Admin
31 Dec, 2013
2014 – An opportunity for change
This past year has shown evidence that our Nation is on a slippery slope to becoming a third class nation with its citizens relegated to poverty and struggle. 2013 was littered by far too many corruption scandals, miscarriages of justice and a government that seems hell bent on staying this course. We witnessed the shocking verdict in the Andries Tatane case; the fiasco with the deployment of South African soldiers in the Central African Republic and the scandalous handling of hearings into the Marikana Massacre. Government’s indiscriminate use of its security agencies to quell service delivery protests; the Independent Electoral Commission’s lease agreement scandal and the International Relations Director General’s doubtful spending of half-a-billion Rand in the name of the African Renaissance Fund. The corruption and maladministration at the Universal Service and Access Agency of SA (USAASA). Government’s bungling of the Walter Sisulu University strike; the Tripartite Alliance’s internal strife and petty politics negatively affecting service delivery; the imposition of the e-Tolling system in Gauteng and then of course, Nkandlagate. 2014 brings with it an opportunity for us to recommit to the original agenda: to improve the lives of all South Africans. With the pending national and provincial elections, we hope that South Africans will have opened their eyes and see that the party they have trusted since 1994 have, as time has gone by, abused that trust and used them as voting fodder to enrich the few. To each person in our Rainbow Nation, we hope that 2014 brings with it prosperity and opportunities to better your life and those of your children. Happy New Year
Admin
31 Dec, 2013
Tribute to the late Lieutenant General (Ret) Lambert Moloi
Tribute to the late Lieutenant General (Ret) Lambert Moloi by Major General (Ret) Bantu Holomisa, MP, Deputy Chairperson National Defence Force Service Commission We mourn the loss of the late Lieutenant General (Ret) Lambert Moloi; a former commander of Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) – an outstanding man and a disciplined soldier. As an MK Commander, General Moloi worked closely with then Transkei Defence Force (TDF) officers and as a result he was assigned “Comrade A” as his code and nickname. We worked with General Moloi for many years; first when he was an MK Commander during the struggle. He and I again crossed paths in September 2009 when the South African Ministry of Defence established the interim National Defence Force Service Commission (NDFSC). Our work in the interim NDFSC was to, amongst others, advise on the remuneration and service conditions of the members of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF). When the Commission started its work, General Moloi campaigned hard for the improvement of the conditions of service of the SANDF personnel. His military background, together with the crucial role he played in overseeing the integration of the different armed forces in 1994 enabled him to anticipate and understand the needs of the SANDF members. General Moloi’s institutional memory contributed immensely towards the realisation of the Commission’s objectives. This quality came in very handy when the Commission conducted benchmarking studies in various countries around the world. He was a man who paid attention to detail and could at times be extremely pedantic and he interrogated all the recommendations of the Commission. No tribute to General Moloi is complete without acknowledging his monumental contribution to the struggle for liberation. We successfully handled many operations with him long before former President FW de Klerk unbanned the liberation movements. Comrade A therefore was a frequent visitor to our shores and he demonstrated a great deal of humility and empathy – he would take the time to engage TDF officers about every issue under the sun. He organised and oversaw many training projects, including the training of MK cadres, by the TDF, in Transkei and Uganda with a specific focus on conventional warfare. TDF General Mandela managed this project and it was a great success. During our joint operations he proved to be a very disciplined and focused individual who prized the liberation of our people above all else. These events and programmes culminated in a strong relationship and mutual trust between the ANC, its military and the Transkei Military Government. It was against this backdrop that the Transkei Military Government embraced change long before 1994 and agreed to be integrated into the new South Africa without resistance, unlike other homelands. The other rarely mentioned benefit of this relationship was that, by the time the senior MK commanders came back from exile, Comrade A’s relationship with TDF had laid a solid foundation for the relatively smooth integration of these two armed forces into a single national defence force. I express my heartfelt condolences to the family, friends and colleagues of Lieutenant General (Ret) Moloi. It is never easy to get used to the passing of a loved one especially that of a person of his calibre. He will be sorely missed. May His Soul Rest in Peace.
Admin
24 Oct, 2013
Speech: Annual Black Management Forum conference Debate: Can Good Governance increase trust amongst Government, Civil Society, Labour and Business?
by Mr Bantu Holomisa at Gallagher Convention Centre Ladies and Gentlemen, Thank you for the opportunity to interact with you today; I’m honoured to address this forum on the importance of good governance in engendering trust among the various stakeholders in society. Let me state from the outset that the answer to this question is an emphatic YES! Yesterday the Public Protector, Thuli Madonsela in this conference gave a candid and concise assessment of poor state of governance in the public sector in South Africa. She called on people to refrain from using their connections as a means to access tenders. Even though much has been said and written about corruption in South Africa and many laws have been passed to fight corruption, corruption remains a serious problem in our country. Far too often, many top government officials and politicians have been caught with their hands in the cookie jar. In addition, when allegations of corruption engulf once revered institutions, such as the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) and the Presidency, they weaken our ability to successfully crackdown on corruption. In the process they affect our international ratings. It would, however, be mischievous and dishonest to suggest that corruption in government only started during the Zuma regime. Many of you will recall that some of the most devastating corruption scandals go back as far as the Sarafina-2, Arms Deal, Oil Gate, Travel Gate, Chancellor House/Hitachi and Eskom Deal. The latter deal being a classical example of an institutionalised corruption. Efforts have been made to determine the possible causes of corruption in South Africa. While we admit that there are many possible causes of corruption, we believe that at the heart of the problem is the tender system. In particular, it is the usurpation of the powers of accounting officers by politicians in this system. Since the advent of democracy we have seen an increasing number of political directives given to accounting officers on how to allocate tenders and to whom. To make matters worse, in many instances tenders are awarded to incompetent people, who either do shoddy work or leave it unfinished. A case in point, not long ago former Human Settlements Minister, Tokyo Sexwale stated publicly that his Department was planning to demolish thousands of RDP houses that were not built properly and are a health hazard. The Medupi tender was awarded to the ruling party investment arm without being subjected to an open to tender system. This means that in this deal the ruling party became both player and referee. After this scandal was revealed they had the nerve to tell the public that they have a right to do this. These occur despite people being aware that they go against the principles of good governance. We need to reverse this trend, Ladies and Gentlemen. We need to restore the power to make administrative decisions back to the accounting officers, and that politicians should confine themselves to do oversight work. What is also of grave concern is that when the media and the Public Protector expose incidents of corruption, nothing serious is done about it. Instead, the culprits get rewarded with redeployments and or promotions, which firmly entrenches the culture of corruption and impunity. For examples one has to look no further than former Minister of Communications, Dina Pule and those who were found guilty in the Travel Gate scandal. This altogether necessitates a review of the programs and some of the governance systems we have been using. Put more accurately, we need to change the software. We need to move towards a mixed electoral system that draws from the strengths of both the proportional and constituency based electoral systems. In addition, our people should be allowed to directly elect their president. In addition the cabinet which has been nominated by that president should be a subject of scrutiny by the Parliament’s Ethics Committee before they are sworn in. Such a system will among other things make sure that the cabinet represents the population or at least the geographical spread of South Africa and that such individuals understand the field they are to enter. A directly elected president would have no motivation to fill the cabinet with people from his/her home province, as is currently the case. This is a recipe for prompting ethnicity and unfair distribution of resources. These steps would, among others, help improve accountability. If the civil society and the public in general is going to fold their arms while these hyenas and predators continue to loot this country’s resources with impunity, they must know that our children will inherit an empty shell in the future. I thank you.
Admin
18 Oct, 2013
Mining talks need transparency and proper commitment from Government
Mr KP Motlanthe Deputy President of the Republic of South Africa Union Buildings Private Bag X1000, Pretoria, 0001 Dear Sir MINING TALKS NEED TRANSPARENCY AND PROPER COMMITMENT FROM GOVERNMENT AMCU’S DEMANDS Your efforts to engage with mining houses and trade unions to resolve issues negatively affecting the mining sector in South Africa are well documented; this includes your attempt to broker a peace pact between the various role-players. The Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (Amcu) have however abstained from signing the agreement until their demands which, we understand to include the below, are met: Reinstatement of dismissed workers. Retraction of Minister Blade Nzimande’ statement in which he called Amcu a vigilante union; and Dropping of a labour court case by the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) in which it seeks a reversal of Lonmin’s decision to recognise Amcu as the majority union. These demands do not appear to be unreasonable or impossible to meet, and it begs the question: why is the negotiating team dragging their feet? All role-players must engage in these kinds of negotiations in the most transparent manner possible and they must have both their hands open to show that nothing is hidden behind their backs. In order for any mediator to gain the trust of all the role-players; you cannot have your union background or affiliation colour your views and thus compromise your peace-making efforts. If your negotiation team refuses to, or claims that it is unable to, meet Amcu’s demands, one is tempted to believe that you are using the old Trojan Horse tactic to influence the outcome of the negotiations in favour a certain role-players. FAILURE OF MINISTERS ON YOUR TEAM TO ADDRESS BURNING ISSUES If you are indeed serious about finding a sustainable solution to the challenges facing the mining industry, we advise that you visit the compounds of Anglo-Gold Mines at Vaal Reef where dismissed workers are made to live. The conditions under which they are accommodated are inhumane. Their compound is barricaded with barbed wire as danger-zones and all the kitchen equipment, such as stoves, have been removed by the company. This situation was reported, in a 14 June 2013 letter (attached for your ease of reference), to some of the Cabinet Ministers who form part of your negotiating team and they have up to date not acted. How can Government engage in good faith in these mining talks if it treats issues such as human rights abuses by simply ignoring the worker’s expressed concerns? Yours sincerely Bantu Holomisa UDM President Copied to: Advocate ML Mushwana – Chairperson of the Human Rights Commission
Admin
17 Oct, 2013
Dirco DG Matjila on special leave; multi-faceted forensic audit required
Dirco DG Matjila on special leave; multi-faceted forensic audit required statement Mr Bantu Holomisa (UDM President) (20 September 2013) We welcome the news that the Director General (DG) of the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO), Mr Jerry Matjila, has been placed on special leave following the United Democratic Movement’s (UDM) exposure of alleged irregular expenditure to the tune of half a billion rand of the African Renaissance and International Co-Operation Fund (ARF). Apparently the DIRCO DG, who is the accounting officer for the ARF, acted with the blessing of the Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Ms Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, as well that of President Zuma. The only way to get to the bottom of this mess is for a forensic audit to be instituted; it cannot merely be a departmental investigation which, we hear, has been mooted by the Minister. The UDM believes that an audit team consisting of National Treasury, the Auditor General, the Hawks, the National Intelligence Agency and Interpol must be constituted to do justice to any investigation of the alleged irregular expenditure. The Public Service Commission, whose task it is to investigate, monitor, and evaluate the organisation and administration of the Public Service, should also be involved in determining the DG’s fate.
Admin
17 Oct, 2013
UDM calls for McCord rescue
UDM calls for McCord rescue – statement by Mr Bongani Msomi (UDM Secretary General) on 19 September 2013 The news that a prominent hospital in KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) will be closing its doors soon is very saddening news. The McCord Hospital has an excellent track of sterling service, and has a pivot role to play in the fight against the HIV/AID epidemic and related diseases, due to its strategic location. KZN can ill afford to lose such a credited health facility, which is still so relevant to the health of our nation. The closure will also result in workers losing their jobs, with many of them having special skills and expertise, thus making it even more challenging for them to find employment, and on the flip side of that coin, making the loss of their services an incredible blow to the communities they serve. It will be worse to those who are just general workers. They are all breadwinners. The UDM makes a clarion call to the board of McCord Hospital and the KZN government to make an eleventh hour rescue in service of the people.
Admin
17 Oct, 2013
Minister Nzimande’s failure to address problems at the Walter Sisulu University
Member’s Statement by Mr Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP and UDM Deputy Secretary General, in the National Assembly regarding Minister Nzimande’s failure to address problems at the Walter Sisulu University is jeopardising futures of Eastern Cape youth The United Democratic Movement (UDM) is very concerned about the manner in which Government and the Minister of Higher Education are handling the crises at Walter Sisulu University (WSU). If not for the intervention of civil society, under the leadership of the South African Council of Churches, the current crisis would have escalated beyond the point of no return. It is an indictment of Minister Nzimande that our President had to dispatch Minister Chabane to clean up his colleague’s backyard. However, after an agreement was reached to end the seven-week long strike, we hear that classes are disrupted yet again. The allegations are that Government is negotiating in bad faith and has reneged on its promises. The UDM is of the view that the Minister Nzimande has failed to attend to the WSU challenges, which include, but are not limited to: Not intervening in the labour dispute timeously; Not reporting on his Departments’ turn-around strategy for the university; Whether its budget allocation is adequate; Whether the salaries of academics and workers are competitive; Allegations are that local companies are overlooked for university business; Whether the merger of various institutions has delivered the desired results. The UDM calls on Government to urgently resolve the crises at WSU, because a day lost in a student’s learning, is a day too many.
Admin
17 Oct, 2013
Time is now for Tripartite Alliance to be disbanded
Time is now for Tripartite Alliance to be disbanded – statement by Mr Bongani Msomi (UDM Secretary General) on 18 September 2013 The UDM cannot but state the obvious, which is that the foundation of the Tripartite alliance is visibly shaking, and partners are feeling uncomfortable with this marriage of convenience. The common enemy, Apartheid, has been defeated, leading to a situation where the alliance is no longer relevant. The ANC’s appointment of their deputy president, Cyril Ramaphosa is a clear indication that the ANC is nonchalant about this alliance. Ramaphosa himself shows his true colours, through actions such as purchasing a buffalo for a staggering R12.5mil, when there was a problem at Lonmin. He is also the wrong man for this job as he does not care about the workers. The bottom line is that Cosatu is suffering at the hands of the ANC, the latter has weakened Cosatu by absorbing its leaders to government departments or institutions. This must stop. The UDM reiterates is call that the time is now for the tripartite alliance to be disbanded.
Admin
17 Oct, 2013
Health Department in ICU
Health Department in ICU – statement by Mr Bongani Msomi (UDM Secretary General) on 12 September 2013 The United Democratic Movement (UDM) notes the commissioning of a five-person task team to investigate issues in the Eastern Cape relating to the growing health crisis. It is evident that the Minister does not have his finger on the pulse of the nation’s health, and that this token is definitely too little too late. To add insult to injury, the setting up of a commission is an exceptionally costly exercise since Minister Motsoaledi is quite aware of the problems facing the Health Department. The UDM suggests that he should have used the department machinery and saved costs, instead of commissioning a task team. This indicates that the ANC led government is in power but not in control. It seems that the Health Department has been in the ICU for quite some time, and the measures put in place didn’t yield positive results. Even the ANC government’s grand turnaround strategy has failed. The UDM strongly advises the Minister to ensure that the mandate of the Task Team is broad, and to include an investigation into the identification of officials who looted state resources, to recommend how state coffers can be recovered from these disgraceful officials, and a recommendation as to ways and means of sterilizing the department from corruption officials.
Admin
17 Oct, 2013
UDM marches for Marikana Justice
UDM marches for Marikana Justice – statement by Mr Bongani Msomi (UDM Secretary General) on 11 September 2013 The United Democratic Movement (UDM) reiterates its call for government to pay for all legal representation of the Marikana victims at the Farlam Commission. In doing so government will be serving Lady Justice by levelling the playing field and ensuring that the scene is set for justice to be effected. It is a pity that the ANC led government only listens when people take to the street. The UDM, together with the families of the Marikana victims, and other interested parties will be marching in solidarity to the Union Buildings on 12 September 2013 from 10:00am. The march will commence at Burgers Park in Pretoria central. The aim of this march is to give a voice to this crucial aspect of the legal proceedings. Other interested individuals especially those who want to see justice done are welcomed to participate. We demand the ANC led government to come to its senses and act in good faith.
Admin
17 Oct, 2013
Public Protector report on IEC lease agreement scandal to be considered Parliamentary Ad-hoc Committee
Open memo to the Speaker and Whip’s Forum re: Public Protector report on IEC lease agreement scandal to be considered Parliamentary Ad-hoc Committee from Bantu Holomisa, MP (UDM President) on 11 September 2013 The United Democratic Movement (UDM) demands a review of a decision to establish an Ad-hoc Committee to consider the report of the Public Protector, Advocate Thuli Madonsela, on the investigation into allegations of maladministration and corruption in the procurement of premises to accommodate the head office of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC). The proposal of the Majority Whip limits the participation of other political parties, yet we are all stakeholders of the IEC. There is no logic in the way in which the Ad-hoc Committee was constituted – instead the Portfolio Committee for Home Affairs should consider this matter. According to this draft, the ANC has 7 representatives, the DA 2, Cope 1, IFP 1 and remaining 8 parties is to be represented by 1 person. This smacks of manipulation to ensure a premeditated outcome. The principle of proportional representation has been completely violated, for instance how is it possible that the IFP and Cope to be allocated 1 representative each, yet Cope has more seats than the IFP in Parliament. The same applies to the parties who have 4 seats each in Parliament (UDM, ID, ACDP and FF+) and the rest with 1 seat each (namely the APC, MF, PAC and Azapo,) – they are told that they must have 1 person to represent all these stakeholders. It should be noted that each of these parties do not necessarily argue from the same point of view and their colleague in another party cannot hope to represent them fairly and accurately. In terms of the Electoral Act, the Electoral Court would have to, in one way or another, to play a role in this matter. We are therefore wondering whether it is not premature for the so-called Ad-Hoc Committee to even start deliberating the matter, instead of Parliament referring it to the Electoral Court. Parliament can then discuss the Court’s decision. Sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
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08 Oct, 2013
Uniting the Opposition
Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP (UDM President) to Leaders of the Opposition on uniting the opposition at Mannah Lodge, Kempton Park, Gauteng Presidents and leaders of Political Parties, Colleagues, Ladies and Gentlemen 1. INTRODUCTION We are gathered here to, amongst others, measure the progress we have made since the advent of democracy in South Africa. We need to assess whether we, as a Nation, are still on track in fulfilling the original agenda, which is to improve the lives of all South Africans. There have been some positive changes, but we are far from reaching the ideal that is described in our Constitution. We unfortunately see far too many incidents of racism, ethnic tendencies, nepotism, corruption, violence, crime, religious intolerance and the widening gap between the rich and the poor… the list goes on. 2. ASSESSING THE CURRENT POLITICAL LANDSCAPE The United Democratic Movement (UDM) believes that multi-party democracy is our only defence against one-party dominance and dictatorship – we are finely balanced between opportunity and disaster. Looking at the 2009 election results, we notice that the African National Congress (ANC) lost ground in eight out of the nine provinces. Unfortunately, most opposition parties failed to capitalise on this and the ANC managed to absorb its national setback with a very strong showing in KwaZulu-Natal. It is vital that we, as opposition parties, correctly analyse the State of the Nation and the status of the Multi-Party Forum in order to develop the best strategies for electoral victory in 2014. 3. HISTORY OF POLITICAL PARTIES WORKING TOGETHER You will recall that we established the first version of the Multi-Party Forum in 2008. This forum included parties from both inside and outside Parliament. A number of issues were discussed and agreed upon, those are: a. Party funding; b. Electoral reform; c. The Independent Electoral Commission’s (IEC’s) level of independence; d. The decision making powers of Political Liaison Committees (PLCs); e. The practical side of elections and the way in which they are run; f. The role of the media (e.g. the SABC and ICASA); g. Creating an enabling environment of participatory democracy and; h. Intra- and inter-party democracy. For more details on the aforementioned, I have brought copies of the: “Draft resolutions of the Multi-Party Forum with specified long and short-term goals as agreed upon at the meeting of the Multi-Party Forum with the Independent Electoral Commission on 7 April 2008”. Sadly most of these resolutions could not be implemented, because the ruling party and its IEC simply did not want to come to the table and talk sense. It is clear that we cannot continue to bat on this wicket; we need to take a different approach lest the outcome of this process ends in the same way. 4. LESSON LEARNT FROM 2009 ELECTION The results showed that the South African electorate wants a system where two large parties, of similar strength and size, compete for the mandate to govern. This proved to us that we should explore ways in which we could bring about such a balanced party political system. 5. WHY ARE WE HERE? The discussions we have had thus far, have led us to the point where we must now move forward and give the voters a clear picture of how we want to work together in future. We need to interrogate the various options on the table and be clear about what we want to present to the voters. Political leaders have made various statements and phrases like: “uniting the opposition”, “merging”, “cooperating”, “coalition”,“alternative”, “alliance” and “realignment” were bandied about. People have different understandings of what these concepts mean. In the meantime expectations have been raised with the South African electorate. People, who saw us working together on issues like the Information Bill, expect us to formalise our relationship. We have the challenge of finding each other, considering that we have different ideologies and philosophies. The advantage is that the precedent has been created in different places in the world where, political parties with different interests, work together without losing their identities. We have a perfect local example. Look at the ruling party, where communists, capitalists, traditionalists, liberals, unionists and even their old foe, the National Party, sit at the same table and speak with same language. We cannot deny that we have common concerns, amongst others: the economy, corruption, service delivery, unemployment, poverty, education, health, the environment and civil disobedience. I hope that we will leave this meeting today having agreed on how we will walk the road to 2014 and which route we will take. How will we “unite the opposition” and which model and vehicle will we use? What would our common language and message be? Would we be able to accommodate other stakeholders, such as civil society, labour, business, youth formations, traditional institutions, faith based organisations, special interest groups and the public at large, and how we will achieve this? 6. THE WAY FORWARD The UDM agrees that we should formalise our cooperation. We cannot afford the same mistake, where each party goes it alone (as we did in the past), because it would be a waste of valuable time and resources. We would miss an opportunity to make the paradigm shift needed to ensure that our Country and her people prosper. The UDM proposes that opposition parties contest the 2014 National and Provincial Elections under one banner, but that we retain our identities. This can be done by forming an alliance (we describe an alliance as a pact, coalition or friendship between two or more parties, made in order to advance common goals and to secure common interests). An alliance agreement, governing cooperation between the different stakeholders, should be drafted as soon as possible with a clear mission, vision and objectives and it should also define the role of each stakeholder. This would enable us to pursue a set of agreed upon goals, whilst each party retains their independence. Some of the benefits of such an alliance include, but are not limited to: a. Substantially improving competitiveness; b. Sharing competencies; and c. Bundling competencies and resources across provinces. However, the success of such an alliance depends on our ability to create a win-win outcome for all stakeholders. Formalising the current arrangement would guide our interaction with the public, because the current configuration creates confusion. Should there be consensus to form an alliance, as we proposed earlier, we should establish an umbrella body where all stakeholders contest the 2014 elections under one banner, without losing their identities. To achieve this we will have to register this umbrella body as a political party with the IEC. We must strive to be as inclusive as possible and we should champion equality and transparency: One thing is certain, if we agree on this course of action, we have an enormous task ahead of us and very little time to accomplish our goals. The responsibility of making this “project” work cannot rely on only one party. We will have to be practical and establish a Committee of Parties, that will act as a steering committee, which is mandated to among others: a) Facilitate the development of a name, logo, colours, vision, mission, core principles, etc.; b) Draft a memorandum of understanding/constitution/contract between stakeholders; c) Give a platform for stakeholders which they can use to reach consensus on issues of common interest; d) Coordinate, consult and interact with all stakeholders; e) Develop a strategy of how to approach organisations and bodies outside the sphere of politics; f) Develop mechanisms that will give structure to stakeholders’ participation in the 2014 elections, for example the compilation of candidates lists, fielding party agents, etc.; g) Develop a project plan with timeframes and deadlines; h) Develop a model for fundraising and putting the necessary checks and balances in place; i) Develop a communication and marketing strategy; j) Design an organisational structure, with subcommittees; k) Suggest a decision-making/leadership structure; l) Develop a mechanism to resolve deadlocks; m) Suggest an administrative support structure; n) Convene a plenary of stakeholders as and when necessary. 7. CONCLUSION We have heard several points of view today, and the UDM hereby tables its own. We are ready to contribute to the debate that follows. We must however remind ourselves that time is of the essence. South Africans are waiting to hear what the future holds. We must resolve on what we are going to do and we must do it soon. In the final analysis, our success depends on our ability to pursue electoral strategies that will help us develop a compelling vision for the future and revive public interest in politics. We should focus on that which unites us and not that which divides us – our common goal should be fulfilling the original agenda, which is to improve the quality life of all South Africans. Thank you.
Admin
08 Oct, 2013
Human Rights Day
Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP at the celebration of Human Rights Day at Marikana, North West on 21 March 2013 Programme Director, Deputy President, Secretary General, UDM National Executive Committee Members, UDM Public Representatives and members of the Party, People of the Bojanala Region Fellow South Africans Thank you to all of you who have come today to make this celebration possible. The structures of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) in the North West in particular have worked very hard to bring us all together; thank you. To our Secretary General, Mr Bongani Msomi, our National Treasurer, Mrs Thandi Nontenja, a special word of thanks for the hard work and hours of sweat. HUMAN RIGHTS IN SOUTH AFRICA Human Rights Day is a reminder of the tragic 1960 Sharpeville Massacre, in which the police opened fire and killed 69 people at a peaceful demonstration against the apartheid pass laws. Today, South Africans of all races use this day to celebrate our unique Constitution which gives equal rights to all. We also take stock of the progress we made to promote, develop and protect human rights in South Africa. Despite the quantum leap from an oppressive regime to one of the most liberal constitutions in the world, human rights violations in South Africa occur all too frequently. INEQUALITY OF SOUTH AFRICA’S CITIZENS It cannot be denied that much has been done for our people, but we must be honest and say that there are too many of us that have no houses, no access to water and sanitation, others walks miles to get to hospitals and clinics, children are taught in mud schools and people don’t have jobs. Millions of our people go to bed on an empty stomach. We all know that poverty is the greatest human rights violation. Co-existing with these high levels of poverty, is extreme inequality, with the gap between the rich and poor widening on a daily basis. ROLE OF UNIONS Another issue related to human rights is the critical question of how best to put the majority citizens in the mainstream of the economy. That said, it is worth noting that the Lonmin workers decided to take the fight about remuneration and working conditions to their employers. You took it upon yourselves to unshackle the workers from the yoke of poverty and inequality. It was brave of you to bypass the middleman, the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), when you realised that it was no longer serving your best interests. It is encouraging to see that you continue to fight for your rights despite the challenges facing you. However, you should remember that removing the middleman was just the first step. One of the most critical steps in this process, is that you should continue to familiarise yourselves with the laws of the land. This is extremely important in helping you to frame the appropriate response to whatever challenges come your way. In this regard, we commend the leadership of the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU) for the sterling work in guiding and supporting you during the negotiations. Mining houses must invest more to cultivate direct relationships with their employees. We call on the management of mines to have an open-door policy and give their employees the opportunity to talk about the matters close to their hearts. I would, however, like to give you a word of advice on the controversial issue pertaining to the access, or lack thereof, of the mineworkers’ to a provident fund worth R22 billion and NUM’s investments schemes. For many years I have been helping ex-mineworkers to claim for their pension funds without success. It is worrying that none of these ex-mineworkers have ever benefited from these schemes of the investment arms of the trade unions. I have yet to come across a mineworker who has received dividends from these investments. It seems as if some trade unions are using workers as their cash cows. This is daylight robbery! We must say NO to this exploitation of workers! In this regard, I would advise you to approach the Farlam Commission and request it to summon the South African Chamber of Mines, NUM, the Department of Labour and the Department of Health to explain where the workers’ monies are. The root of the unhappiness that led to unnecessary deaths of mineworkers was the conditions of service and as such we expect that the Commission would be keen to assist you to trace your invested monies. Even if it means that Judge Farlam must ask the President to extend the Commission’s terms of reference to cater for this important matter. NATIONALISATION OF MINES – SHARING IN THE WEALTH The debate around the nationalisation of mines has been raging for quite some time and I bet that last word was not said at Mangaung. As long as there is no transparency about who really benefits from mining in South Africa, this problem will not go away. Our fathers have been working in these shafts for years without reaping the benefits from this wealth. It seems that we were foolish to think that after 1994 things would change. Instead we see a selected few, parachuted into the mining industry under the guise of Black Economic Empowerment (BEE), who have absolutely not ownership and no control. Perhaps, if we had share schemes for the mineworkers we would be talking a different language today. It is for this reason that the UDM has been calling for an economic indaba, on the same scale as Codesa, so that we can thresh out these contentious issues. A GOVERNMENT MAKES IT WORSE INSTEAD OF BETTER The ANC-led government’s decision after 1994 to hastily remove subsidies from key industries, such as agriculture, textile, and so on, is on of the reasons for high levels of poverty and unemployment. To make matters worse, the money Government used to pay for the subsidies is now being channelled to dysfunctional institutions and cadre enrichment schemes. The Tripartite Alliance has also institutionalised corruption, in that, through its investment arms it is always first in line for government tenders. This means that the ANC is both player and referee. The current government does not have its priorities straight. Even if you look at the budget allocations of provinces, there seems to be disparity between what the requirements are and how much resources are given. One can only be baffled when you hear of another elite project to be launched that will line the pockets of the Comrades in Corruption. MARIKANA MASSACRE We stand today on piece of ground that has seen much heartache and sadness. What happened here is a stark reminder of how easily human rights are infringed upon. It is unfortunate that the voices of the people are so suppressed, not only in Marikana, but in other parts of the Country. It reminds us of the Apartheid era, when the Government did not want to listen to its people and they abused their power by sending the police to silence the people. By doing this, the Government played the police against the people and destroyed the hard-earned trust. The Farlam Commission would have failed in its duty if it does not scratch deep enough to determine the extent of involvement of the political heads of this Country in sending the security forces to crush peaceful protests. CONCLUSION In the past, no opposition party would have been given a chance to speak to the people of this area. We thank AMCU for their non-partisanship and that they made it possible for political leaders and other stakeholders to talk to the mineworkers. As a result of this attitude, you now know that you have monies that are due to you. As we leave here today, we must live the dream that is described in our Bill of Rights. The Bill of Rights is the cornerstone of our democracy and enshrines the rights of ALL the people of this country; it affirms the value of human dignity, equality and freedom. It is no good to pay lip service and say: “Never again”. We must each have our rights, but we also have our responsibilities as citizens of this Country. We must work hard to find each other and make South Africa a Winning Nation. I thank you.
Admin
08 Oct, 2013
Freedom Day
Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP on Freedom Day in the Vhembe Distrtict in Limpopo on 27 April 2013 Programme Director, Deputy President of the UDM Secretary General of the UDM, UDM National Executive Committee Members, UDM Limpopo Provincial Leadership, UDM Public Representatives and members of the Party, People of Vhembe Region, Fellow South Africans; Thank you to all of you, who have come today, to make this celebration possible. The structures of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) in Limpopo have worked very hard to bring us all together; thank you. The commemoration of Freedom Day reminds us of the heavy price our struggle heroes and heroines paid for the freedom we now enjoy. This day gives us an opportunity to reflect on the progress we have made since the advent of democracy in 1994 as well as the challenges we face today. Truth be told, we started well in 1994. We built a democratic dispensation based on the noble ideals of protecting human rights and promoting freedom. This, together with the exemplary manner with which we managed the pre-1994 negotiations and the transition that gave birth to a new political dispensation, made South Africa a beacon of hope for Africa and the rest of the world. Indeed, we made tremendous progress since then. However, nineteen years later, a closer look at our country reveals serious regression. Today, South Africans have to put up with a faltering and underperforming economy that seems incapable of growing at the levels required to reduce unemployment, to eradicate poverty and inequality. This underperformance occurs against the background of the ever-increasing gap between the haves and haves-not. Our education system ranks among the worst performers in world. This happens despite the huge amount of resources the country ploughs into it. The poor state of our education fails our children and jeopardises their future. Our primary healthcare system is falling apart. Hospitals and clinics are short-staffed, they have no medicines and patients are treated with disdain. Corruption in the government is rife despite its assurances to the contrary. The Comrades in Corruption loot state resources daily and with impunity through tenderpreneurship and bogus schemes. This handicaps service delivery and results in many violent service delivery riots around the country. Even prospective investors shun South Africa as an investment destination because of the high levels of corruption, and our people pay the price. Government uses every opportunity to abuse power by intimidating those who challenge or disagree with it. The ruling alliance’s overreaction to Bret Murray’s Spear Painting is a case in point. To make matters worse, government officials are appointed based on political affiliation rather than merit. Government prioritises elite projects and spend billions of Rands on projects, such as the Gautrain, instead of ploughing this money into service delivery. Weak leadership paralyses every sphere of government. Nowhere is this more evident than in the high rate of policy turnover; each new minister brings a new policy. With each new appointment, there is poor or no implementation of either the inherited or new government programmes. This creates confusion and instability, because the people do not know what to expect from government and, more importantly, how evaluate its performance. This regime does not respect the rule of law. We see how it reacts when the courts do not rule in its favour. You will recall that in 2009 the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) took an administrative decision to drop all corruption charges against President Zuma paving his way to the Union Buildings. This has caused irreparable damage to the reputation of our justice system, because people now believe that, in our justice system, politically connected and powerful individuals “are more equal than others”. Compare the way in which President Zuma was treated, to that of the former ANC Youth League (ANCYL) President, Julius Malema. State institutions have been used to harass and destroy him. I am not here to defend Mr Malema; he is a shrewd politician he can do that for himself. Contrary to the monster his detractors portray him to be, Mr Malema has carried himself in a dignified manner during this difficult time in his life. In fact, he has thus far displayed more respect for the rule of law than some of the senior leaders of the ruling party. Other challenges facing our Nation today include, but are not limited to, high levels of crime, dysfunctional local government councils and a lack of sustainable development programmes. With the bleak picture I have sketched thus far, it is not difficult to conclude that we are on a slippery slope to a dysfunctional state and anarchy. To turn this situation around, we need to intensify our efforts to ensure that elected leaders consult with the electorate and account for their political decisions and programmes. Improving the efficacy of this vertical form of accountability has numerous benefits. Chief among these benefits is that it enables the people to keep track and evaluate the performance of their government. There are instances where people are afraid to question the performance of government departments due to fear of reprisal. We should use this process to ensure that no one is victimised for demanding delivery. There are also cases where government deliberately misinforms the public, such as the recent controversy around deployment of South African troops to the Central African Republic (CAR) for an unspecified mission. Democracy is subverted when elected politicians do not consult and account to the electorate, and when they deliberately misinform the public about some of their decisions. Given the victimisation of our people, as mentioned above, I applaud you for your courage in collecting the service delivery complaints of the people of Limpopo. You did this despite the fact that you might be victimised. A special thanks therefore to the people of the Capricorn, Thulamela and Aganang Municipalities for forwarding their complaints to us. The UDM councillors and the leadership of this province have done a sterling job of encouraging communities to come forward with their service delivery complaints and concerns. I thank you for your hard work. Ladies and gentlemen, this process is gathering momentum. As I am speaking to you, we will be receiving more complaints from the people of this province. A quick look at the list of service delivery complaints from 20 villages in Ward 22 reveals the same regression I mentioned earlier. Tomorrow I will however meet with Chief Lambani and the people of this community at the Chief’s kraal to talk about their worries. As with the other people, with whom we have interacted in this province, the people in these villages complain about (among others) having no water and no electricity; their roads are impassable and their schools and clinics poorly equipped. With such a long list of service delivery complaints, some of which constitute serious human rights violations, we wonder whether the Human Rights Commission is playing its proper role. You wonder whether it has not also just become another employment agency for the ruling party’s cadres. Once we have received all your complaints, we will hand them over to President Zuma for attention. To the UDM structures in the province, these complaints provide a clear indication that our people are unhappy with the current government. You will recall that the UDM was once the main opposition party in this province. The floor-crossing legislation however cost us that status. We need to work hard regain it. We have to crisscross the province to recruit members and to swell our ranks. We must make it clear to all and sundry that the UDM is here to stay and that we have an important role to play in South Africa. We will not surrender, nor will we allow ourselves to be swallowed by another political party. We have to make people understand that efficacy of the service delivery chain would, among other things, be achieved in the face of adequate electoral competition between South Africa’s various political parties. One party dominance breeds arrogance of power, complacency, corruption and poor service delivery. I thank you.
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08 Oct, 2013
Parliamentary Debate: Budget Vote 22 – Defence
Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP in the Parliamentary Debate: Budget Vote 22 – Defence (23 May 2013) Mister Speaker, honourable Ministers and Deputy Ministers and Honourable Members, The UDM supports Budget Vote 22. President Zuma’s decision to reshuffle the cabinet a few months ago slowed down the progress the Department had made since 2009. The inordinate amount of time the Department is taking to finalise the Defence Review and the appointment of permanent Defence Force Service Commissioners bears testimony to this. When questioned about this delay, the Department often tells us that the Minister is still busy familiarising herself with the Department. The question is: “How long does it take for the Honourable Minister to familiarise herself with her Department?” This House will recall that the Interim National Defence Force Service Commission tabled a report which recommended that Government reviews the 1998 Defence Review with a view to allocate adequate resources to the task of building an effective Defence Force, among others. This is particularly critical in the light of our obligations and mandate to maintain peace and stability here at home and on the Continent. Honourable Minister, The Nation is concerned about the fact that you are spending most of your time out of the country attending to some insignificant issues, rather than in the country running your Department. If the majority of your trips had any significance, the Department would have benefited from them. With regards to your overseas trips, the UDM is still considering where to direct a sensitive question about the close proximity of a UK-based company and a certain Zimbabwean citizen to your office. Your failure to prioritise the Department and its needs could be seen in the dismal manner in which you handled the Central African Republic (CAR) fiasco. Whilst you were busy gallivanting around Durban during the Brics bash, our troops were engaged in a 13 hour battle with the rebels in the CAR. You did not even deem it appropriate to leave the bash and join the SANDF Commanders in Pretoria. It took almost 48 hours to hear from you. Honourable Minister, you failed to provide leadership in the CAR fiasco in that you have thus far neither established a board of inquiry to look into the matter, nor have you briefed this House on your Department’s Operational Report on it, if there is any. Thank you.
Admin
08 Oct, 2013
Budget Vote 33: Rural Development and Land Reform
Address by Mr Stanley Ntapane, MP in the Parliamentary Debate: Budget Vote 33: Rural Development and Land Reform (31 May 2013) Mr Speaker and honourable Members, The UDM supports Budget Vote 33. President Zuma announced in the 2013 State of the Nation Address (SONA) that government would reopen the lodgement of claims in order to accommodate those who missed the December 31, 1998 deadline and to accommodate the Koi and San people who were dispossessed of their land prior to the 1913 Land Act. We were too happy to hear this announcement from the President. And as expected, this raised our people’s expectations. However, after scrutinising Government’s track record in processing land claims, we are left wondering whether it has the capacity to deal with new land claims considering that it is still struggling to address the current backlog on outstanding land claims. The Department also has inadequate post-transfer farmer support programmes. Nowhere is this more evident than in the low number of land-reform beneficiaries who are actively farming. And in the majority of cases where there is some agricultural activity, many of the beneficiaries use only a small piece of their land. In addition, an increasing number of farms have become white elephants in the post-transfer period. One such example is a farm in KwaZulu-Natal that used to produce 4000 tons of bananas, which has now become a white elephant. Mister Speaker, We have been receiving complaints from members of the public about the land reform programme. It seems there is a growing perception out there that the majority of land reform beneficiaries are male. We call on the Department to look into this matter and ensure that its land reform programme is line with gender equity policies. We hope that once completed the research report on reopening land claims will, among others, speak directly to these problems. We wish to take this opportunity to commend the Department for all the good work it has done thus far. Thank you.
Admin
08 Oct, 2013
Mr Bantu Holomisa on Political Realignment
Lecture by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP (UDM President) on political realignment at the University of Johannesburg, Auckland Park Campus on Thursday, 01 August 2013 Programme Director, University Management and Academics, Young Intellectuals, Ladies and Gentlemen Thank you for the opportunity to speak with you today. INTRODUCTION It has been more than fifty years since freedom and democracy reached the shores of the African continent, although the time at which each country tasted political liberty varies from country to country. BACKGROUND AND EFFECTS OF ONE-PARTY DOMINANCE However, since the attainment of freedom and democracy, the common denominator in many African countries today is one-party dominance. Some examples that come to mind are: • The African National Congress (ANC), which has been in power since 1994 here in South Africa. • The Zanu-PF of Zimbabwe, that has been in power since independence in 1980 and the • The Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) that has been in power since their independence in 1960. The negative effects of one-party dominance are numerous. Chief among them, however, is the conflation of “the party” and “the state”. The Eskom/Hitachi/Chancellor House deal in which the ruling party gets a share of the spoils every time Eskom increase the price of electricity, is a case in point. This corrupt behaviour unfortunately extends to most government departments and institutions in South Africa. The ruling party’s cadre deployment policy in which loyalists are deployed to senior positions in the public sector, without regard for their competence and suitability, is another negative effect of one-party dominance. One-party dominance in South Africa has also resulted in a situation, where the ruling party does not account to the electorate regarding progress on service delivery, the failures and the challenges. As I am speaking to you, the levels of complacency and arrogance among the ruling elite have reached crisis proportions. While this occurs, opposition parties have to operate on shoestring budgets and with inadequate resources. POLITICAL REALIGNMENT IN SOUTH AFRICA It is against background that the United Democratic Movement (UDM) took a decision, as far back as 1999, to engage other political formations in discussions about the need to realign South African political landscape. We took this decision primarily because, as a party, we felt and still feel that, under the present government, the nation is not on track in fulfilling the original agenda – which is to improve the lives of all South Africans. Ladies and Gentlemen, Our version of political realignment does not refer to a ganging up of opposition parties against the ruling alliance, but rather a re-grouping of people around new concepts that were brought up in the wash of momentous political change over the years. We feel this should not be difficult to accomplish given the fact that political parties already have common concerns with regards to matters like: the current economic policies that cause unemployment and poverty; corruption; service delivery, education, health, environment and civil disobedience. Fortunately, sister opposition parties heeded our call. In 2008, the first version of the Multi-Party Forum was established. This forum included both parties both inside and outside of Parliament. Despite the many achievements of the Forum since 2008, there have been many stops and starts along the way. However, the hard work and commitment to place the country back on the path to the original agenda is what has kept us together. We have also drawn courage and lessons from the fact that a precedent has been created in different places in the world where, political parties with different interests, work together without losing their identities. In fact, we have a perfect local example. Look at the ruling party, where communists, capitalists, traditionalists, liberals, unionists and even their old foe, the National Party, sit at the same table and speak with same language. The results of the 2009 elections gave further impetus to the political realignment project. They showed that the South African electorate wants a system where two large parties, of similar strength and size, compete for the mandate to govern. The election results also show that the ANC lost ground in eight out of the nine provinces. Unfortunately, most opposition parties failed to capitalise on this. As a result, the ANC managed to absorb its national setback with a very strong showing in KwaZulu-Natal. This occurred due to our misreading of the state of the nation, where each party believed it had what it took to dislodge the ruling power from power on its own. As we speak, I have invited leaders of political parties to a meeting on the 12th of August 2013 in Cape Town to discuss a wide range of issues that would help us level the political playing field in the period before and beyond the 2014 elections. We are optimistic that these political parties will emerge out of this meeting with a strategy on how best to put an end to this one-party-dominance, which breeds corruption and arrogance of power. “What is the way forward, Mr Holomisa?” You might ask. WAY FORWARD In our presentation, at a the meeting of the leaders of political parties held inn Kempton Park on the 25th of January 2013, we warned our colleagues about the dangers of each party going it alone in the 2014 elections. This is because we believe that not only would going it alone be a missed opportunity, to increase political competition and provide South Africans with a credible alternative, it would also constitute a waste of resources and valuable time. In that meeting, we proposed that opposition parties contest the 2014 National and Provincial Elections under one banner, but that we retain our individual identities. This can be done by forming an alliance, which we describe as a pact or friendship agreement between two or more parties, made in order to advance common goals and to secure common interests). An alliance agreement, governing cooperation between the different stakeholders, would be drafted as soon as possible with a clear mission, vision and objectives and it should also define the role of each stakeholder. This would enable us to pursue a set of agreed upon goals, whilst each party retains their independence. The success of such an alliance depends on our ability to create a win-win outcome for all stakeholders. Ladies and Gentlemen, This task will be impossible to accomplish without your help. I encourage you to make your voices heard on this matter in order to ensure that we develop a political alternative that caters for all the interests and needs of the people of South Africa, both black and white. Thank you.
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04 Oct, 2013
In response to service delivery complaints in Limpopo
TO: His Excellency, Mr JG Zuma, President of the Republic South Africa Minister OC Chabane, Minister in the Presidency for Performance Monitoring, Evaluation and Administration FROM: Bantu Holomisa, MP Dear Sirs I refer to a letter from the Minister Ohm Collins Chabane, Minister in the Presidency for Performance Monitoring, Evaluation and Administration, regarding the abovementioned subject dated 24 July 2013. We also refer to the List of Complaints attached to our original correspondence, dated 29 April 2013, wherein the complaints of the citizens in the Municipalities of Aganang, Capricorn, Greater Giyani, Mogalakwena, Makhado and Thulamela were listed. It is encouraging to hear that there had been a joint meeting of the three sphere’s of government and that this was followed by onsite visits by Department of Monitoring and Evaluation, the Office of the Premier, departments and municipalities from 3 to 7 June 2013. We are however interested in having the details of those visits, i.e. who visited, which areas and when, so that we may correlate this information with the people on the ground. When comparing Minister Chabane’s response with the original list of complaints, we have serous concerns about the lack of detail in the response. The Presidency’s “summary” of the common issues are: Poor road and school infrastructure Lack of water Poor health facilities, such clinics This seem an oversimplification, or too broad a statement, of these communities’ problems and does not address critical matters such as lack of sanitation, housing as well as poor policing and high crime levels. We find it worrying that the aforementioned municipalities seem either unwilling or incapable to provide even the most basic of services to their citizens and ratepayers. The same could be said of the provincial government which does not compare favourably to others. A number of the complaints had been about the lack of communication and accountability of local government councillors and we ask 1) whether that the various Municipal Councils have been made aware that their Councillors are failing at this task and if they have been informed, 2) whether the Presidency received any undertaking that this will considerably improve. We are encouraged that your team has established that the challenges have been highlighted in the District Integrated Development Plans (IDPs), but we enquire about the details and timelines associated with the solutions, so that the information may be disseminated to the complainants. It would also be useful to know which departments have been tasked to serve on the IDP Forum that has been established to track progress on these issues. Hopefully the already failing community projects, as listed in the original complaint, will be comprehensively addressed at this Forum. We request the timetable of meetings of the community structures, ward committees and the economic development forums in the affected areas so that we may inform complainants to attend their meetings. Although we are happy that the Presidency has intervened in this matter, there is far too little information for the communities to be encouraged that they will see changes to their quality of life in the near future. We ask that the Presidency keep up the pressure and provide regular feedback on progress made. Yours sincerely
Admin
01 Oct, 2013
Occupied Palestinian Territories hosted by Palestine Solidarity Campaign
A screening of ‘Occupation 101’ and panel discussion about the Occupied Palestinian Territories hosted by Palestine Solidarity Campaign Stellenbosch contribution by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP (UDM President) at the University of Stellenbosch Facilitator, Fellow Member of Parliament, Mr Magama Palestine Solidarity Campaign Stellenbosch Academics and students Ladies and Gentlemen THANK YOU Thank you for the kind invitation to join you tonight, to listen and learn; and to discuss a complex issue that has been on the international agenda for many years i.e. the conflict between Palestine and Israel. MY UNDERSTANDING OF THIS COMPLEX ISSUE During the time of completing my matric at Jongilizwe College in 1975, we used to be given assignments by our teacher Advocate Dumisa Ntsebeza, who taught ‘current events’. One such assignment was the conflict in the Middle East. At that point in time, it was already clear that this particular conflict was micro-managed by the United States of America (USA) and that the rest of the world was not actively involved. Dr Henry Kissinger, the then USA Secretary of State, headed these so-called peace talks. There is broad consensus that the actions of the nations involved in the Arab-Israeli conflict violate limitations in international law. In studies conducted, psychologists have a number of terms for the tendency of humans to view their adversaries as springing from a lower order of being – these terms being pseudo-speciation or dehumanising. The conflict between these two groups have been compared to apartheid, but not apartheid as practiced in South Africa, but as apartheid as an international crime. We can compare the aforementioned conflict to apartheid, but the crucial issue is that the United Nations’ (UN) Security Council has failed to come to consensus for a resolution to this conflict as a result of the power given to certain countries. Implementation of the resolution could not be viable as a result of the veto by the USA. The International Convention of the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination (1965) and other conventions may well give valid expressions on human rights.It does not give indications on how solutions can be implemented on a conflict that has been going on for such a long period. One can ask oneself: how strong does international law stand against organised religion? We see how organised religion has Muslims and Jews denying their common humanity. Thus confirming that the conflict is now out of the hands of the people of the Middle East. The conflict will not be resolved until the UN Security Council is transformed. Human rights and all that it comes with it, is vital for any people. It is a sensitive issue. As long as there is no united consensus on the resolution of this conflict, we would be held accountable for contributing to creating a generation that will be called “fundamentalist” and “extremist”. This conflict now, because of America’s interest in the Middle East, has hardened attitudes of the many countries in the Middle East, where they are accusing America of arming and funding Israel against Palestine and being a threat to neighbouring countries. The USA on the other hand has been accusing countries like Iran and Syria of helping Palestine militarily. SOLUTION It is clear that the use of force is not going to help anybody; it has been tried without success. It looks like this conflict can only be solved peacefully The question is how? Who should sponsor the peace? Perhaps this conflict should be a package to the reported warming up of the relationship between President Obama and the President of Iran as well as the flexing of muscle by Russia on the Syrian Debacle. This could be the start of things to come, on finding a lasting solution between Israel and Palestine. I thank you.
Admin
24 Sep, 2013
South Africa on the Slippery Slope
Article by Bantu Holomisa published in the New Agenda During my career I have witnessed many governments come and go. As a former head of the Transkei Military Government, I have had an overview of what the Apartheid Government and the Bantustans had done, in comparison with what the current government is doing. The previous regime’s policies and abuse of human rights is well documented; including some homelands. Although I was heading this discredited institution, I was able to forge close links with all the liberation movements, when we ascended to power, as my government lent a shoulder in fighting for the freedom of all South Africans. One of the reasons why we supported the struggle was that we were hopeful that the new government would address the backlogs and imbalances of the past, especially in the townships and homelands. Indeed when the African National Congress (ANC) ascended to power in 1994 we can say that they started well. They made much progress in areas such as electrification, access to water and providing homes for the poor in the cities. However what shocked South Africans is the poor quality of the infrastructure they were given. Electricity is not reliable; water projects are launched only to break down after a few months and the RDP houses are worse than those built for blacks by the Apartheid government. Many towns have become slums because of the poor maintenance of infrastructure across the country. Where they had failed completely was on the question of employment. We see stark difference between the economic policies of the partners in the ruling alliance and in the past twenty years they have spent much energy vacillating between which routes to follow. Unemployment and poverty is a direct contradiction of freedom. Real freedom – political, social and economic – provides dignity to a nation. On the other hand, unemployment and poverty undermines it. South Africans are suspicious and mistrust government because of perceptions that it is not equitably distributing the resources of the country. A new privileged political elite exclusively enjoys the resources. There is no consensus on a macro-economic policy that can transform the economy in a manner that could create and spread wealth wider and improve the lot of the disadvantaged majority. There are in particular concerns about the inadequacies and contradictions of the fiscal and industrial policies. Our economy suffers from jobless growth due to the confusion created by an ambivalent tripartite alliance. This ruling clique preaches elimination of unemployment in the streets and legislate retrenchments and greater unemployment in Parliament. In the past 16 years, the United Democratic Movement (UDM) has been calling for GOVERNMENT TO DO MORE! Government has a responsibility to intervene and protect the South African economy and South African jobs when necessary. Whilst Free Market Capitalism is the best economic system developed by humanity, it is still fraught with weaknesses and failures that must be actively managed. The situation in South Africa is compounded by high levels of corruption. The UDM has over the years been involved in exposing many of these scandals. We have the resolve and commitment to fight corruption, and take on any party, no matter its history or power, to ensure that South Africans have the ethical governance that they deserve. These are but some examples of the UDM’s active role in national politics and the further consolidation of South Africa’s democracy. As our actions and words have proved, the UDM is a viable, trustworthy and reliable opposition party.
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17 Apr, 2013
Memo to Premier of the Eastern Cape to accept 17 April marchers’ petition
Open memo to Premier of the Eastern Cape to request her office to make a representative available to accept 17 April marchers’ petition from Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP On Wednesday, 17 April 2013, there will be a peaceful march in Mthatha by the people of the OR Tambo Region to express their disappointment and frustration with the poor state of infrastructure and lack of development in their cities and towns. Although the United Democratic Movement is facilitating the event on behalf of the people, this is a march of South Africans from across the OR Tambo Region who wish to express their dissatisfaction with the state of affairs in their area. The necessary permits and permissions have been obtained from the King Sabata Dalindyebo traffic police and the South African Police Services. We kindly request that your office sends a representative to receive the list of complaints at 12:00 at the Botha Sigcau Building in Mthatha. Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
