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Elections 2026: Bantu Holomisa's message

Elections 2026: Bantu Holomisa's message

LISTEN TO BANTU HOLOMISA IN NGUNI AND ENGLISH As we enter the 2026 Local Government Elections, the United Democratic Movement is hitting the ground running. Our mission is clear and uncompromising: to restore clean governance, champion ethical leadership, and ensure that service delivery becomes a lived reality and not merely a promise. Our communities deserve municipalities that are functional, financially responsible, and accountable to the people they serve. For too long, corruption, mismanagement, and political interference have crippled local development. The United Democratic Movement stands ready to break that cycle. In 2026, we step forward with renewed energy and purpose. We will work with integrity, manage public funds responsibly, and prioritise water, sanitation, infrastructure, safety, and economic opportunities for youth and small businesses. This election is not only about voting, it is about reclaiming municipalities for the people. Let us move together toward municipalities that work. Where councillors serve rather than enrich themselves. Where communities have a voice. Where hope is rebuilt, street by street, ward by ward. 2026 is the year for accountability. The year for service. The year for change. Vote United Democratic Movement. A leadership you can trust.

R3.5 trillion at risk: the Public Investment Corporation’s appearance at the Standing Committee on Finance – further issues and pertinent questions that need to be asked of the PIC

R3.5 trillion at risk: the Public Investment Corporation’s appearance at the Standing Committee on Finance – further issues and pertinent questions that need to be asked of the PIC

Dr Mkhacani Maswanganyi, MP Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Finance PO Box 15 Cape Town 8000 Dear Dr Maswanganyi R3.5 trillion at risk: the Public Investment Corporation’s appearance at the Standing Committee on Finance – further issues and pertinent questions that need to be asked of the PIC 1. Further to my correspondence dated 10 November 2025 , in which you were copied, I understand that the Standing Committee on Finance (SCOF) is scheduled to receive a report from the Public Investment Corporation (PIC) on 5 December 2025. 2. In regard, I wish to refer SCOF to my correspondence to the President of the Republic of South Africa, Mr MC Ramaphosa and the Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts (SCOPA), Mr Songezo Zibi, MP, which I attach for your ease of refence: 2.1. On 29 October 2025 regarding: “R3.5 trillion at risk: the Public Investment Corporation’s governance collapse demands action ” and 2.2. on 8 November 2025 regarding: “Renewed concerns over probable governance irregularities and conflicts of interest at the Public Investment Corporation: the PIC’s confused(ing) rhetoric regarding the Lanseria and FlySafair deals” . 3. I understand from the SCOPA Chairperson Zibi, that he has referred the entire matter concerning the PIC, as submitted by the UDM, to SCOF for further consideration, as SCOPA is currently engaged in the Road Accident Fund inquiry and both committees share several members. 4. In addition to the above, there have been further developments which I wish to bring to SCOF’s attention, and I refer the Committee to the following documents attached for ease of reference: 4.1. A 30 October 2025 correspondence from Mabotja Attorneys on behalf of Acapulco Trade & Invest 164 (Pty) Ltd, dated 30 October 2025, regarding “FORMAL CLARIFICATION & REPRESENTATION IN RESPECT OF THE LANSERIA HOLDINGS (PTY) LTD TRANSACTION.” as well as a 4.2. 7 October 2025 correspondence from Mabotja Attorneys to Werksmans Attorneys, acting on behalf of the PIC, regarding: “LANSERIA AND RELATED MATTERS”, 5. For additional context to the bigger scheme of things, I refer to an article published in the Business Day of 5 November 2025 entitled” “PIC furious over R400m payout to Lanseria BEE partner” 6. Given the context outlined in all the UDM’s correspondence and the article referenced above, it is evident that SCOF will need to conduct a thorough and far-reaching investigation into the broader operations of the PIC, particularly its dealings involving PAIDF I and II and the investment of Government Employees Pension Fund (GEPF) funds. The arbitration award in favour of Acapulco, dated 17 September 2025 and amounting to R411 282 264.44, has clearly unsettled matters and exposed deeper issues within the PIC’s governance and investment practices. 7. Further to points 5 and 6 in my letter of 29 October 2025 concerning the Lanseria Airport Holdings and FlySafair matters, the UDM recommends that SCOF pose the following questions to PIC: 7.1. Management fees 7.1.1. Would you state, for the record, the total management fees Harith has drawn from PAIDF I, PAIDF II, and the newly constituted Harith Infraco? 7.1.2. Can you provide a detailed breakdown of those fees by fund, year, and category? 7.2. Fund performance 7.2.1. Provide a comprehensive summary of the financial and operational performance of PAIDF I and PAIDF II. 7.2.2. What were the key value drivers, impairments, exits, and realised or unrealised returns associated with each fund? 7.3. Value created for pensioners 7.3.1. Based on your own reporting and audited figures, how much net value, after all fees, costs, and adjustments i.e. have these funds generated for South African pensioners? 7.3.2. Are you able to confirm whether the net contribution has been positive, neutral, or negative? 7.4. Restructuring and recapitalisation 7.4.1. Harith has recently undertaken what appears to be restructuring, recapitalisation, and redesign of its funds. 7.4.2. Would you explain the commercial rationale for each of these steps? 7.4.3. What direct impact did these actions have on the value of the underlying investments and, specifically, on the stake ultimately attributable to the GEPF? 7.5. Harith Infraco participation 7.5.1. In the newly established Harith Infraco, what is the direct interest, shareholding percentage, or participation in returns attributable to the GEPF? 7.5.2. Has this position changed in any way compared to the GEPF’s prior participation in PAIDF I or II? 7.6. PCV creation and GEPF impact 7.6.1. Regarding the creation of the PCV, could you confirm whether the GEPF incurred any losses, impairments, write-downs, or adverse valuation adjustments from a pure accounting or profitability standpoint? 7.6.2. If so, please detail the amounts and their basis. 7.7. DBSA involvement 7.7.1. Was the DBSA at any stage an investor, lender, or creditor to any Harith-managed fund or to any of the portfolio companies within those funds? 7.7.2. If yes, please specify the nature and quantum of that exposure. 7.8. Pending applications for funding 7.8.1. Does Harith currently have any pending applications and whether for funding, refinancing, restructuring, or borrowing, before the PIC or GEPF? 7.8.2. If so, would you kindly identify each application and indicate its current status?   8. The Thabiso Moshikara scandal in July 2025 8.1. Further I point to 7.3 in my letter of 29 October 2025, regarding the above the UDM would suggest that SCOF ask the following questions of the PIC based further on “Levoca reaffirms its commitment to ethical business practices and remains committed to connecting our communities with fast internet access and bridging the digital divide in South Africa” 8.1.1. The Metrofibre Investment Funding of Levoca was stated in the Annual Financial Report of 2024 of the GEPF as having profited the PIC/GEPF just over R100 million in the span of one year. Why was this deal cancelled, and why were the shares seized for the alleged R1,170.00 postage and stamp fees of Bowmans Attorneys on a deal worth over R1.4 billion? 8.1.2. A case of fraud and corruption has been opened against PIC Head of Legal Lindiwe Masina Dlamini on 07 August 2025, under case number 2025-08-07 at MIDRAND Station, reference number CAS 205/8/2025, by a PIC 8.1.3. whistleblower. The case has now been referred to the Hawks. Why has she not been suspended if Mr Thabiso Moshikara was suspended under the same circumstances? 8.1.4. Who in the PIC authorised the granting of a R1.4 billion legal indemnity to the privately owned company Metrofibre against another private company, Levoca 805, in pursuit of trying to recoup a mere R1,170.00 following the R3 million bribe allegations? 8.1.5. Is this not biased and proof that Levoca was being punished for not wanting to pay Mr Moshikara the R3 million bribe? 8.1.6. It is stated in a civil matter paper between PIC and Levoca 805 that the R1,170 invoice was erroneous or fraudulently issued, which supports the fact that the PIC is lacking a legitimate trigger event. Furthermore, the R1,170 was eventually settled by Levoca, yet the PIC still proceeded to seize Levoca’s shares worth R1.4 billion for R1,170. Why is the PIC still proceeding to seize the shares even after the R1,170, which it relied upon, was settled by Levoca, particularly in an investment that is profiting our government pensioners over R100 million per annum? 8.1.7. What is the current status of this matter? Where does it stand now? Have the shares been returned to Levoca, and if not, why not? 8.1.8. Is the PIC attempting to punish the whistleblower by seizing Levoca’s shares for R1,170? 8.1.9. Does this not sound like corrupt, prejudicial, and oppressive conduct to unlawfully seize Levoca's shares by the PIC as a result of Levoca refusing to pay a R3 million bribe to Mr Moshikara, Head of the Isibaya Fund at the PIC?   9. The Isibaya Fund 9.1. The Isibaya Fund continues to be the centre of corruption within the PIC. Despite the clear warnings of the Mpati Commission, no meaningful reforms have been implemented. This unlisted investment portfolio still operates with poor oversight, secretive decision-making, and transactions that favour politically connected individuals. 9.2. Ultimately, the people who have dedicated their careers to public service are not the true beneficiaries of this fund. It has effectively become a pool of capital reserved for a privileged few, often distributed without proper risk evaluation, exposing the PIC to substantial financial losses and betraying the trust of millions of workers whose pensions are at stake. 9.3. A credit loss ratio exceeding 39% is indefensible and reflects an alarming level of financial mismanagement. No credible institution would tolerate such extensive losses under the guise of economic empowerment. 9.4. Complex financial structures and contractual arrangements have been deliberately used to conceal the extent of this looting. Few fully understand the intricate deal-making mechanisms that enable it, but it is clear that something even more insidious than State Capture continues to thrive within the PIC.   9.5. Given persistent governance failures, it is essential to ask whether the Isibaya Fund should remain under the control of the PIC at all. A more prudent course would be to transfer its developmental and impact investment mandate to institutions with proven governance systems and sectoral expertise, such as the Development Bank of Southern Africa (DBSA) or the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC). These entities are far better placed to ensure sound project evaluation, transparency, and accountability. The PIC’s role could then be confined to allocating funds under DBSA or IDC supervision, or outsourcing mandates to qualified independent managers operating under strict risk and performance controls. Unless this reform is undertaken, corruption and instability will persist, and no commission of inquiry will be able to restore confidence or integrity to the system. 10. The UDM reiterates its firm belief that safeguarding public pension funds is a matter of national priority. Urgent intervention is required to ensure that the Public Investment Corporation is never exploited as an instrument of political patronage, and that the more than R3 trillion in assets under its management are administered with the utmost integrity, professionalism, and accountability. Yours sincerely Deputy Minister Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement   Copied to: • Mr Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa – President of the Republic of South Africa • Mr Enoch Godongwana, MP - Minister of Finance • Dr David Masondo, MP - Deputy Minister of Finance and Chairperson of the Board of the Public Investment Corporation • Ms Thoko Didiza, MP - Speaker of the National Assembly of South Africa • Mr Songezo Zibi, MP - Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts • Mr Patrick Dlamini - Chief Executive Officer, Public Investment Corporation • Mr Musa Mabesa - Principal Executive Officer, Government Employees Pension Fund • Ms Tsakani Maluleke - Auditor-General of South Africa • Adv Andy Mothibi - Head of the Special Investigating Unit • Mr Eric Mabuza – Mabuza Attorneys   • Mr Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP -UDM Deputy President and Leader in Parliament • Ms Thandi Nontenja, MP – UDM Chief Whip in the National Assembly and Member of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts    

Report back: R3.5 trillion at risk: the Public Investment Corporation’s governance collapse in the Lanseria Airport Holdings deal and other governance issues

Report back: R3.5 trillion at risk: the Public Investment Corporation’s governance collapse in the Lanseria Airport Holdings deal and other governance issues

Mr Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP UDM Deputy President and Leader in Parliament PO Box 15 Cape Town 8000 and Ms Thandi Nontenja, MP UDM National Treasurer and Chief Whip in the National Assembly Member of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts PO Box 15 Cape Town 8000 Dear Mr Kwankwa and Ms Nontenja Report back: R3.5 trillion at risk: the Public Investment Corporation’s governance collapse in the Lanseria Airport Holdings deal and other governance issues 1.    I hereby request that you prepare the United Democratic Movement’s (UDM) parliamentary operations to address the issues outlined in this letter, with particular focus on the Party’s participation in the Standing Committee on Public Accounts (SCOPA) and the Standing Committee on Finance, and to begin gathering relevant information.  I have already instructed Attorney Eric Mabuza of Mabuza Attorneys to obtain key information from Mr Patrick Dlamini, Chief Executive Officer of the Public Investment Corporation (PIC), as reflected in the attached correspondence. 2.    On 29 October 2025, the UDM addressed a detailed letter to the President of the Republic, Mr Cyril Ramaphosa, and the SCOPA Chairperson, Mr Songezo Zibi, MP, under the subject “R3.5 trillion at risk: the Public Investment Corporation’s governance collapse demands action.” In that correspondence, I highlighted the grave risks posed by a series of recent and questionable transactions undertaken by the PIC, which endanger more than R3.5 trillion in pensioners’ funds, alongside widespread governance, ethical, and oversight failures within the institution. As you are aware, the UDM has already proposed several urgent interventions in that letter to address these systemic failures.  3.    On 5 November 2025, the PIC Corporate Affairs Division, in the name of the PIC Board Chairperson and Deputy Minister of Finance, Dr David Masondo, issued a statement appeared designed to undermine the UDM’s position. 4.    As a matter of interest, Deputy Minister Masondo contacted me, on the same day, personally after the statement was issued, distancing himself from its content and expressing concern about the manner in which the PIC had treated me. It appears that the statement was drafted within the PIC as a deliberate smokescreen and an attempt to deflect public attention from the Lanseria Airport Holdings deal by going on the offensive. Yet, in doing so, the PIC conceded that “…a legal review on the arbitration proceedings is underway…,” which only reinforces the view that where there is smoke, there is indeed fire. Why attack the UDM and me personally instead of providing a substantive response to each of the issues we raised in our letter of 29 October 2025? 5.    On 8 November 2025, I again wrote to President Ramaphosa and SCOPA Chairperson Songezo Zibi, specifically concerning: 5.1.    A letter from Werksmans Attorneys to Mabotja Attorneys titled: “PUBLIC INVESTMENT CORPORATION SOC LIMITED // ACAPULCO TRADE AND INVEST 164(RF) (PTY) LTD” dated 6 November 2025 and 5.2.    Mabotja Attorneys’ response to the above entitled.: “LANSERIA AND RELATED MATTERS” of 7 November 2025. 5.3.    In its correspondence, Werksmans Attorneys, acting on behalf of the PIC, wrote to Mabotja Attorneys, who represent Acapulco Trade and Invest 164 (Pty) Ltd, concerning the aftermath of an arbitration award in favour of Acapulco dated 17 September 2025, amounting to R411 282 264.44. The letter indicates that the PIC intends to review or challenge the award and has requested that the funds already deposited in Mabotja Attorneys’ trust account be frozen pending the outcome of that review. 5.4.    In reply, Mabotja Attorneys issued a strongly worded and defensive response aimed at discrediting Werksmans Attorneys’ letter on behalf of the PIC and portraying Acapulco as the aggrieved party. The exchange highlights growing tension between Acapulco, Mr Patrick Dlamini, and Harith General Partners and its founder, Mr Tshepo Mahloele, who appears to be a key figure at the centre of the dispute. 6.    What prompted Mr Dlamini to act so suddenly? Was it his own initiative, or did the PIC Board finally intervene in a last-minute attempt to salvage what remains of the institution’s credibility and reputation? 7.    There appears to be a significant fallout between the PIC and Acapulco Trade and Invest 164 (Pty) Ltd, the BEE partner in the Lanseria Airport Holdings deal. Despite Acapulco having defaulted on a R333 million loan, which grew to approximately R600 million with interest, the PIC nevertheless proceeded to pay just over R411 million to Acapulco after an arbitration process upheld a contested valuation conducted by Crowe, a so-called external valuer. This payout has reportedly angered the PIC Board, which has since moved to freeze the funds and is said to be considering legal action. These developments point to growing internal discord within the PIC and raise serious concerns about a potential governance collapse within the institution. Why did the Mr Dlamini and his executive team approve this transaction in the first place if they are now raising alarm after the fact? 8.    Mr Dlamini’s professional history continues to raise serious governance concerns. In Mabotja Attorneys’ letter of 7 November 2025, it is alleged that he has maintained a close personal and professional relationship with Mr Mahloele and Harith General Partners, including attending a celebratory gathering at Mr Mahloele’s Bryanston home shortly after his appointment as PIC CEO.  This allegation adds to a pattern first documented during his tenure as CEO of the Development Bank of Southern Africa, when serious accusations of mismanagement, maladministration and possible corruption the UDM brought to the attention of SCOPA in October 2020. At that time, concerns were raised about his association with Mr Mahloele and Harith, particularly around the Poseidon funding matter and other questionable transactions that appeared to benefit politically connected entities.  Now, as head of the PIC, the same allegations of conflict of interest, irregular investment decisions and weak governance have resurfaced, most notably in the Lanseria Airport Holdings and FlySafair dealings involving Harith-linked interests. This recurring pattern points to an entrenched network of influence between public finance institutions and private business interests that requires urgent and independent investigation. 9.    In its letter of 29 October 2025, the UDM made two key recommendations: 9.1.    That SCOPA convene urgent public hearings with the PIC Board, the Chief Executive Officer, and the Government Employees Pension Fund (GEPF) to account for ongoing governance failures, ethical breaches, and poor investment decisions. 9.2.    That the Auditor-General and the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) conduct a forensic audit of the Isibaya Fund and the Unlisted Investments Division, with a particular focus on politically connected transactions, loss-making projects, and compliance with the recommendations of the Mpati Commission. The Lanseria transaction, which was initiated in 2013, must be included in the scope of investigation as this appears to be where the shenanigans first began. Questions remain about the servicing of the loan through dividends. Were any ever declared by the Government Employees Pension Fund, the PIC, Acapulco, or Harith General Partners? 10.    Equally concerning is the reported involvement of Harith General Partners in raising funds to acquire a stake in FlySafair. It is important to recall that the UDM previously intervened to stop the South African Airways (SAA) transaction after informing President Ramaphosa and then Minister of Public Enterprises Pravin Gordhan, following Gordhan’s 11 June 2021 announcement that the Takatso Consortium, led in part by Harith General Partners owned by Mr Tshepo Mahloele, had been selected as the preferred bidder to acquire a 51% stake in SAA for R51.  11.    A further and deeply troubling conflict of interest arises from the fact that Mr Dlamini previously served as Chairperson of the Lanseria Airport Holdings Board  while simultaneously holding senior public office. According to the Companies and Intellectual Property Commission (CIPC) website, he still remains listed as a Non-Executive Director of Lanseria Holdings (K2012204048), Lanseria Airport 1993 (M1993004101), Lanseria Airport Investments (M2002025907) and Lanseria International Airport (M1991001749).  His continued association with these entities, which have direct financial dealings with the PIC, raises serious questions about the independence and propriety of decisions taken under his leadership. This dual involvement suggests that Mr Dlamini may have had access to privileged information regarding the airport’s operations and valuation, both before and after the disputed PIC investment. When considered alongside the issues raised in Mabotja Attorneys’ letter concerning his relationship with Harith General Partners and its founder, Mr Tshepo Mahloele, this overlap of roles points to a possible conflict of interest that warrants urgent scrutiny by the relevant oversight bodies. Now, the same players appear to be seeking to use public funds for private investment ventures. We have not forgotten the Mpati Commission’s damning findings against these entities.  12.    The Auditor-General, acting under the auspices of SCOPA, remains the only credible authority capable of conducting a comprehensive review of the Lanseria deal and related transactions, given that public money is once again at stake. 13.    The UDM should maintain its position that safeguarding public pension funds is a matter of national importance. It is imperative that decisive intervention takes place to ensure the PIC is never exploited as a vehicle for political patronage, and that the more than R3 trillion in assets under its management are administered with the highest levels of integrity, professionalism, and accountability. Yours sincerely Deputy Minister Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement Copied to: •    Mr Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa – President of the Republic of South Africa •    Mr Enoch Godongwana, MP - Minister of Finance •    Dr David Masondo, MP - Deputy Minister of Finance and Chairperson of the Board of the Public Investment Corporation •    Ms Thoko Didiza, MP - Speaker of the National Assembly of South Africa •    Mr Songezo Zibi, MP - Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts •    Dr Mkhacani Maswanganyi, MP - Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Finance •    Mr Patrick Dlamini - Chief Executive Officer, Public Investment Corporation •    Mr Musa Mabesa - Principal Executive Officer, Government Employees Pension Fund •    Ms Tsakani Maluleke - Auditor-General of South Africa •    Adv Andy Mothibi - Head of the Special Investigating Unit •    Mr Eric Mabuza – Mabuza Attorneys  

From job offer to captivity: how human traffickers prey on South Africa’s desperate

From job offer to captivity: how human traffickers prey on South Africa’s desperate

Statement by Zandile Phiri, Acting Secretary General of the United Democratic Movement Human trafficking in South Africa has become a national emergency hiding in plain sight. It is destroying lives through sexual exploitation, forced labour, and debt bondage, and it thrives on poverty, desperation, and the failures of the state to coordinate an effective response. Recent reports have exposed the scale of this crisis. Three young women from Botswana were rescued at OR Tambo International Airport after being lured through social media with false promises of lucrative jobs in Sierra Leone. A 22-year-old woman from Bonteheuwel was tricked into travelling to Thailand, later trafficked to Cambodia, and forced into work after her passport was confiscated. In Johannesburg, seven Chinese nationals were convicted earlier this year of human trafficking after exploiting more than ninety Malawian workers, including thirty-three minors, in a garment factory where they were kept under guard and paid R65 a day.  In the past year, investigations have revealed houses in Sandton, Johannesburg, and Durban where dozens of foreign nationals were held captive by trafficking syndicates. In one incident in March 2025, more than 50 people escaped from a house in Lombardy East, and in May 2025, 44 victims were rescued from a locked property in Parkmore, Sandton. Similar discoveries have been made in Durban, exposing a network that uses residential properties as holding sites for victims awaiting transport across borders.  It is reported that less than one percent of victims is ever rescued. At the centre of this tragedy are employment scams that promise opportunity but deliver slavery. These operations exploit South Africa’s severe unemployment, preying on people desperate for income or a chance to work abroad. Our joblessness has become a recruitment tool for traffickers, and the state has done too little to close that door. The problem is compounded by weak coordination among law-enforcement agencies, poor data collection, and a lack of capacity in social services. Police, immigration, labour inspectors, and welfare officials often work in isolation, while traffickers move people freely across borders and provinces. Corruption and bureaucracy slow down victim identification, shelter placements, and prosecutions. South Africa’s porous borders worsen the crisis. Traffickers exploit weak controls and under-resourced posts to move victims alongside migrants and contraband. Until border management is tightened, corruption addressed, and regional intelligence improved, the country will remain a key corridor for trafficking across southern Africa. The United States Trafficking in Persons Report has again warned that South Africa is failing to identify victims, prosecute offenders, or coordinate a national response. The country’s placement on the Tier 2 Watchlist signals growing international concern over its weak efforts to combat trafficking. Unless coordination and enforcement improve, South Africa risks further sanctions and the erosion of its global credibility on human rights. The UDM calls for decisive action to break this cycle of exploitation and neglect: 1.    A national anti-trafficking strategy led by the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development, bringing together the South African Police Service (SAPS), Department of Home Affairs, Department of Employment and Labour, Department of Social Development, and reputable civil society organisations under one command structure with measurable targets and real accountability. 2.    Public awareness and prevention campaigns coordinated by the Department of Communications and Digital Technologies, in partnership with Basic and Higher Education, to educate communities about fake job offers, social-media recruitment, and passport confiscation; especially in provinces with high unemployment such as Mpumalanga, Limpopo, and the Eastern Cape. 3.    Protection and reintegration services for victims managed by the Department of Social Development and provincial governments, with the support of accredited NGOs, to ensure safe shelters, counselling, and job placement programmes so survivors can rebuild their lives without fear or stigma. 4.    Enforcement of labour laws and regulation of recruiters overseen by the Department of Employment and Labour and the SAPS, with heavy penalties for those who exploit undocumented workers, confiscate passports, or deceive jobseekers. Inspections must be routine and unannounced, and corrupt officials must be prosecuted. 5.    Investment in youth employment and skills development driven by the Departments of Employment and Labour, Trade, Industry and Competition, and Higher Education and Training, working alongside the National Youth Development Agency and private sector partners. Preventing trafficking begins with creating real, sustainable opportunities at home through job creation, apprenticeships, and skills programmes that give young people viable alternatives to risky job offers and exploitation. 6.    Strengthened cross-border cooperation spearheaded by the Department of International Relations and Cooperation and the Border Management Authority, working with SADC partners to dismantle trafficking networks, share intelligence, and ensure the safe repatriation of victims. Human trafficking is not only a criminal enterprise but a profound moral failure that strikes at the heart of our nation’s values. South Africa cannot claim to be a democracy that protects human rights while allowing syndicates to trade in human lives with impunity.  The UDM calls on government to act with urgency, unity, and compassion to protect the vulnerable, prosecute the guilty, and restore integrity to our borders and institutions. Every victim rescued is a life reclaimed, but true victory will come only when no person in South Africa can be bought, sold, or enslaved.  

No leader above the law: UDM KwaZulu-Natal condemns Councillor Ndlovu’s alleged sexual assault of young girl

No leader above the law: UDM KwaZulu-Natal condemns Councillor Ndlovu’s alleged sexual assault of young girl

Statement by Remington Mazibuko, Councillor in the Inkosi Mtubatuba Local Municipality and UDM KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Chairperson The United Democratic Movement (UDM) in KwaZulu-Natal is shocked and dismayed by reports that an Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) councillor from Ward 14 in Inkosi Mtubatuba Local Municipality, Cllr Ndlovu, allegedly sexually assaulted a young girl and later attempted to bribe the child’s mother with R10,000 to conceal the incident. The details of this case reveal a painful abuse of power and a failure of conscience. Those chosen to serve must protect the dignity of every person, especially the young and vulnerable. Anything less undermines the values on which our democracy stands. The UDM calls on the IFP to immediately suspend Cllr Ndlovu from office pending the outcome of the criminal investigation. Failure to do so will raise serious questions about the IFP’s commitment to ethical leadership and the protection of vulnerable citizens. The Party further calls for a swift, transparent, and impartial investigation into this case. Law enforcement must act decisively to ensure that justice is served, and no political affiliation or public office should be allowed to shield anyone from accountability. We also call for immediate support and protection for the victim and her family. The South African Police Service and the Department of Social Development must ensure that the child receives proper psychosocial care and that her safety is guaranteed throughout the legal process. Gender-Based Violence and Femicide are symptoms of a leadership crisis that has allowed impunity to thrive. Until those in positions of authority lead by example and enforce accountability, our communities will continue to suffer the pain of fear and loss. The UDM in KwaZulu-Natal believes that leadership means protecting the most vulnerable, not preying on them. We expect every public representative to embody the values of honesty, accountability, and respect for human dignity. Those who violate these principles should have no place in public life.  

Renewed concerns over probable governance irregularities and conflicts of interest at the Public Investment Corporation: the PIC’s confused(ing) rhetoric regarding the Lanseria and FlySafair deals

Renewed concerns over probable governance irregularities and conflicts of interest at the Public Investment Corporation: the PIC’s confused(ing) rhetoric regarding the Lanseria and FlySafair deals

Mr MC Ramaphosa President of the Republic of South Africa Private Bag X1000 Pretoria 0001 and Mr Songezo Zibi, MP Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts PO Box 15 Cape Town 8000 Dear Mister President and Chairperson Zibi Renewed concerns over probable governance irregularities and conflicts of interest at the Public Investment Corporation: the PIC’s confused(ing) rhetoric regarding the Lanseria and FlySafair deals 1.    I refer to my correspondence dated 29 October 2025, titled “R3.5 trillion at risk: the Public Investment Corporation’s governance collapse demands action.” In that letter, I outlined the serious risks arising from several recent and questionable transactions undertaken by the Public Investment Corporation (PIC), which place over R3.5 trillion in pensioners’ funds in jeopardy, as well as broader governance and ethical failures within the institution.  2.    “The PIC’s records in respect of Harith’s (or a party related to Harith) application/request for funding to acquire all or portion of the shares in FlySafair, directly or indirectly.” This is a direct quote from the letter referred to in Paragraph 4.2, wherein the PIC is asked to preserve “records, minutes, notes, guest lists, recordings and resolutions and/or other material” relating to Harith General Partners’ acquisition of shares in FlySafair. One must ask: who is fooling whom? 3.    On 5 November 2025, the PIC Board Chairperson and Deputy Minister of Finance, Dr David Masondo, launched a scathing and aggressive attack on me personally and made a weak attempt to tarnish my reputation, question my credentials, and cast aspersions on the information the UDM provided in its letter of 29 October 2025. In this regard, I wish to make the following observations: 3.1.    While the PIC provides impressive financial statistics, it fails to meaningfully address the core governance concerns raised by the UDM, namely valuation manipulation, political interference, and weak board oversight. 3.2.    The PIC attempts to project transparency by citing asset growth and external audits yet simultaneously hides behind claims of legal confidentiality in the Lanseria Holdings matter. This contradiction severely undermines its credibility. 3.3.    Although claiming to respect Parliament, the PIC’s statement labels a Member of Parliament’s formal correspondence as “nefarious i.e. language that may be interpreted as contemptuous of democratic oversight and to which I take strong personal exception. 3.4.    Furthermore, while denying wrongdoing, the PIC’s statement acknowledges that a review of the arbitration proceedings is underway, implicitly conceding that there may indeed be irregularities in the transaction. This is clearly evidenced by the correspondence referred to in Paragraph 4.14.1, which confirms that the matter remains under internal scrutiny. Yet, instead of welcoming the alert and taking proactive corrective measures, the PIC chose to attack me personally, rather than expressing gratitude for having brought this concerning deal to its attention. 3.5.    Why issue the statement in the first place? The PIC went to great lengths to adopt a defensive posture, using offensive language directed at me, while at the same time conceding through its own actions that there is indeed something fishy about the Lanseria transaction. 4.    To provide further context to this entire matter, I have attached two pieces of critical correspondence which demonstrate that Dr Masondo, in the name of the PIC, “doth protest too much”: 4.1.    A letter from Werksmans Attorneys to Mabotja Attorneys titled: “PUBLIC INVESTMENT CORPORATION SOC LIMITED // ACAPULCO TRADE AND INVEST 164(RF) (PTY) LTD” dated 6 November 2025. 4.2.    Mabotja Attorneys’ response to the above entitled.: “LANSERIA AND RELATED MATTERS” of 7 November 2025. 4.3.    Werksmans Attorneys, acting on behalf of the PIC, addressed a letter to Mabotja Attorneys, who represent Acapulco Trade and Invest 164 (Pty) Ltd, regarding the aftermath of an arbitration award in favour of Acapulco, dated 17 September 2025 in the amount of R411 282 264.44. The correspondence indicates that the PIC intends to review or challenge the arbitration award and seeks to freeze the funds already deposited in Mabotja Attorneys’ trust account pending the outcome of that review. 4.4.    In response, Mabotja Attorneys issued a combative and defensive reply, aimed at discrediting Werksmans Attorneys’ correspondence on behalf of the PIC and portraying Acapulco as the aggrieved party. The exchange suggests escalating tension between Acapulco and the PIC, its Chief Executive Officer (CEO), Mr Patrick Dlamini, as well as Harith General Partners and its founder, Mr Mahloele, who appears to be a central figure of contention.  4.5.    The revelation that Mr Mahloele hosted a “celebratory gathering” in Bryanston to mark Mr Dlamini’s appointment as PIC CEO is particularly concerning in the broader context of potential conflicts of interest and governance integrity within the PIC. 5.    Clearly, the Lanseria transaction and the PIC’s dealings in the FlySafair matter, both linked to Mr Tshepo Mahloele, appear increasingly suspect in light of the aforementioned context. The Lanseria deal has been unfolding for over twelve years, and it is now imperative that SCOPA asks even more probing questions than it did before my letter of 29 October 2025. 6.    The key question for the UDM therefore remains: how many other transactions of this nature the PIC has entered into, in violation of its own governance protocols, and in the process placing at risk the R3.5 trillion in pensioners’ funds managed through the Government Employees Pension Fund (GEPF), notwithstanding Dr Masondo’s protestations to the contrary. 7.    Ultimately, the PIC is a state-owned enterprise, and Parliamentary oversight is a cornerstone of ensuring that such institutions are managed ethically and transparently. Yet, the PIC appears determined to avoid public scrutiny and to continue operating in secrecy, contrary to the principles of accountability and public trust. 8.    The UDM reiterates that the protection of public pension funds is a matter of national importance. Urgent intervention is required to ensure that the PIC is not used as a vehicle for political patronage and that the R3.5 trillion in assets under its management are handled with the highest standards of integrity, professionalism, and accountability. 9.    We are in for a jolly period, to say the least, consider this my early Christmas gift to the public. The truth is finally coming to light. Yours sincerely Deputy Minister Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement Copied to: •    Mr Enoch Godongwana, MP - Minister of Finance •    Dr David Masondo, MP - Deputy Minister of Finance and Chairperson of the Board of the Public Investment Corporation •    Ms Thoko Didiza, MP - Speaker of the National Assembly of South Africa •    Mr Patrick Dlamini - Chief Executive Officer, Public Investment Corporation •    Mr Musa Mabesa - Principal Executive Officer, Government Employees Pension Fund •    Ms Tsakani Maluleke - Auditor-General of South Africa •    Adv Andy Mothibi - Head of the Special Investigating Unit

UDM BCMM denounces callous evictions and Red Ants brutality in Reeston

UDM BCMM denounces callous evictions and Red Ants brutality in Reeston

Statement by Anele Skoti, United Democratic Movement Councillor and Whip in Buffalo City Metropolitan Council The United Democratic Movement (UDM) in the Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality (BCMM) has taken serious exception to the municipality’s ruthless eviction of families from Reeston Phase 2, where residents who believe they are the rightful beneficiaries have now been forced to survive on the roadside for more than three weeks. On 16 October 2025, municipal officials escorted, by the now dreaded Red Ants, carried out a violent operation that left families destitute. Doors were kicked down, residents were allegedly assaulted, and household furniture, beds, clothing, and personal belongings were thrown into trucks and dumped at the municipal landfill site. Many items were broken, stolen, or damaged beyond repair. What was once the furniture of a home was reduced to waste overnight. For twenty-three days, men, women, and children have been living beside the road, exposed to heavy rain and cold winds, sleeping among the remnants of their destroyed possessions. Some continue to search through piles of rubbish to retrieve what little remains of their belongings. This is a scene of humiliation created by the very municipality that claims to serve them. It represents a direct violation of Section 26 of the Constitution and the Prevention of Illegal Eviction from and Unlawful Occupation of Land Act (PIE Act), which prohibit evictions without adequate notice, due process, and provision for alternative accommodation. The destruction of personal property further constitutes malicious damage to property and gross misconduct by those who executed the order. The affected residents argue that they are not illegal occupants. They are beneficiaries of the Reeston Phase 2 housing project, land that was originally fought for under the leadership of the late Councillor Lameki Mlingwana. The houses had been vandalised for years and were reoccupied by local families believe they are the rightful beneficiaries. Instead of regularising and protecting these residents, Buffalo City chose violence and chaos, punishing the poor for reclaiming what is theirs. UDM in BCMM demands accountability and urgent relief 1.    Immediate provision of temporary housing for all displaced households, with proper sanitation, water, and security. This must be implemented by the BCMM City Manager, under direct supervision of the Executive Mayor, within seven days. 2.    Full replacement or compensation for all personal belongings and furniture destroyed or dumped during the eviction. The BCMM Executive Mayor and the Head of Human Settlements must table a report to Council detailing the losses, the cost of restitution, and the disciplinary action to be taken against officials who authorised or participated in the destruction of property. 3.    A transparent investigation into the Reeston Phase 2 housing allocations and the conduct of officials and Red Ants during the eviction. The Municipal Speaker must convene an urgent Council oversight inquiry, assisted by the Eastern Cape Department of Human Settlements and the Office of the MEC for Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (COGTA), to establish who authorised the operation, who benefitted, and whether due process was followed. 4.    A public inquiry led by the Eastern Cape COGTA and Human Settlements Departments into the broader failures of Buffalo City’s housing management system and the mismanagement of rightful beneficiary lists. This inquiry must make binding recommendations for disciplinary and criminal proceedings against implicated officials. 5.    Urgent intervention by the MEC for Human Settlements, the MEC for COGTA, and the South African Human Rights Commission to ensure lawful, humane treatment of all affected families and compliance with the Constitution and the PIE Act. The UDM in BCMM is considering submitting a formal complaint with video and photographic evidence to the South African Human Rights Commission, the Public Protector, and the Eastern Cape MEC for Human Settlements.

Formal clarification and representation in respect of the Lanseria Holdings (PTY) Ltd transaction

Formal clarification and representation in respect of the Lanseria Holdings (PTY) Ltd transaction

Mr KG Mabotja Mabotja Attorneys 189 Lunnon Road Hillcrest Office Park Barbet Place Hillcrest Pretoria 0083 Dear Sir Formal clarification and representation in respect of the Lanseria Holdings (PTY) Ltd transaction 1.    I note your client’s position; however, the explanations provided raise several further questions that require documentary verification before any of the assertions can be accepted at face value. 2.    You state that the valuation in question was performed by an independent audit firm and a professional property valuer jointly appointed by the Public Investment Corporation (PIC) and Acapulco. Please confirm whether the external audit firm and the property valuer were selected from the Public Investment Corporation’s panel of accredited external valuers, and, if so, provide documentary evidence of their accreditation and appointment process. The independence of the valuer is a material consideration, as valuations of this nature are vulnerable to manipulation if not conducted by duly accredited professionals who have undergone an approved appointment process by the PIC. Kindly also provide: 2.1.    The full valuation report and supporting schedules; 2.2.    The name of the audit firm and confirmation of whether it is one of the recognised Big Four or Five audit firms (Deloitte, PwC, EY, KPMG, or BDO). 2.3.    As you will appreciate, financial institutions and institutional investors typically rely on the work of internationally recognised audit and valuation firms to ensure independence and credibility. The integrity of the valuation process depends on this standard. 3.    It has been noted that the Government Employees Pension Fund (GEPF) continues to hold the same Lanseria asset at an impaired value, despite the revaluation you reference. 3.1.    How does your client explain this discrepancy? 3.2.    Are you suggesting that the GEPF valuation is incorrect? 3.3.    If not, please clarify how two entities, both ultimately representing the same shareholder interest, can hold materially divergent valuations for the same asset. 4.    If the valuation truly reflected a higher fair value, why did neither the PIC nor your client initiate a market sale of the asset to test and realise that value? 4.1.    A sale to a bona fide third party would have provided the only objective confirmation of the claimed valuation and would have allowed the repayment of the outstanding loan from real, realised proceeds. 4.2.    The decision to effect payments without such a sale raises legitimate questions about potential collusion between PIC representatives and BEE partners, to the detriment of the GEPF and the pensioners whose funds are at risk. 5.    You confirm that repayment of the loan was linked to dividend flows. Once those dividends failed to materialise, the loan should have been declared in default and the PIC should have executed against the security, in this case, the shares held by Acapulco, until recovery was completed. 5.1.    On what basis, therefore, were payments made to Acapulco before any such sale took place? 5.2.    Please provide documentation or correspondence showing the PIC’s authorisation for these payments. 6.    In light of your client’s assurance that all valuations, arbitration records, and transaction documents are available for inspection, I hereby formally request copies of these documents for review. Kindly provide the complete valuation report, arbitration award, loan and shareholder agreements, and any other records relevant to the Lanseria Holdings transaction. These documents are essential to substantiate your client’s representations and to enable informed oversight and accountability in the public interest. 7.    Would you kindly direct future correspondence to my attorney, Mr Eric Mabuza, at Mabuza Attorneys at Eric@mabuzas.co.za. Yours sincerely Deputy Minister Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement Copied to:         Mr Eric Mabuza, Mabuza Attorneys  

R3.5 trillion at risk: the Public Investment Corporation’s governance collapse demands action

R3.5 trillion at risk: the Public Investment Corporation’s governance collapse demands action

Mr MC Ramaphosa President of the Republic of South Africa Private Bag X1000 Pretoria 0001 and Mr Songezo Zibi, MP Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts PO Box 15 Cape Town 8000 Dear Mister President and Chairperson Zibi R3.5 trillion at risk: the Public Investment Corporation’s governance collapse demands action 1.    I had the privilege of attending the extended Cabinet Lekgotla at the end of September 2025, where you, Mr President, emphasised that the fight against corruption and the looting of state resources would be a top priority for the Government of National Unity. You further noted that the current climate of corruption and mismanagement has severely undermined investor confidence, and that this situation must be decisively addressed. 2.    The Judicial Commission of Inquiry into Allegations of Impropriety at the Public Investment Corporation (PIC) (‘the Mpati Commission’) was established by you, Mr President, in October 2018 to investigate allegations of corruption, maladministration, and governance failures at the PIC, Africa’s largest asset manager, overseeing pension and social funds exceeding R2 trillion at the time (now over R3.5 trillion). 3.    Amongst others, the Mpati Commission in 2020 exposed the PIC as a politically captured institution plagued by poor governance, weak accountability, and corruption, particularly within its unlisted investment portfolio (Isibaya Fund). Its recommendations aimed to restore transparency and fiduciary responsibility, but implementation has been slow and inconsistent. 4.    Instead, what the United Democratic Movement (UDM) presents hereunder is a stark picture of continued looting, mismanagement, and administrative bungling from top to bottom at the PIC and its Isibaya Fund since the conclusion of the Mpati Commission, a situation of enormous proportions that rivals the State Capture scandal itself. This does not require another commission of inquiry. Rather, the UDM sets out below a series of concrete proposals for decisive action to stop the rot in its tracks through innovative solutions, strengthened parliamentary oversight, and firm law enforcement intervention. 5.    The Lanseria Airport Holdings case 5.1.    This presents what appears to be brazen looting of PIC funds, arguably worse than anything uncovered by the Mpati Commission. Around 2013, Harith General Partners, a group of BEE partners, and the Government Employees Pension Fund (GEPF) invested in Lanseria Airport. The BEE partner, Acapulco Trade and Invest, was fully funded by the PIC with a loan of about R350 million, to be repaid from future dividends. More than a decade later, the loan remains unpaid and has ballooned to over R600 million, leaving the investment deeply underwater. Instead of writing it off, the PIC and its BEE partner conjured a revaluation, declaring the asset suddenly worth R1 billion.  5.2.    The PIC then took over the BEE partner’s shares as security and astonishingly concluded that it now owed the BEE partner R400 million. In other words, a failed investment was transformed on paper into a profit for the debtor, creating R400 million of value out of thin air. From a debt of R600 million with no repayment capacity, the BEE partner miraculously walked away with a R400 million windfall (the BEE shareholders got their share this month and they are allegedly fighting over the loot). This may be one of the most blatant acts of looting in PIC history, rivalling the excesses of the Dr Dan Matjila era. 5.3.    To make matters worse, the GEPF itself already holds an impaired stake in Lanseria Holdings. This means the PIC will either have to immediately write off the shares it took over or get the GEPF to revalue the shares to avoid scrutiny. You cannot hold same shares on the same balance sheet at different valuations. 6.    The “New Karan Beef” and FlySafair deals 6.1.    In 2019, the PIC was forced to halt its planned investment in Karan Beef after a whistleblower exposed alleged price inflation that pushed the valuation to R5.2 billion. Despite prior approval, the deal was never implemented following the Mpati Commission’s intervention. 6.2.    Now, a similar pattern appears to be emerging with FlySafair. The airline is seeking local investors after regulatory rulings on ownership, and it is alleged that a consortium is attempting to acquire it with PIC funding at an inflated valuation of about R7.9 billion; nearly double the estimated fair value. If executed, the transaction could result in massive value destruction, mirroring what would have happened with Karan Beef. 6.3.    While FlySafair is a strong airline, it is certainly not worth more than R3.9 billion. The airline industry remains highly volatile, and history shows that even leading carriers can collapse within years. Yet again, just as in the Lanseria Airport and other controversial transactions, Harith General Partners (linked to Mr Tshepo Mahloele) appears to be involved. This deal is currently being hotly debated within the financial services sector. No approvals yet. Just like Karan Beef, there is a push to extract billions from the PIC, and as always write-offs will follow soon afterwards. 7.    The latest scandals in the public domain 7.1.    The latest developments at the PIC reveal a deepening power struggle within the institution, exposing how political factionalism continues to undermine its governance.  7.2.    The suspension of Chief Investment Officer Kabelo Rikhotso in early October 2025, officially framed as part of a misconduct investigation, has reportedly triggered internal tensions between rival camps competing for control of the corporation’s investment machinery . According to insider accounts, the battle is not merely administrative but linked to political influence over access to capital and deal-flow. The episode underscores a worrying pattern: instead of operating as an independent and professionally managed custodian of more than R3.5 trillion in public servants’ pension assets, the PIC has again become a stage for self enrichment. This climate of uncertainty and factional interference threatens both investor confidence and the fiduciary security of millions of pensioners who depend on the integrity of the institution. 7.3.    In July 2025, the Thabiso Moshikara scandal reignited concerns about governance at the PIC. Moshikara, acting head of the PIC’s Unlisted Investments division, was accused of demanding a R3 million bribe from businessman Ralebala Mampeule, whose company Levoca 804 had received R693 million in PIC funding to buy a stake in Metrofibre Network. Mr Mampeule claimed that after the investment soured, Mr Moshikara allegedly threatened to cut off funding unless he paid the bribe, leading to a criminal investigation for extortion and Mr Moshikara’s suspension in October 2025. The case, which erupted in the same period as other senior-level suspensions, has deepened divisions within the PIC and underscores how the Isibaya Fund, long criticised by the Mpati Commission for weak oversight and political interference, remains a focal point of instability in an institution managing over R3.5 trillion in public funds. 8.    Investment losses and governance problems: the Daybreak Foods case 8.1.    Daybreak Foods, once presented as a flagship black-empowerment investment, has become one of the most visible symbols of the PIC’s governance and oversight failures. Despite repeated warnings from the Mpati Commission about weaknesses in the unlisted portfolio, the PIC has continued to pour money into the struggling poultry company. In July 2025, the PIC injected a further R150 million into Daybreak, bringing its total exposure this year to about R400 million and total investment since 2015 to approximately R1.7 billion. The company entered business rescue in May 2025, following years of losses, poor governance, and operational mismanagement. The PIC’s decision to provide additional funding to a failing enterprise under these circumstances underscores the absence of effective oversight, proper risk assessment, and consequence management within its unlisted investments. 8.2.    Observers note that, while the PIC claims to have implemented the Mpati Commission’s recommendations, its continued support of non-performing and poorly governed entities such as Daybreak Foods demonstrates that the underlying accountability mechanisms remain weak, opaque, and easily influenced. 9.    Even after the Mpati Commission, corruption within the PIC appears deeply entrenched. The institution is increasingly viewed as ground zero for corruption in South Africa, with billions of rand lost through reckless investments and outright misconduct. The PIC manages over R3.5 trillion in pension funds on behalf of public servants, yet the scale of governance and oversight remains alarmingly weak. 10.    The current PIC board appears unfit for purpose 10.1.    Compared to boards of other major financial-sector entities, including even struggling state-owned enterprises like Eskom, the contrast is stark. It is deeply concerning that a fund managing R3.5 trillion in pensioners’ savings operates under such a fragile governance structure. This persistent instability raises serious questions: is it the result of oversight failures, or a deliberate design to enable political capture rather than protect public assets?  10.2.    It is alleged that the board is struggling to constitute key subcommittees, such as the audit committee, due to a lack of people with the minimum required qualifications, i.e. chartered accountant expertise.  10.3.    Furthermore, the board lacks sufficient investment experience to form a credible investment committee. At present, there is reportedly no one with appropriate investment credentials serving on the board. Of particular concern is the Minister of Finance’s recent appointment of the wrong individual, one Mr Maseko, to the board. This bizarre error raises further questions: was it a genuine mistake, or was the Minister misled into making the appointment? Either scenario reflects poorly on the integrity and diligence of the appointment process. 11.    Involvement of the banks  11.1.    Some of the top South African banks have been involved in advising the PIC to participate in many transactions that exposes the PIC to reckless investment dealing, while at the same time participating in the more secured portion of the deals. These top banks need to be held accountable for their role in value destruction. They hide behind the so-called Chinese Walls. There is one bank that has been more prominent in the deals involving the PIC/GEPF. Both as an advisor and a participant in the more secured portion. 12.    Investigation into the government pensions Regarding the matter of the former SATBVC pensioners, which I raised during the State of the Nation Address debate on 14 February 2023, I wish to reiterate my concern that no progress has been made. At the time, you, Mr President, directed the Minister of Finance, Mr Enoch Godongwana, to establish a team to investigate the pension entitlements of civil servants from the former SATBVC states. You further tasked the Deputy President, as head of the task team on the benefits of military veterans, to provide you with a report on this matter. To date, however, no such report has been produced, and the affected pensioners continue to wait in uncertainty. 13.    The Isibaya Fund remains the epicentre of corruption within the PIC. Despite the Mpati Commission’s warnings, little has changed. This unlisted investment portfolio continues to operate with weak oversight, opaque decision-making, and politically connected deal flows. It functions as a pot of money selectively accessed by a privileged few, often without proper risk assessment, leaving the PIC exposed to massive losses. The loss ratios are unacceptable by any commercial or development finance standard.  14.    The credit loss ratios of over 39% is purely criminal, no credible institution will allow such level of brazen looting in the name of empowerment. Ultimately, the State and South African public are the real losers given that PIC is guaranteed by the National Treasury. The scale of looting rivals the Gupta’s State Capture, the amount at risk is over R170 billion. The sophistication of the financial engineering and contracts are used to hide the brazen looting. Many people hardly understand deal structuring. South Africa needs to know that something worse than the State Capture continues to thrive at the PIC.  15.    Given these persistent failures, it is time to ask difficult questions: Why should the Isibaya Fund remain under the PIC’s control at all? A more sensible approach would be to transfer its developmental and impact investment mandate to institutions better equipped for that purpose, such as the Development Bank of Southern Africa (DBSA) or the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC), where project evaluation, governance, and sectoral expertise are stronger. The PIC’s role could then be limited to allocating funds under DBSA or IDC supervision, or outsourcing mandates to independent professional managers with clear risk controls and accountability mechanisms. The looting will continue as long as the fund remains under the PIC. The instability will never stop; and no commission can fix that. 16.    Isibaya Fund at R175 billion (at 5% of total AUM 3.5 trillion) can be transformative for South Africa if applied prudently for development purpose as defined in the mandate. Currently the fund is yielding negative returns. Based on the above number and high credit loss ratios, up to R70 billion is provided for ultimate write offs; clear wastage, with minimal development impact except narrow enrichment of a select few. 17.    Working at Isibaya or the PIC has, regrettably, become increasingly viewed as career suicide. What should have been an exceptional training ground for Black investment talent, a place to hone technical, ethical, and leadership capabilities, has instead become a graveyard for many promising careers.  It is virtually impossible to attract top talent with the reputation that the Fund has; the inability to attract top talent makes it difficult to do good investments.  18.    The United Democratic Movement herewith recommends that: 18.1.    SCOPA convenes urgent public hearings with the PIC Board, the Chief Executive Officer, and the Government Employees Pension Fund to account for ongoing governance failures, ethical breaches, and poor investment decisions. 18.2.    The Auditor-General and the Special Investigating Unit to conduct a forensic audit of the Isibaya Fund and the Unlisted Investments Division, focusing on politically connected deals, loss-making projects, and compliance with the Mpati Commission’s recommendations. 18.3.    National Treasury to review the composition, competence, and independence of the current PIC Board, with a view to strengthening governance and reducing political interference. 18.4.    The Minister of Finance to present to Parliament a status report on the implementation of the Mpati Commission’s findings and recommendations, indicating which reforms have been completed, delayed, or abandoned. 18.5.    The Minister of Finance commission a feasibility study on the transfer of the PIC’s developmental and impact investment mandate to institutions such as the DBSA or the IDC and report the findings to Parliament within a defined timeframe. 18.6.    All deals under the Isibaya Fund should be reported on their website on a quarterly basis, showing the full details of the transaction, with no exception. Confidentiality cannot trump the transparency required for public funds. Current disclosure is not sufficient at all. Full amount disbursed should be shown, valuations, beneficiaries, impairments, original investment amount and all settlements. Parties not comfortable with disclosure should seek funding from commercial banks. 18.7.    Dealmakers at the PIC/Isibaya Fund should be paid based on economic return performance, not disbursement of funds. Once funds are disbursed, the dealmakers do not have “skin in the game”. That should stop. With current return profile (i.e. negative returns), no bonuses should be paid irrespective of funds disbursed, just like in any commercial fund. 18.8.    It is imperative that the Isibaya Fund be placed under immediate moratorium to facilitate its transition to a more credible and professionally managed platform, such as the DBSA, the IDC, or an independent third-party investment manager with robust governance frameworks and proven expertise. This decisive action will help stabilise the PIC by eliminating avenues for exploitative and politically motivated investments. 19.    The United Democratic Movement believes that the protection of public pension funds is a matter of national importance. Intervention is essential to ensure that the PIC is not used as a vehicle for political patronage and that the R3 trillion in assets it holds are managed with the highest standards of integrity, professionalism, and accountability. Yours sincerely Deputy Minister Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement Copied to: •    Mr Enoch Godongwana, MP - Minister of Finance •    Dr David Masondo, MP - Deputy Minister of Finance and Chairperson of the Board of the Public Investment Corporation •    Ms Thoko Didiza, MP - Speaker of the National Assembly of South Africa •    Mr Patrick Dlamini - Chief Executive Officer, Public Investment Corporation •    Mr Musa Mabesa - Principal Executive Officer, Government Employees Pension Fund •    Ms Tsakani Maluleke - Auditor-General of South Africa •    Adv Andy Mothibi - Head of the Special Investigating Unit  

On the eve of United Nations Day, UDM urges Israel and Palestine to return to the path of peace

On the eve of United Nations Day, UDM urges Israel and Palestine to return to the path of peace

Statement by Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP, UDM Deputy President and Leader in Parliament As the world prepares to mark United Nations Day tomorrow, the United Democratic Movement (UDM) reflects on the founding vision of the United Nations: a world governed by peace, justice and respect for human dignity. The UN was established in 1945 to prevent the horrors of war and to create a framework for collective security, equality and cooperation among nations. This year’s observance comes at a time when the principles on which the UN was built are being tested. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) reaffirmed that Israel, as an occupying power, has a binding legal duty to protect the rights of the Palestinian people and to allow humanitarian aid to reach civilians in need. The Court found that Israel has failed to meet these obligations and ordered it to facilitate the work of UN agencies and other impartial organisations providing relief in Gaza. For South Africa, this judgment carries deep significance. It was our nation that brought the case before the ICJ, guided by the belief that the rule of law must apply equally to all nations. In doing so, South Africa demonstrated that moral leadership and courage are not measured by power, but by principle. The United Nations’ Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and Israel has confirmed that acts committed in Gaza amount to genocide as defined under the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The Commission found evidence of systematic attacks on civilians, the destruction of essential infrastructure, the denial of humanitarian access and the expression of genocidal intent by state officials. These are not political claims; they are the findings of a UN mandated body, and they demand accountability. At the same time, the UDM believes that accountability must be matched by diplomacy. The tragedy in Gaza will not end through arms alone. The UDM calls on Israel and Palestine to find each other at the negotiation table, to engage sincerely and inclusively under international mediation, and to pursue a permanent peace that recognises the rights, security and dignity of both peoples. Peace without justice cannot last, but justice without dialogue cannot begin. The UDM believes that these developments renew the global relevance of the United Nations and the urgent need for multilateral cooperation. The UN remains the only legitimate forum where justice can be pursued collectively and where the weak can stand equal before the law with the powerful. However, the credibility of this system depends on the willingness of member states to respect its institutions and to implement its rulings in good faith. On the eve of United Nations Day, South Africa must reaffirm its commitment to the ideals that inspired our own liberation. Our nation must continue to champion human rights, international justice and solidarity with oppressed peoples everywhere. The promise of the United Nations will only be fulfilled when the world measures peace not by silence between wars, but by justice among nations.  

Gambling away the future: UDM demands action on online betting and NSFAS misuse

Gambling away the future: UDM demands action on online betting and NSFAS misuse

Statement by Zandile Phiri, Acting Secretary General of the United Democratic Movement South Africa is witnessing a moral and social emergency. Gambling has become a trillion-rand industry feeding on the hopes of the poor, the unemployed and the young. According to the National Gambling Board, more than R1.5 trillion was wagered in the 2024/25 financial year, a staggering 45 percent increase from the previous year. What was once a leisure pastime has now become a mechanism of mass economic extraction that drains households, deepens poverty, and destroys families. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) is alarmed by the evidence that gambling is no longer limited to casinos or horse racing. The proliferation of online betting platforms, aggressive advertising, and the use of celebrities and social media influencers have normalised gambling across society. For millions of South Africans, it has become an illusion of escape in a reality of joblessness, debt, and despair. Clinical experts warn that gambling addiction is rising sharply, driven by smartphone access and constant exposure to digital marketing. As people chase losses, they borrow, steal, or beg to sustain the habit. These are the symptoms of a society where the line between hope and exploitation has been erased. The UDM is particularly disturbed by reports that students are gambling with their National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) allowances. Young South Africans entrusted with public funds meant for food, accommodation and study materials are using these allowances to bet online. This is not a story about moral weakness. It is a story about desperation, systemic neglect, and an absence of accountability from institutions that should protect them. Universities and NSFAS cannot continue to look away while students are being consumed by the very system meant to lift them out of poverty. Government’s failure to regulate online gambling, curb advertising excesses, and enforce existing laws has turned this crisis into a national tragedy. The Department of Trade, Industry and Competition, the National Gambling Board, and the National Gambling Policy Council must act immediately to: 1.    Regulate online gambling platforms and close legal loopholes exploited by unlicensed operators. 2.    Restrict advertising and influencer marketing, especially content that glamorises gambling or targets youth. 3.    Introduce responsible gambling education at tertiary institutions and within communities. 4.    Ensure that NSFAS and universities implement monitoring systems to prevent misuse of allowances and support students who fall into addiction. 5.    Strengthen and better resource the national gambling helpline and expand access to counselling and rehabilitation services, ensuring that support reaches schools, universities, and communities most affected by addiction.. The UDM calls for the issue of gambling and its devastating social and economic consequences to be formally placed on the agenda of the National Dialogue. This matter cannot remain at the periphery while it destroys lives and undermines social stability. The National Dialogue must confront how gambling, poverty, and inequality intersect, and develop coordinated solutions that protect vulnerable citizens, especially young people and low-income families. South Africa cannot claim to build a just and equal society while it profits from the despair of its own people. The UDM calls for urgent government action, stronger laws, and accountability from every institution that has allowed this exploitation to flourish.  

Johannesburg cannot live under the gun: UDM demands urgent action on gang violence

Johannesburg cannot live under the gun: UDM demands urgent action on gang violence

Statement by Yongama Zigebe, Councillor in the City of Johannesburg for the United Democratic Movement and Chairperson of the S79 Committee on Gender, Youth and People with Disabilities The United Democratic Movement in the City Johannesburg is outraged by the surge of gun violence that continues to claim innocent lives and sow fear in our communities. Over the past three months, Johannesburg has been gripped by a wave of shootings that have turned our townships and suburbs into war zones. Families are burying loved ones, children are dying in crossfire, and the sound of gunfire has become an unbearable soundtrack of daily life. The latest tragedy in Westbury, where two teenagers were killed and four others injured in a suspected gang related shooting, exposes the depth of our crisis. In Alexandra, a community that already bears the scars of poverty and inequality, gunfire has become routine.  From the brutal killing of community leader and businessman Vincent Ndima to the shooting of community guardian Zandile Mojapelo and the murder of patrollers who volunteered to protect their neighbours, Alexandra has become a mirror reflecting the broader decay of safety across Johannesburg. These are not isolated incidents. They are the visible wounds of a system that has lost control over illegal firearms, failed to dismantle gangs, and neglected to restore community confidence in law enforcement. Johannesburg residents are living in fear because the state has failed to protect them. This must end now. The UDM in the City Johannesburg also notes with grave concern the National Police Commissioner General Fannie Masemola’s admission that police have been attacked by the very communities they are meant to protect. This breakdown of trust between law enforcement and residents reveals a deeper crisis of legitimacy and accountability. When communities no longer believe that reporting criminals will lead to justice, criminal syndicates gain strength while honest citizens retreat in fear. It is clear that policing alone cannot solve this epidemic. Without trust, intelligence sharing and visible integrity from officers on the ground, enforcement efforts will continue to fall short. The fight against guns and gangs must therefore begin with rebuilding confidence between the police and the people. Recent remarks by National Police Commissioner have confirmed what communities have long feared, that Johannesburg’s gang crisis now involves the recruitment of children as young as thirteen. This revelation is horrifying and underscores the complete collapse of prevention and early warning systems that should protect young people from being drawn into crime. It is unacceptable that our schools have become recruiting grounds and our streets a battlefield for minors doing the bidding of adult gangsters.  The UDM in the City Johannesburg calls for urgent intervention from the Departments of Basic Education, Social Development and Police to disrupt this pipeline of child recruitment and to introduce community-based rehabilitation programmes that can save these children from a lifetime of violence and incarceration. The UDM in the City Johannesburg calls upon the Acting Minister of Police to treat Johannesburg’s gun violence epidemic as a national emergency. The time for excuses has passed. We expect an intensified anti-gang and firearm recovery operation that focuses on hotspots such as Westbury, Alexandra, Eldorado Park and Hillbrow. Police visibility must increase, community policing must be revived, and coordination between SAPS, Metro Police and Crime Intelligence must be restored. The City of Johannesburg’s Public Safety Department must strengthen patrols, fix broken streetlights and install CCTV cameras in high-risk areas. Law enforcement cannot win this war alone. The Department of Social Development must mobilise youth rehabilitation and anti-substance abuse programmes that steer young people away from criminal networks. Parliament and the Gauteng Provincial Legislature must hold law enforcement agencies accountable for their failure to regulate firearms and combat gun trafficking. The UDM in the City Johannesburg calls on the people of our city to rise together. Our safety is our collective responsibility. We cannot be silent while criminals dictate how we live. Communities must reclaim their streets, report criminals and stand united against fear. The time has come to restore dignity, to protect our children and to defend the right to life that our Constitution guarantees. This is not just about policing, it is about leadership, justice and the soul of our city. The UDM in the City Johannesburg will not look away while our city bleeds. We will hold those in power accountable, insist on real policing reform and work tirelessly to rebuild a city where safety and dignity belong to every resident.  

UDM says Mayor Mchunu’s excuses insult the people of uMzinyathi: where is the water?

UDM says Mayor Mchunu’s excuses insult the people of uMzinyathi: where is the water?

Statement by Remington Mazibuko, Councillor in the Inkosi Mtubatuba Local Municipality and UDM KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Chairperson The United Democratic Movement (UDM) in KwaZulu-Natal notes with deep concern the recent comments by uMzinyathi District Mayor Thembisile Mchunu, who has admitted that the municipality lacks the technical skills and resources to maintain its collapsing water infrastructure. These excuses come six years after the UDM first exposed corruption and maladministration in uMzinyathi, and two years after the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) confirmed that the district violated the Msinga community’s right to water under Section 27(1)(b) of the Constitution. The UDM in KwaZulu-Natal lodged the original complaint with the SAHRC in 2019 on behalf of the Msinga community, under the leadership of the then UDM KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Secretary, Mr Boysey Gumede. That complaint laid the groundwork for the Commission’s 2023 Final Report, which found that uMzinyathi’s failures stem from poor management, lack of planning, and corruption, not water scarcity. The SAHRC’s 2024 follow-up visits reiterated those findings and urged urgent implementation of the recommendations. Just last week, CoGTA Minister Velenkosini Hlabisa acknowledged that uMzinyathi had incurred R1.4 billion in irregular expenditure, calling it “a lost opportunity.” He pledged that his department would conduct skills audits and strengthen capacity. The UDM welcomes this admission but reminds the Minister that words alone will not fill a water drum. The people of Msinga, Nquthu, Endumeni and Umvoti have heard these promises before. Meanwhile, Water and Sanitation Minister Pemmy Majodina continues to tout the progress of large-scale projects such as the Lower uMkhomazi Water Scheme while turning a blind eye to municipalities that have failed for years to deliver basic services. National leadership cannot boast about megaprojects while households in KwaZulu-Natal still rely on rivers and tankers for their daily water. The UDM in KwaZulu-Natal demands that: 1.    Mayor Mchunu and the uMzinyathi District Council immediately table a public implementation plan for the SAHRC’s recommendations, with clear timelines and funding commitments. 2.    The Department of Co-operative Governance and Traditional Affairs invoke Section 139 should the municipality fail to act within 60 days. 3.    The Department of Water and Sanitation and National Treasury provide written updates to the SAHRC on corrective action taken since 2023. The UDM in KwaZulu-Natal will continue to monitor this matter closely to ensure that the SAHRC’s findings are implemented and that accountability follows where corruption and incompetence have stolen people’s right to water.  

Gade hides behind matric exams as Eastern Cape education crumbles

Gade hides behind matric exams as Eastern Cape education crumbles

Statement by Bulelani Bobotyane, Provincial Secretary of the UDM in the Eastern Cape The United Democratic Movement (UDM) in the Eastern Cape condemns the conduct of Eastern Cape Education MEC Fundile Gade, who attempted to postpone Parliamentary oversight visits under the pretext of matric examinations. This was not a scheduling conflict. It was a blatant attempt to dodge responsibility in the face of damning findings about the provincial department’s failures, including criticism from members of his own party. The Auditor-General has confirmed that the Eastern Cape Provincial Department of Education spent 99.9% of its budget yet achieved only 10% of its infrastructure targets. Even African National Congress (ANC) Members of Parliament were forced to admit that the situation is devastating and called for heads to roll. Instead of welcoming oversight and taking urgent corrective action, MEC Gade’s instinct was to evade scrutiny and hide behind the hard work of matriculants who deserve his full accountability, not excuses. The ANC’s provincial government is effectively pretending to fix education infrastructure while knowing the maths do not add up. Officials admit that the province needs R72 billion to clear its backlog within ten years, yet they budget only R1.8 billion a year. That is less than a quarter of what is required, and even those limited funds fail to deliver. Spending 99.9% of a budget while meeting only 10% of targets is not progress; it is the illusion of governance. If the provincial education department truly spends 99.9% of its budget, the people of this province deserve to know what it is being spent on. Where are the new classrooms, the repaired roofs, the functioning toilets and the rebuilt storm-damaged schools? How can so much money disappear into paperwork, travel and administration while learners sit under leaking prefabs and teachers work without electricity or proper sanitation? This is not a resource problem; it is a leadership and accountability crisis. The timing of the exams does not absolve MEC Gade from appearing before Parliament or explaining how billions have been spent with almost nothing to show for it. Leadership means facing the truth, not running from it. The province’s learners study in prefabricated classrooms, hundreds of schools remain closed or vandalised, and 427 schools still have pit latrine toilets. These are the real emergencies, not the Parliamentary calendar. The UDM in the Eastern Cape welcomes this decision and commends Parliament for standing firm in defence of accountability. Oversight is not a favour to the provincial executive; it is a constitutional duty. The time for excuses is over. The children of the Eastern Cape deserve leadership that works, not officials who hide behind exams and empty audits.  

Lawlessness endangers South Africa’s public servants and essential workers

Lawlessness endangers South Africa’s public servants and essential workers

Statement by Zandile Phiri, Acting Secretary General of the United Democratic Movement Across South Africa, the safety of government employees and frontline workers has become a matter of grave concern. In Nelson Mandela Bay in the Eastern Cape, municipal staff have been repeatedly targeted while performing their duties. Workers were robbed at gunpoint in municipal offices, and others have refused to return to the field after experiencing violent attacks. The situation in the city mirrors a wider climate of fear in which public servants are exposed to criminality with little protection, even as they try to deliver essential services under difficult conditions. In Soweto, Johannesburg firefighters came under attack this week while responding to a shack fire in the Elias Motswaledi Informal Settlement. Residents stoned the fire truck, damaging a brand-new emergency vehicle that had only recently been added to the city’s fleet. This shocking incident reflects a deeper anger and frustration in communities facing poverty, overcrowding and slow service delivery. But it also shows a collapse in respect for those who come to protect life and property. Elsewhere in the country, we understand that authorities have been forced to declare certain areas as high-risk zones where emergency personnel may not enter without a police escort. These so-called Red Zones illustrate just how dangerous the working environment has become for public servants. The arrangement is inconsistent and often delays help to communities that are already in crisis. It stands as a stark reminder that lawlessness now dictates the limits of service delivery, and that frontline workers must depend on armed protection simply to do their jobs. The threat to safety does not stop with municipal or emergency workers. The crisis extends to the police themselves. In Kimberley, a female police officer was violently assaulted in full uniform while performing her duties in the city centre. The incident, which was captured on video and circulated on social media, shocked the nation and exposed the growing hostility faced by law enforcement officers. In Khayelitsha, protesters recently torched police vehicles during demonstrations over electricity and service delivery grievances. These events reveal a dangerous collapse of respect for the rule of law and for those tasked with upholding it. When officers are attacked and their vehicles set alight, it sends a clear message that criminals and opportunists no longer fear accountability. Such lawlessness not only threatens the lives of police officers but also undermines the very foundations of public safety and community trust.  The UDM calls for decisive and coordinated action: 1.    National and provincial governments must prioritise staff safety by conducting urgent risk assessments across municipalities, especially in high-risk zones, and by ensuring that field workers and emergency responders have the protection and support they need. 2.    Law enforcement agencies must act swiftly and visibly against perpetrators of violence directed at public service employees. Impunity feeds chaos and without justice, respect for public authority will continue to erode. 3.    Government and communities must rebuild trust. Many of these attacks stem from frustration over failed services, but nothing justifies violence. Dialogue, transparency and accountability must replace confrontation and destruction. 4.    All public institutions must invest in trauma counselling and staff wellbeing. Psychological harm cannot be ignored. It affects morale, performance and service continuity. The UDM reiterates that South Africa cannot claim to value public service while allowing its servants to become victims. Respect for those who dedicate their lives to helping others is the foundation of a lawful, caring and functional state. Until law and order are restored and the dignity of public service reclaimed, the dream of a safe and working South Africa will remain out of reach.

South African creativity takes the world stage: UDM salutes Wim van den Heever

South African creativity takes the world stage: UDM salutes Wim van den Heever

Statement by Zandile Phiri, Acting Secretary General of the United Democratic Movement The United Democratic Movement (UDM) extends heartfelt congratulations to Pretoria-based wildlife photographer Wim van den Heever on winning the 2025 Wildlife Photographer of the Year award, presented by the Natural History Museum in London. In a nation often defined by its passion for sport, it is time for the arts to shine with equal recognition. South Africa’s painters, photographers, writers and performers carry the same spirit of excellence, discipline and national pride that we celebrate on the playing field.  Their achievements remind us that creativity is not a luxury but a force that shapes identity, strengthens unity and tells the stories that statistics cannot capture. When we invest in and honour our artists, we invest in the imagination that keeps our nation alive. Mr van den Heever’s striking photograph, “Ghost Town Visitor,” which captures a rare brown hyena moving through the sand-filled ruins of Kolmanskop in Namibia, is a breathtaking fusion of art and environmental awareness. It reflects a decade of meticulous preparation and deep respect for the natural world, qualities that define true mastery. Mr van den Heever’s achievement is more than artistic recognition; it is a national moment of pride that reaffirms South Africa’s place among the world’s creative and conservation leaders. It reminds us of the urgent need to protect endangered species and fragile ecosystems that stand as living symbols of our continent’s identity. His work demonstrates how artistic excellence and environmental stewardship can strengthen one another, inspiring both global awareness and local responsibility. It also promotes Southern Africa’s reputation as a destination where creativity, wilderness and cultural heritage meet, giving renewed energy to eco-tourism and photographic travel. Above all, his success encourages a generation of young South Africans to pursue their talents with discipline and vision, knowing that the world is listening. The UDM celebrates this moment as proof that South Africa’s stories, told through its people, its landscapes and its enduring creativity, continue to inspire the world.

UDM mourns six lives lost in yet another Limpopo road tragedy

UDM mourns six lives lost in yet another Limpopo road tragedy

Statement by Stanley Manaka, Provincial Chairperson of the United Democratic Movement in Limpopo The United Democratic Movement (UDM) in Limpopo expresses its deepest condolences to the families of the six people who lost their lives in the horrific crash on the R524 near Thohoyandou. We extend our sympathies to those who were injured and wish them a full and speedy recovery. This tragedy, coming so soon after the devastating bus accident that claimed 43 lives on the N1, has once again plunged our province into mourning. The loss of life on our roads has reached alarming proportions, and it is heartbreaking that Limpopo has become synonymous with repeated transport disasters. Speeding remains one of the leading causes of fatal accidents in South Africa, yet enforcement is inconsistent and often reactive. The UDM in Limpopo believes that stricter monitoring, including the use of speed cameras and mobile enforcement units, must become a permanent feature of our road safety strategy. Drivers who ignore speed limits endanger not only their own lives but also the lives of innocent passengers and pedestrians. The UDM in Limpopo calls on the provincial government, law enforcement agencies, and the Department of Transport to act urgently. The time has come for tighter enforcement of traffic regulations, more visible policing on high-risk routes, and thorough investigations into the causes of such crashes. Authorities must ensure that vehicles are roadworthy, that drivers adhere to all speed limits, and that reckless driving is met with swift and firm consequences. These repeated tragedies can no longer be treated as routine news. They are a national disgrace and a provincial emergency. Limpopo cannot continue to lose its people to preventable road carnage.  This latest accident must be the final warning to all responsible authorities to act with urgency and resolve. The time has come to make road safety a standing priority, to intensify public education on responsible driving, and to ensure that every journey taken on our roads is a safe one.  

Exposing the water-tanker mafia: UDM urges SCOPA to act on corruption and sabotage in municipal supply

Exposing the water-tanker mafia: UDM urges SCOPA to act on corruption and sabotage in municipal supply

Mr Songezo Zibi, MP Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts PO Box 15 Cape Town 8000 Dear Chairperson and Members of SCOPA Exposing the water-tanker mafia: UDM urges SCOPA to act on corruption and sabotage in municipal supply 1.    The United Democratic Movement (UDM) wishes to bring to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts’ (SCOPA) urgent attention the alarming escalation of spending on water-tanker services by municipalities across South Africa, and the growing evidence of systemic abuse, corruption, and sabotage of water infrastructure associated with these contracts. 2.    Recent investigative reports reveal that the City of Tshwane spent R777 million on water-tanker services in the 2024/25 financial year, an astronomical figure that far exceeds the reasonable cost of emergency water provision. This follows earlier findings that Tshwane alone paid more than R116 million in 2023/24 for tanker operations in areas repeatedly affected by burst pipes and alleged deliberate vandalism.  3.    These numbers are not merely accounting anomalies; they speak to a wider pattern of dysfunction and profiteering. Treasury has already warned municipalities that water tankering must remain a temporary emergency measure, yet it has become a long-term business model feeding a network of contractors who thrive on public desperation.   4.    The South African Human Rights Commission has gone so far as to suggest that deliberate interference with water infrastructure for profit could amount to terrorism against essential services.  Lack of oversight, weak internal controls, or corruption in tendering and contracting tanker services, meaning funds may not be used optimally, or contracts may be awarded to unqualified providers.  5.    The abuse of tanker procurement undermines every principle of clean administration and human dignity. It drains municipal budgets, discourages maintenance of pipelines, and forces poor communities to depend on unreliable and unsafe water sources. Every rand spent on this corruption-ridden system is a rand diverted from lasting solutions such as reservoirs, reticulation upgrades, and proper maintenance. 6.    In view of these disturbing trends, I respectfully request that SCOPA: 6.1.    Launch a national investigation into municipal expenditure on water-tanker services for the past five years, beginning with the City of Tshwane as a case study. 6.2.    Summon the National Treasury, Department of Water and Sanitation, and the Auditor-General to account for the monitoring and control of tanker-related procurement. 6.3.    Direct the Special Investigating Unit and Hawks to examine allegations of sabotage of water infrastructure and possible collusion between municipal officials and private contractors. 6.4.    Recommend policy reform to ensure that water-tanker services are used only for emergency relief and are strictly time-bound, audited, and publicly reported. 6.5.    Ensure transparency to communities by compelling municipalities to publish all tanker contracts, expenditure, and service records on accessible platforms. 7.    South Africa’s water crisis is deepening, not only because of scarcity but because corruption has been allowed to pollute the very systems meant to deliver relief. The people deserve answers and decisive action. It is time for Parliament to intervene before water delivery becomes the next national scandal. Yours sincerely Ms Thandi Nontenja, MP United Democratic Movement Member of SCOPA  

Class of 2025: Good luck matrics

Class of 2025: Good luck matrics

Statement by Zandile Phiri, Acting Secretary General of the United Democratic Movement The United Democratic Movement (UDM) extends its best wishes to all matric learners across South Africa as they begin writing their final National Senior Certificate examinations tomorrow. This is a defining moment in the lives of young South Africans who have worked hard and persevered through many challenges. The UDM acknowledges the dedication of learners, teachers, parents and guardians who have supported this journey, especially in communities where resources are limited and conditions are often difficult. Education remains the most powerful tool to change lives and build a just and prosperous nation. The UDM therefore calls on government to ensure that all examination centres are safe, well-resourced and free from disruptions that could disadvantage learners. Every matriculant deserves a fair opportunity to succeed. To the Class of 2025, write with confidence, focus and determination. Your future and the future of our country depend on your success. Your success is South Africa’s success. The UDM wishes you strength and focus for the coming weeks.

AGSA’s findings: South Africa’s parole system betrays its constitutional duty

AGSA’s findings: South Africa’s parole system betrays its constitutional duty

Media Statement by Thandi Nontenja, MP and UDEMWO Secretary General The United Democratic Movement Women’s Organisation (UDEMWO) welcomes the recent findings of the Auditor-General of South Africa (AGSA) on the Department of Correctional Services, which expose deep and long-standing weaknesses in the country’s parole system. For years, UDEMWO has warned that South Africa’s parole regime places the lives of women, children and communities in danger. The AGSA report confirms what victims have known all along: the system no longer serves justice. It is failing its constitutional and moral duty to protect citizens and to uphold the rule of law. According to the AGSA, offenders whose parole was previously revoked are still being considered for release on new sentences. The report also shows that more than a third of inmates are remand detainees who receive no meaningful rehabilitation, while many convicted offenders, including those found guilty of sexual offences, do not receive the mandatory psychological services required by law. The audit further revealed that the Department’s Integrated Inmate Management System lacks basic integrity, with incomplete records and missing identifiers that make it impossible to track offenders properly or to assess their risk before release. This negligence has deadly consequences. When a system allows violent offenders to walk free without proper preparation, supervision or rehabilitation, it fails the victims who continue to live with trauma and fear. UDEMWO shares the anguish of families whose loved ones became victims of a system that released danger back into their communities UDEMWO calls for immediate and decisive action from the Department of Correctional Services and Parliament: 1.    Victims must be placed at the centre of parole decisions, and their safety must carry more weight than administrative convenience. 2.    Risk assessments must be strengthened to ensure that offenders with a history of violence or parole revocation are not released without thorough multidisciplinary review. 3.    Data systems must be repaired and regular reports on parole approvals, reoffending and violations must be tabled in Parliament and made available to the public. 4.    Offenders should only become eligible for parole once they have completed meaningful rehabilitation and demonstrated readiness to reintegrate into society. 5.    Parliament must hold parole boards accountable for negligent decisions and ensure that consequences follow where released offenders commit serious crimes. Each act of violence committed by a parolee is not an isolated incident but a symptom of a system that has lost its moral compass. Justice cannot end at sentencing; it must extend to ensuring that rehabilitation is real, that victims are respected and that communities are safe. Communities also have a duty to support survivors, report crime and break the silence that protects perpetrators. Real reform will require collective responsibility from government, society and every institution tasked with protecting the vulnerable. Until the parole system is rebuilt on principles of accountability, transparency and compassion for victims, it will remain a danger to the very people it was meant to protect. UDEMWO will continue to speak for those whose voices are ignored and to demand a justice system that honours both the Constitution and the sanctity of human life.

Accountability or control? UDM questions motives behind intelligence shake-up

Accountability or control? UDM questions motives behind intelligence shake-up

Statement by Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP, UDM Deputy President and Leader in Parliament The United Democratic Movement (UDM) notes President Cyril?Ramaphosa’s suspension of Inspector-General of Intelligence Imtiaz Fazel, pending investigation by the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence (JSCI). This decision leaves the public without credible explanation about the nature of the complaint or the grounds for this action. The Office of the Inspector-General is not just symbolic. It is the constitutional safeguard ensuring South Africa’s intelligence services operate lawfully, ethically and in the national interest. The clarity, independence and stability of this office are vital. If the office is undermined through secrecy the rule of law and confidence in our security architecture are greatly damaged. Minister in the Presidency Khumbudzo?Ntshavheni’s assurance that intelligence services “remain operational” misses the point. The question is not whether the machinery of intelligence continues to function but who is watching the watchers. Operational continuity means little when independent oversight is compromised. The timing and swiftness of this suspension stands in stark contrast to the presidency’s usual inaction when serious complaints are made against ministers and senior officials. The inconsistency suggests selective accountability and deepens suspicion that the rules of good governance apply unevenly depending on who is involved. It is also deeply ironic that intelligence services now fall under the direct political responsibility of the Presidency while one of the country’s most serious intelligence-related controversies, the so-called Phala Phala matter, remains unresolved. If the Presidency truly holds intelligence policy, the country deserves more than vague reassurances; it deserves transparency, independent oversight and credible accountability from the very top. When Imtiaz Fazel was appointed, he faced three major and publicly identified challenges: 1) ensuring proper oversight access and institutional independence for his office; 2) addressing past misuse of intelligence for political or factional ends; and 3) transforming intelligence structures from purely reactive to proactive, especially in the light of major failures of intelligence-led prevention. The first challenge was that the oversight office was funded by the very agency it was meant to monitor. The second challenge recognised that intelligence services had been weaponised in internal politics. The third flagged the failure of the intelligence community to anticipate or prevent major unrest, such as the July 2021 unrest. In other words, Fazel inherited a job filled with structural obstacles and institutional vulnerability. Now his sudden suspension, without full public explanation, raises the question: if an official who called for independence, accountability and reform is now being suspended, is the oversight architecture being penalised for doing its job? The optics of this matter cannot be ignored. The question is no longer simply whether intelligence is functioning. The question is whether accountability has become the casualty. In December 2023 Mr Fazel publicly told Parliament that his office lacked autonomy and called for control over its own budget, staffing and operations. He also warned that without reform, oversight would remain subservient to the very agencies it was meant to supervise. If an official who demanded independence is now suspended without explanation, South Africans are right to ask who benefits from his removal. The UDM’s policy on intelligence is rooted in a simple principle: South Africa’s security institutions must serve the people, not politics. Our vision is to transform outdated and fragmented intelligence structures into modern, professional and accountable agencies that protect citizens and uphold the Constitution. We believe that the real threats to national security are organised crime, corruption and terrorism, and that intelligence resources must be directed accordingly. To confront these challenges effectively, the country must invest in crime intelligence so that policing decisions are based on accurate information, not speculation. Equally important is the need for closer coordination between the ministries of justice, police, correctional services, defence and national intelligence. In the UDM’s view, the true purpose of intelligence is to safeguard constitutional values, ensure public safety and strengthen democracy. It must never be used as a political instrument or a weapon in internal power struggles. This is the lens through which the UDM views the current situation. The secrecy surrounding the suspension of the Inspector General undermines the very goal of building a professional, accountable and transparent intelligence community. The UDM’s call 1.    The Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence must inform Parliament and the public, within the limits of confidentiality, about the nature of the complaint, the terms of reference of its inquiry and the expected timeline for completion. 2.    The Presidency must guarantee that the independence of the Inspector General’s office will not be undermined or manipulated for political convenience. 3.    Government must immediately begin reforming the Intelligence Services Oversight Act to give the Inspector General genuine autonomy, full control of its own budget and staff, and clear protection against arbitrary suspension or removal. 4.    The President must account for the apparent inconsistency between his swift action in this case and his persistent inaction when serious allegations are made against members of his Cabinet. 5.    Parliament must ensure that the broader intelligence reform agenda is implemented in line with the UDM’s policy vision of professional, coordinated and transparent intelligence services focused on fighting corruption, organised crime and terrorism, rather than political battles. South Africa’s democracy depends on intelligence that serves the people, not the powerful. The secrecy, inconsistency and lack of clarity surrounding this suspension are unacceptable. The public deserves to know whether this is about accountability or control. Crime in South Africa is out of control. Communities across the country are under siege from violent criminals, organised syndicates, hijackings, kidnappings, cash-in-transit heists and illicit trade networks that operate with alarming sophistication. The reality is that crime prevention begins with intelligence. Without accurate and coordinated intelligence gathering, our police and security agencies are simply reacting to crime instead of preventing it. Weak oversight and political interference only make this worse. South Africans cannot afford an intelligence system that is distracted by secrecy and infighting while the country burns.