, some action was taken as proven by the aforementioned analysis by the Chief Director. We however wish to raise serious concern, regarding the information supplied by Mr Gcina Ntsaluba in his aforementioned email that the whistleblowers have all been fired for allegedly “leaking confidential information”. The fear that we expressed in our 7 June letter had realised: we then warned that:  “…the Morudu’s of this world will be removed to ensure that the CEO’s directive comes to fruition and thereby satisfying the leadership of the Department of Communication and USAASA.” He was indeed victimised and fired along with two other colleagues who were accused of the similar conduct. The truth is that if it had not been for Mr Mmatlou Morudu’s refusal to implement the project half a billion Rand would have been released to Cell C. We appeal to your office to intervene and: ? Firstly, ensure that the Minister of Communications takes the appropriate action. He has been sitting on the report since September last year and if he had made the effort to adequately address the problems, the personnel who were fired would still be employed at Universal Service and Access Agency of South Africa (USAASA). What was the point of spending taxpayers’ money to appoint auditors to investigate the matter, if the Minister does not have the will to act on the auditors findings? Secondly, we ask that you ensure that those workers, who were fired, are reinstated with immediate effect pending the outcome of this entire mess. Kind regards Copied to:  Mr Gcina Ntsaluba of Corruption Watch

President Zuma’s office responded to complaints regarding service delivery in Limpopo

President Zuma’s office responded to complaints regarding service delivery in Limpopo

President Zuma’s office responded to complaints regarding service delivery in Limpopo (Presidency’s Response + Memorandum + List of Complaints) and  Eastern Cape (Presidency’s Response + Memorandum + List of Complaints)(OR Tambo and Chris Hani Regions). We will follow-up on some areas that have not been covered e.g. roads in Lusikisiki, Flagstaff and Bizana in particular.

Mining talks need transparency and proper commitment from Government

Mining talks need transparency and proper commitment from Government

Mr KP Motlanthe Deputy President of the Republic of South Africa Union Buildings Private Bag X1000, Pretoria, 0001 Dear Sir MINING TALKS NEED TRANSPARENCY AND PROPER COMMITMENT FROM GOVERNMENT AMCU’S DEMANDS Your efforts to engage with mining houses and trade unions to resolve issues negatively affecting the mining sector in South Africa are well documented; this includes your attempt to broker a peace pact between the various role-players. The Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (Amcu) have however abstained from signing the agreement until their demands which, we understand to include the below, are met: Reinstatement of dismissed workers. Retraction of Minister Blade Nzimande’ statement in which he called Amcu a vigilante union; and Dropping of a labour court case by the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) in which it seeks a reversal of Lonmin’s decision to recognise Amcu as the majority union. These demands do not appear to be unreasonable or impossible to meet, and it begs the question: why is the negotiating team dragging their feet? All role-players must engage in these kinds of negotiations in the most transparent manner possible and they must have both their hands open to show that nothing is hidden behind their backs. In order for any mediator to gain the trust of all the role-players; you cannot have your union background or affiliation colour your views and thus compromise your peace-making efforts. If your negotiation team refuses to, or claims that it is unable to, meet Amcu’s demands, one is tempted to believe that you are using the old Trojan Horse tactic to influence the outcome of the negotiations in favour a certain role-players.  FAILURE OF MINISTERS ON YOUR TEAM TO ADDRESS BURNING ISSUES If you are indeed serious about finding a sustainable solution to the challenges facing the mining industry, we advise that you visit the compounds of Anglo-Gold Mines at Vaal Reef where dismissed workers are made to live. The conditions under which they are accommodated are inhumane. Their compound is barricaded with barbed wire as danger-zones and all the kitchen equipment, such as stoves, have been removed by the company. This situation was reported, in a 14 June 2013 letter (attached for your ease of reference), to some of the Cabinet Ministers who form part of your negotiating team and they have up to date not acted. How can Government engage in good faith in these mining talks if it treats issues such as human rights abuses by simply ignoring the worker’s expressed concerns? Yours sincerely Bantu Holomisa UDM President Copied to: Advocate ML Mushwana – Chairperson of the Human Rights Commission

Inspection of appalling conditions where workers of Anglo Gold Mine at Vaal Reefs are kept

Inspection of appalling conditions where workers of Anglo Gold Mine at Vaal Reefs are kept

Open letter to three Ministers from Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP (UDM President), regarding: in loco inspection of appalling conditions where workers of Anglo Gold Mine at Vaal Reefs are kept (14 June 2013) To: Minister of Energy and Minerals Ms Elizabeth Dipuo Peters Private Bag X96, Pretoria, 0001 To: Minister of Mineral Resources Ms Susan Shabangu Private Bag X59, Arcadia, 0007 To: Minister of Labour Ms Mildred Nelisiwe Oliphant Private Bag X117, Pretoria, 0001 Dear Honourable Ministers CALLING THE MINISTER OF MINERALS, MINERAL RESOURCES AND ENERGY AND OF LABOUR TO CONDUCT AN INSPECTION IN LOCO AS A RESULT OF THE APPALLING CONDITIONS WHERE WORKERS OF ANGLO GOLD MINE AT VAAL REEFS ARE KEPT The leadership of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) visited the compounds of Anglo-Gold Mines at Vaal Reef where the allegedly dismissed workers are kept until the matter is decided upon by the Labour Court. The conditions under which these workers are accommodated is inhuman as their compound is barricaded as a danger zone by barbed wire and all the kitchen material such as stoves have been taken away by the company. These workers are not being paid nor being given food rations. They are placed there to starve to death. This fuels a variety of concerns which need to be addressed. These are human beings and deserve to be treated as such. The UDM is making a call to the Minister of Minerals and Energy, Ms Elizabeth Peters, Minister of Mineral Resources, Ms Susan Shabangu and of Labour Ms Mildred Oliphant to do an inspection in loco of the compound. The UDM finds it disturbing that at this day and age, there is an existence of companies which treat their workers as animals. This is not acceptable. The relevant ministry should take a bold step against the company. Yours sincerely Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President Copied to: Chairperson of the Human Rights Commission Advocate Mabedle Lawrence Mushwana

Outstanding land claim payments for Gqogqorha Administrative Area

Outstanding land claim payments for Gqogqorha Administrative Area

Open letter to President Zuma from Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP (UDM President), regarding: outstanding land claim payments for Gqogqorha Administrative Area  On the 04th of February 2011 you, Sir, and senior officials from the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform visited Gqogqorha administrative area to resolve the land claims in the area. According to Gqogqorha residents, during this visit cheques ranging from R 31 000 to R 39 000 were written out and given to residents in payment for what they described as “rental money”. This community claims that this was the first of two payments that were due to them from government. Apparently, government was to come back a year later to settle the second part of the payment which was for “removals”. The deadline for this payment was duly set for June 2012. However, when June came the deadline was extended to September 2012. When September came the deadline was first shifted to November 2012 and then January this year. However, almost five months into the year nothing has happened. This year Gqogqorha residents followed-up with their contact person at the Eastern Provincial Government, Ms Amanda Buso to establish when they should expect to receive payment. To their surprise, Ms Buso’s who has been willy-nilly extending deadlines started sending them from pillar to post. When they make contact with her now, she refers them to a Mr Pityi, as she claims that she no longer works for Land Claims section. The Gqogqorha residents are understandably upset and frustrated with this. I call on your Office to look into this matter and ensure its speedy resolution. Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President

Social conditions at South African mines; miners’ monies invested, but they see no dividends

Social conditions at South African mines; miners’ monies invested, but they see no dividends

Open letter to the Farlam Commission regarding: “Social conditions at South African mines; miners’ monies invested, but they see no dividends” from Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP (UDM President) (30 April 2013) Dear Sir The United Democratic Movement (UDM) believes that the findings and recommendations of the Commission of Inquiry into the tragic incident at the Marikana Mine would not be complete if the Commission does not look at the social conditions of the miners and the communities that surround mining activities. Part of the unhappiness that led to the strikes we have seen in the mining industry is caused by the exploitation of mineworkers by both the employers and the unions who claim to represent their best interests. In particular, unions take their members’ monies and tell them it will be invested in schemes such as provident funds and other investment opportunities. Although union members diligently contribute to these schemes, of the investment arms of the trade unions, they never receive the dividends. This worrying trend is witnessed when we talk to ex-mineworkers who say they have never benefited from these schemes and are unlikely to. The organisations that represent these ex-mineworkers have been sent from pillar to post by the Departments of Labour and Health in their search for their monies. They have approached Parliament and the Office of the President for assistance, to no avail. For the Commission to find a sustainable solution, and to avoid a repetition of the Marikana tragedy, we advise that you solicit information about these provident funds and so-called investments arms of the unions. The Commission could summon the South African Chamber of Mines, the National Union of Mineworkers, the Department of Labour and the Department of Health to explain where the mineworkers’ monies are. If the Commission winds up without attending to these deep-seated worries of the miners, there will be no end in sight to the wildcat strikes we see in the mining industry. With the issues affecting the miners and their families, and their highly emotive nature, each strike we see in future has the potential to escalate into tragedy. If the Commission investigates the matter of the investment of mineworkers’ monies, show them the truth and give them the answers they need, it has a unique opportunity to address one of the root causes of miners’ complaints once and for all. Kindly advise Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement

Defence regarding SA presence in the CAR

Defence regarding SA presence in the CAR

Open letter to Chairperson of Standing Committee on Defence regarding SA presence in the CAR from Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP (UDM President) (3 April 2013) The aforementioned matter has reference. The history of what occurred since that fateful weekend in Bangui, in the Central African Republic (CAR), where 13 South African servicemen lost their lives and another 27 were injured, is well documented. We however keep hearing conflicting reports of South Africa exiting this area and that the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) has actually deployed more troops, and fighter and transport planes to the region. Allegations of Chad and France’s involvement in the military action compound matters. In addition there are still questions about who gave the rebels safe passage, and also access to the capital and South Africa’s base. Who equipped and funded their mission? The leader of the rebels, and the new CAR President, Michel Djotodia, has indicated that he will ask France and the United States to help retrain CAR’s “ill-disciplined” army that was “so easily overrun” by the rebels and they will review “resource deals”. It is reported that French troops patrol Bangui’s streets ostensibly to protect French citizens, assets and diplomatic installations. In addition to their national interests, we hear that France was or is protecting our remaining troops confined at the Bangui airport. On what grounds? If this is genuine protection by the French troops, why are there pictures of Seleka rebels driving around in South African vehicles? At first glance our soldiers were caught in a political crossfire and it appears as if France did not take kindly to former President Bozizé giving mineral rights to South Africa and China. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) recommends that after this humiliation of our Defence Force, our foreign policy and our country, it would be better to make an immediate tactical withdrawal. Should South Africa have a desire to re-enter this stage, it must be a sanctioned resolution of the African Union or the United Nations, especially since the bilateral agreement with our former “friend” is defunct because he is no longer in power. The UDM suggests that South Africa swallows its pride, come home to lick our wounds and start afresh. Parliament would have failed its oversight duty if it does not endorse a need to establish a commission inquiry to ascertain, amongst other things, exactly which South African assets, as mentioned by the Minister of Defence, needed the protection of the SANDF. Such an inquiry would clarify the confusion that was created when the Ministry of International Relations and Cooperation (Deputy-Minister Ebrahim) said that the SANDF was deployed to protect the former CAR president (Operation Morero) versus what the Minister of Defence and the Presidency said about training operations only, with no mention of the protection of the former president. The Inquiry will also help to verify whether there had in fact been any training conducted by the SANDF in that Country over the last two years. Yours sincerely, Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement

Investigation needed: the protection of South African national assets

Investigation needed: the protection of South African national assets

Open letter to Secretary General of the United Nations regarding international investigation needed: South Africa’s relationship with the Central African Republic and the protection of South African national assets from Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP (UDM President) (28 March 2013) Dear Sir The abovementioned matter has reference. I write on behalf of the United Democratic Movement (UDM), an opposition party in the parliament of the Republic of South Africa (RSA) (www.udm.org.za). The current situation with South Africa’s military presence in the Central African Republic (CAR) has caused some embarrassment for our country, when a number of our military personnel lost their lives to protect so-called South African assets, amongst others. The South African National Defence Force’s (SANDF) presence in the CAR was justified by our government saying that it was honouring an agreement, reached in 2007, to protect President François Bozizé, and to train military personnel in that country. What has now come to light, after this tragic loss of life, is that South Africa’s presence in the CAR was not only to protect President Bozizé and to train personnel. In fact, there seems to be a generally corrupt relationship emerging between South Africa and President Bozizé’s regime. South Africans were deceived about the nature of this relationship and the reason for our troops being sent to the CAR. To this day, our government refuses to take the nation in confidence and explain in unambiguous terms what the nature of this relationship is and which South African assets were to be protected. Today’s Mail & Guardian, a South African newspaper, has revealed that (as early as April 2006) a co-operation agreement was signed between the RSA and the CAR in the defence, minerals and energy sectors (http://mg.co.za/article/2013-03-28-00-central-african-republic-is-this-what-our-soldiers-died-for). Given that South Africa is a member of the UN and as such, there is the potential that this situation will negatively affect our future participation in peacekeeping missions, we appeal to the UN to institute a commission of inquiry. We suggest that such an inquiry should have wide terms of reference, where all countries involved must explain what the true state of affairs is. The pertinent questions: a. What were the reasons for South Africa to enter into a cooperation agreement with the CAR in 2006/7? b. What were the reasons for the five-year extension of the agreement in December 2012? c. What are the details of the South African assets that needed protection? d. Are there any documents conferring mineral rights to South Africa and its businesspersons? e. Does South Africa still own those mineral rights and if not, to whom were they sold and for how much? f. Who benefitted from the proceeds of such transactions if any i.e. South African National Treasury, individuals and/or political parties? g. Was there any collaboration between South Africa, the UN and the African Union with this mission? h. Was there an entry-and-exit strategy for the South African troops? i. Were South Africans only there to train, refurbish bases or to stand guard as alleged by the troops themselves? j. Who exactly was involved in the contact i.e. CAR government troops, and/or RSA troops and/or the Séléka rebel alliance and what are the details? k. Who resourced and trained the Séléka rebel alliance and with what motive? This request to intervene is necessitated by the fact that our government’s leadership has been compromised. It is reported that the ruling party, its senior leaders and its business investment arms are involved in pillaging the resources of the CAR. Of interest to the people of South Africa is which assets were so important to protect that justified the spending of billions of Rands of State funds and the careless loss of our soldier’s lives. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President

Condolences to the Sigcau Family and the Pondo Nation with the passing of King Thandizulu Sigcau

Condolences to the Sigcau Family and the Pondo Nation with the passing of King Thandizulu Sigcau

Letter of condolences to the Sigcau Family and the Pondo Nation with the passing of King Thandizulu Sigcau from Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP (UDM President) (27 March 2013) It is with sadness that we have learnt of the passing of His Majesty, King Thandizulu Sigcau. But given his struggle with his health in the past few years, he will at least now be free of pain and discomfort. I had the privilege of working with His Majesty during our time in the former Transkei. Then, and after that period, King Sigcau was a keen campaigner for the development of his people and his kingdom. He worked hard to protect the dignity of traditional leadership in the Eastern Cape and the heritage of the AmaMpondo. We know that his passing came at a time where the AmaMpondo is grappling with difficult issues and he will be missed in finding solutions that the benefit the entire Pondo Nation. To his wife, children and grandchild, we think of you in this time of sorrow and will keep you in our hearts and minds. Bon voyage Faku. Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement (UDM)

Which South African ‘assets’ needs protection in the Central African Republic

Which South African ‘assets’ needs protection in the Central African Republic

Open letter to Chairpersons of the Parliamentary Portfolio Committees on Defence and Military Veterans of Intelligence of International Relations and Cooperation about “Which South African ‘assets’ needs protection in the Central African Republic” from Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP (UDM President) (26 March 2013) Given the seriousness of the tragic death of our soldiers in the Central African Republic, (CAR) and that this is a matter of public interest, I would suggest that the Parliamentary Portfolio Committees of Defence and International Relations and Cooperation have a urgent joint session to get to the bottom of why the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) was deployed in the CAR. There has been conflicting reports from the Presidency, the Department of International Relations and Cooperation and the Department of Defence and Military Veterans on the reasons for South Africa to have a military presence in the CAR. We first heard that there had been an agreement between our two countries entered into in 2007 for Operations Morero and Vimbesela. The former, we were told, was for a unit of the SANDF Special Forces to be deployed in the CAR to provide VIP protection to President Bozizé. Operation Vimbesela involved the refurbishment of the military bases and the training of military personnel of that country. After this weekend’s tragedy, the Minister of Defence and Military Veterans, Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula, denied that our troops were in the CAR to protect President Bozizé. She did however admit that they were there to “protect South African assets”. If nothing else is clear, it is that our Government is speaking from different mouths and no-one really knows what is going on. Or, between the Presidency and the relevant ministers no one is telling us what the real reasons are. The only way to find out the truth is for the Portfolio Committees of International Relations and Defence to urgently have a joint sitting and demand that the Presidency and the relevant ministers come to sort out the confusion. In preparing for this meeting, these Departments must give: a) Background on the reasons for entering into a cooperation agreement with the CAR in 2007. b) Reasons for the five-year extension of the agreement in December 2012. c) Details on which assets the SANDF were to protect. d) Any documents conferring mineral rights to South Africa. e) Information on whether South Africa still owns those mineral rights and if not, to whom they were sold and for how much. f) Information on to whom the proceeds of these transactions were paid i.e. Treasury, individuals and/or political parties. The Department of Defence should also give information regarding the state of readiness of our troops deployed in the CAR. Reports suggest that intelligence showed early this year that the rebels were ready to advance on the capital, Bangui, but the tragedy that played out over the weekend suggests that the SANDF was unprepared for this scenario. The Nation was told, in January, that 400 troops were to be sent to the CAR to protect the SANDF instructors; the question is why was half of that held back? It is incumbent upon Parliament, and the relevant Portfolio Committees, to play its oversight role and expose the truth. This matter is urgent; we cannot accept the current explanations of what is going on. South Africans are in the dark about what circumstances led to the deployment of our service men and women in the CAR. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement