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05 Dec, 2017
#RememberingMandela, Bantu Holomisa’s keynote address on the the Fourth anniversary since Madiba’s passing
• Chairperson and Chief Executive Officer of the Nelson Mandela Foundation, • Mrs Graça Machel and Members of the Mandela Family, • Honoured Guests, • Ladies and Gentlemen. 1. Meeting Nelson Mandela When Madiba passed away, four years ago, a great sense of loss filled the Nation and a resounding note of sadness reverberated across the Globe. Today we remember his departure, reflect on his life, as well as the contribution he made to South Africa and the World. Thank you for inviting me to participate. The World had lost one of the great icons of the last century. The Country had lost its guiding light; its moral beacon. For me, it was the loss of a mentor and friend. I first met Madiba after his release in 1990. During my visit to his Soweto home, Mrs Winnie Madikizela-Mandela expressed legitimate concerns about Madiba’s safety. For obvious reasons it would not have been proper to ask Mr FW De Klerk’s government to provide for his security. She thought that I might be able to assist, and I was honoured to do so. I immediately contacted the then Transkei Defence Force Commander, Lieutenant General TT Matanzima. He arranged that two trusted officers would – at all times – be at Madiba’s side, until the personnel of the African National Congress (ANC) armed wing, MK (uMkhonto we Sizwe), returned from exile. During those early years, he frequently invited me to travel with him locally and internationally. He had introduced himself to star-struck world leaders and simultaneously sought to raise funds for the ANC. On our local trips, we met with the Kings, Amakhosi and religious groupings to brief them about the pending negotiations to free South Africans. Our first stop, soon after his release in February 1990, was in Namibia to celebrate its independence. We went to the United Nations (UN) in 1992 and 1993. We also paid visits to countries like the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland, the Netherlands, France, as well as Norway (where Madiba and Mr De Klerk received their Nobel Peace Prizes). Although he had not yet won any election, Madiba was treated like a president elect and was afforded the high-level protocol associated with this status. The reason why I am sharing a little of this history is because I soon realised that Madiba had an impressive, magnetic personality, as well as a commanding presence. He was also a consummate master of the art of persuasion. But, he was not schooled in some of the aspects of being a statesman and I helped him navigate numerous protocol issues. For example, one of the duties we asked him to dispense of, had been to inspect military guards of honour (once at the Transkei Military Base and another at the Independence Stadium in Umtata). I explained to him: “Tata, when you perform this duty, it is not necessary to shake each soldier’s hand”. As we are all aware, Madiba habitually greeted everyone he met and asked: “How are you?” in that most recognisable voice of his. 2. Madiba: defusing a ticking time bomb South Africa had entered an extraordinary period; with the eyes of the World upon us. We were in the middle of doing something exceptional i.e. the process of ending a vicious, racist, authoritarian regime. We achieved this relatively peacefully, through a carefully orchestrated transition to democracy. Regarding this history, there are two instances that come to mind where Madiba’s exceptional leadership defused potentially explosive situations. The first was when we went to New York, where Madiba, the late Mr Mlami Makwetu (then President of the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania, Prince Mahlangu (a Minister and brother of Prince James Mahlangu of KwaNdebele) and I addressed the UN Security Council and asked for intervention and monitoring during the period where the so-called black-on-black violence was at a peak. The second was when Chris Hani was assassinated by a far-right, anti-communist. On that day Madiba asked me to accompany him from Umtata to Johannesburg, where we were received by the South African Communist Party’s (SACP) General Secretary Joe Slovo, Mr Cyril Ramaphosa and Ms Jill Marcus. From there Madiba went on to address the Nation, live on the public broadcaster. This atrocity had brought the ‘left’ and the ‘right’ to a head-on confrontation. If Madiba had not practiced sensible, responsible leadership, you might agree that South Africa would have been dumped into civil war. It was at this stage that Joe Slovo proposed the so-called “sunset-clauses”. The ANC, and its allies, interrogated this proposal and the implications thereof. Chris’ assassination, brought home the stark reality that violent conflict was imminent, and it therefore made sense that the only peaceable solution was to apply “principled compromise”. Once that concession was made, Madiba however demanded a date for elections. This left no-body in any doubt that he meant business. He was also not shy to explain to South Africans, and the World, that there was still a tremendous amount of work to be done in fulfilling the objective of freeing South Africans. Indeed, Madiba was aware that, in the conflict between black and white in South Africa, there were no winners. But, the Country was victorious in the end. 3. What happened to the tone and example Madiba set? I would like to move to the question of: “What happened to the tone and example Madiba set?”. After these volatile years, a golden period followed. Madiba had the wisdom and presence of mind to surround himself with capable individuals. The calibre of the people in his cabinet was just at a higher level than what we have today. He, almost uncannily, managed to unite a deeply divided Nation. At the time, there had also been a deep scepticism – from both black and white quarters – that the “new South Africa project” would fail. Yet, he inspired everyone to trust in his leadership. Under his administration, Government managed to make tremendous strides in bettering the lives of the formerly disadvantaged. There was, for instance, a remarkable improvement in the provision of electricity, water and housing to previously disadvantaged communities; especially in the rural areas. We used to sit together and make phone calls to many big business leaders. With his considerable powers of persuasion, he coaxed them to partner in building schools, clinics, hospitals, etc. Who would ever forget his dream of a hospital dedicated to kids? Indeed, his influence on international celebrities, most notably Ms Oprah Winfrey – who built a school for girls in Henley on Klip near Meyerton – made tangible differences to many South African’s lives. The other project, I remind you of, was the annual Christmas gathering at Qunu where, at one stage, no less than 75 000 children received their gifts from Madiba and Ms Winfrey. Now, just over two decades later, despite considerable changes for the better, there is a sour taste in our mouths; don’t you agree? At the moment, there is a universal sense of bitter frustration and disillusionment amongst South Africans across the board. In the context of the values Madiba stood for, we have a sense of collective shame that we are compelled to ask ourselves an uncomfortable question: “How did we let the great promise of the Mandela-years slip away, unfulfilled?” So, on the fourth anniversary of his passing, we should find answers to the following questions: 1) How can we reclaim the lost ground and live up to the standards that Madiba set? and, 2) Which lessons, from his life, can we apply to assist us in this endeavour? The year, that would have seen his hundredth (100th) birthday, presents a vital opportunity to do what we perhaps did not do four years ago i.e. to properly reflect on Madiba’s legacy and genuinely take stock of the man’s life. Mandla Langa’s skilfully written book ‘I dare not linger’ shows that there were many aspects of Madiba’s leadership that deserve our attention and deep reflection. For one thing, Madiba was not the ‘reconciliation junkie’ he is often portrayed as. He definitely was a ‘one nation’-president, who extended the hand of friendship in quite extraordinary ways. His visits to “Die Groot Krokodil” and Orania were remarkable gestures; not to mention the famous donning of the Springbok jersey in front of a packed Ellis Park crowd and captive world audience. But, he was far more than that! He was a stern taskmaster. He could sometimes be harsh and over-bearing. Even as I experienced this, FW De Klerk also had (several times) been confronted with this aspect of Madiba’s manner. He was also a mischievous fellow. He sometimes tasked me to welcome former President Thabo Mbeki, his Deputy-President then, Mr Zuma, as well as the entire ANC National Executive Committee, to his home. This was quite ironic since I was the leader of another political party. When I asked him, why he did this, he said that the politics of the ANC and those of the “United Party” must be left outside his yard. I tried to correct him, saying that my party was called the United Democratic Movement and he said to me: “Whatever, Bantu”. There were also definite limits to Madiba’s reconciliatory style; if you crossed a certain line he would hit you like a ton of bricks. Equally so, Madiba could display tremendous patience. Quite often he would carefully listen to anyone who had the guts to candidly differ with him. Madiba would then, almost verbatim, repeat that person’s arguments to illustrate that he had understood and appreciated his/her point of view. Yet, once he used the words “however” or “but”, you knew that you were about to lose the argument. 4. Unthreading Madiba I am very glad to learn that the Nelson Mandela Foundation proposed using the concept of ‘unthreading’ Madiba’s life, as the guiding theme for the anniversary of his hundredth (100th) birth year. This is a worthy idea, ladies and gentlemen. Madiba’s life must not be reduced to a one-dimensional rendition, based only on his role as a reconciler. If we do this, we will allow mythology to trump reality, and we will miss out on the many other threads of his character and leadership. Therefore, unthreading his life and legacy is a vital project and I am grateful to the Foundation for its stellar work in honouring Madiba’s legacy and to find practical ways to do so. How befitting that the Foundation’s project follows in the footsteps of the commemoration of OR Tambo’s Centenary Year. Oliver Tambo had been Madiba’s friend, and compatriot, who had entrusted him with the ANC’s presidency. Just as we celebrated the hundredth (100th) anniversary of OR Tambo’s birthday this year; we will pay the same tribute to Nelson Mandela in 2018. In this regard, I acknowledge the leadership of Mr Sello Hatang, the Nelson Mandela Foundation’s Chief Executive, who is of course assisted by the Foundation’s partners and patrons. I have great admiration for how the Foundation engages with the critical issues of constitutional democracy and ethical leadership in the face of the South Africa’s current crisis. Particularly in the days and weeks that followed Comrade Kathy’s death in March this year, which happened to coincide – arguably – with the lowest point in President Zuma’s rule. I just also wish to mention that, having kept the Foundation’s work in mind, I thought that there is a venture that would fit nicely in your stable. It relates to two matters which were very close to Madiba’s heart: 1) deforestation and 2) the maintenance of environmental standards; especially in rural areas. Yes, it is true that electrification has positively impacted people’s lives, but in the bitter winter-cold, fire remains the main source of heat and therefore, survival. Gathering firewood has become an onerous task, as more landscapes are denuded, and people must walk great distances to find wood. There is an identifiable gap between people’s understanding of the impact of their practices on, for instance, the soil and indigenous vegetation. The message of the long-term benefits of sustainably living in concert with nature must be brought home. Perhaps the Foundation could start an afforestation project that inculcates respect and appreciation of environmental preservation, especially in the light of the escalating effects of climate change in South Africa. And this afforestation project could possibly be called: “The Nelson Mandela Forests” which would inspire people to become environmental activists in their own communities. 5. The health of our democracy and the impact of corruption Part of my sense of deep nostalgia of the nineties (‘90s), is that it was also a golden period of reform and institution-building. Madiba understood the need to build strong, independent institutions that would endure and serve the people, regardless of who would be in power. The travesty of the so-called state capture, has hollowed out many of these state institutions. This is an insult to Madiba’s legacy. In the same vein, it is difficult to comprehend how some people stooped so low by stealing funds allocated to give Madiba a dignified farewell, as the Public Protector recently found. This goes beyond commonplace-corruption. It is not only immoral, but evil. Former ANC leader in Nelson Mandela Bay, Crispian Olver, wrote a book called ‘How to Steal a City’. This book is a salutary read, which portrays (in graphic and shocking detail) how quickly a group of dishonest individuals can betray the trust of the people. Thinking of the nauseating “Gupta Leaks”, I am sure you will agree, that we now have a new book on the shelves and it is called: “How to Steal a Country”. You still remember that, as far back as 2001, Madiba said: “Little did we suspect that our own people, when they got a chance, would be as corrupt as the apartheid regime.” Madiba must have already, sixteen years ago, felt that corruption would destroy the gains of our freedom. As we speak, pervasive corruption – even at the highest level – is scaring off protentional investors and capital outflow is at an all-time high. To top it all off, the ratings agencies downgraded South Africa to ‘junk status’. As a result, jobs are shed at an alarming rate, which leaves an economically and socially depressed Nation. This situation is undoing the progress we had made in 1993, when I accompanied Madiba to address the UN General Assembly to ask for the reversal of sanctions against South Africa. Instead of continuing the unfinished business of fulfilling the dream of a new South Africa, the last few ANC-led administrations have certainly dropped the ball. They did not find sustainable solutions to ensure economic freedom, quality education, good health care, as well as safety and security for our people. The land issue remains a perennial thorn in our Nation’s side. Institutionalised corruption, and the looting of state resources with impunity, are the order of the day. We could say that this has become the “new normal”. Considering that one political party has caused so much damage, we cannot afford to put all our future eggs in one basket. Trusting in the so-called self-correcting nature of the ruling party is living in a fool’s paradise. To find lasting solutions to the Country’s problems, we need to cast a wider net; like we did with the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (Codesa). We have taken note of the Nelson Mandela Foundation’s recent dialogues, but, has the time not come for it to collect all the parallel-running dialogues of other organisations under one umbrella? If all stakeholders (including government, civil society and political parties) could participate in a concerted effort, we would be able to generate a unified blue-print for solutions to our Country’s problems. Any resolutions of such a convention could be referred to Parliament for ratification; just like when FW De Klerk’s government were tasked to implement Codesa’s resolutions. This would neutralise the dominance of one party which ignores the people and does as it pleases. We can no longer delay such a convention given unashamed trampling of the values of people like: Steve Biko, Ahmed Kathrada, Albert Luthuli, Nelson Mandela, Lilian Ngoyi, Joe Slovo, Robert Sobukwe, Oliver Tambo, and many others who fought for this Country. 6. Towards a Winning Nation South Africa is entering an exciting era of truly competitive multi-party democracy and we need to ask: “What can we learn from Madiba’s life and his leadership?”. Firstly, there is the spirit of what I would call “principled compromise”. Madiba has been described as an extreme pragmatist. Certainly, his approach to power-sharing and the transfer of power from the apartheid regime, was pragmatic in the sense that – tactically and strategically – it was as much about negotiating freedom, as it was about fighting for it. None of us should however forget that the negotiations were always conducted with one eye on the window, looking at the resistance that was taking place throughout the Land. The Nationalists knew that if the negotiations broke down, there would be a high price to pay on the streets as the mass democratic movement would not hesitate to make the Country ungovernable. Madiba had always been quick to remind them of this fact. That is why I prefer to think of his approach as: “principled compromise”. In other words, one makes concessions, but one does so conscious of the ‘red lines’ i.e. the non-negotiables. I witnessed this when FW De Klerk’s government withdrew indemnity for Chris Hani and we had to house him in the Transkei. Madiba stamped his authority and demanded the withdrawal of the warrant for Chris’ arrest. As Madiba put it, quite strongly at the time, Mr De Klerk had been negotiating in bad faith. Madiba was willing to share power and not dominate. He recognised that the advantages, which come with forging consensus and building a social compact, comprises of the support of not just your side, but also that of your opponent’s. The lesson we should learn, when it comes to possible future coalitions, is that we need to develop the practice thereof, which is fundamentally about sharing power; not power mongering. This will take real skill and level-headed leadership. Considering the possibility of a new “Government of National Unity” in 2019, future coalition partners will have to practise “principled compromise” as per Madiba’s example. There can be no space for a “big brother” mentality. 7. Madiba’s respect for Rule of Law and Constitutionalism Another aspect of Madiba’s life, that I would like to discuss, relates to his commitment to constitutionalism and the rule of law. In this respect, we currently have a country that has not only lost its way, but has tarnished Madiba’s institutional bequeathal. On the one side of the coin, we should be ashamed of the way in which powerful people, both in the public and private sectors, have taken advantage of gaps in institutional arrangements. Or those, who have done so, by exploiting the personal weaknesses of some of our leaders to enrich themselves at the expense of the majority of our people. But, on the flipside of the coin, we should be proud of the way in which our courts have withstood pressures. Where would we be without an independent judiciary? Certainly, opposition parties, civil society organisations and the media, have claimed their rights and used the Constitution to hold those in power to account. To illustrate what a respectful interaction with the courts is, is how Madiba conducted himself in the infamous Louis Luyt case. He not only submitted to the subpoena to appear before an “old-guard” High Court judge, but he willingly subjected himself to long and gruelling cross-examination. When the High Court ruled against him, he accepted the outcome without complaint. He then appealed the decision at the Constitutional Court and prevailed. By so doing, he set the standard of respect for our court system. 8. Madiba’s lessons of resilience A very important thread in Madiba’s life was his resilience. He suffered, and he endured; through his strength he inspired millions in this Country and throughout the World. South Africa is a resilient country. Look at the way in which we fought back against state capture and the racism fanned on by Bell Pottinger. Our important institutions, civil society and media, which are resisting capture, are holding the front line. And, despite the inherent pressures of poverty and unemployment, our people also remain resilient. They make sacrifices every day. So, in return, they have every right to expect a lot more from their leaders. We each have a responsibility to respect the rule of law, defend the Constitution and insist that those with power go about their business honestly, transparently and accountably. We must return all state institutions to full working order. State capture must not only be pushed into retreat, but must be defeated once and for all. Those who were ‘captured’ should be charged, prosecuted and convicted. Frankly speaking, until we do so, Madiba’s legacy will be in jeopardy. A large part of Madiba’s strength as a leader came from his unrelenting high standards and his lack of tolerance for shoddy work and incompetence. He did not suffer fools easily; nor should we. 9. Conclusion Pulling Madiba’s threads together, his legacy entails: 1. Reconciliation based on principled compromise, 2. A real commitment to the rule of law and constitutionalism, and 3. Resilience. Investing in these threads is not only a worthwhile exercise for the Country as a collective, but also for each individual. I therefore wish the Nelson Mandela Foundation well in your project of “unthreading” uTata. Good luck with celebrating this milestone next year! Once again, thank you for inviting me today and bestowing on me the honour of sharing some of my thoughts with you. May Madiba rest in peace.
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29 Nov, 2017
#HighLevelPanel Report: UDM welcomes the High-Level Panel Report on the assessment of key legislation and the acceleration of fundamental change
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) welcomes the report presented in Parliament today by the High-Level Panel led by former President Kgalema Motlanthe. Some of the findings and recommendations of the Panel vindicates UDM policies and positions that we have consistently advanced in Parliament. We welcome the following concrete recommendations amongst others that: 1. The Land Framework Bill in order to provide a comprehensive ‘catch-all’ response to problems besetting land reform. This bill contains important recommendations, in particular, given that the 30% redistribution of and restitution of land is far from being realised, thus creating serious socio-economic challenges for our country. The UDM believes that the issue of land is more than urgent. Government’s failure to redistribute land can no longer be tolerated. 2. The fact that Parliament has encouraged to take maximum advantage of the provisions of Section 25 of the Constitution, to effect restitution and redistribution of land, to benefit the historically dispossessed individuals and communities is welcomed. 3. The UDM have made numerous calls for an integrated and seamless education system from Early Childhood Development (ECD) to the job market. Such a system should be tailormade to the demands of the job market, but most urgent and important, it must produce entrepreneurs. The recommendation of the Panel regarding the removal of the ECD from social development to basic education is a step in the right direction. 4. The Panel paid serious and elaborate consideration to spatial inequality and the UDM agrees that there should be no land set aside for special people and that spatial planning should result in integrated communities and contribute towards building one nation. The UDM will with vigour participate in all subsequent Parliamentary processes that will be taking the Report forward. Statement issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP and UDM President
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27 Nov, 2017
Bantu Holomisa to deliver Nelson Mandela Foundation’s keynote address at 4th anniversary since Madiba’s passing
As we approach the centenary year of the late former President Mr Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela’s birth next year, the Nelson Mandela Foundation has invited Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP and President of the United Democratic Movement to deliver the keynote address at the fourth anniversary of his passing on 5 December 2017. Mr Holomisa is grateful that the Nelson Mandela Foundation extended this tremendous honour to him and aim to admirably acquit himself of the task.
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18 Oct, 2017
#NMBCoalition – DA admitted mistakes were made, Bantu Holomisa writes to DA Leader Mmusi Maimane
Dear Mr Maimane NELSON MANDELA BAY COALITION: MISTAKES WERE MADE REGARDING THE MANNER IN WHICH THE SPEAKER OF COUNCIL CONDUCTED THE NMBMM COUNCIL MEETING OF 24 AUGUST 2017 1. I refer to matter of the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality (NMBMM) Council meeting of 24 August 2017 at which a motion of no confidence was instituted by the Patriotic Alliance (PA), against our Deputy Executive Mayor, Cllr Mongameli Bobani. 2. The United Democratic Movement’s (UDM) lawyers have secured the closed-circuit television recording (available at https://drive.google.com/file/d/0Bzwt1-3KK09fRElhN0kzblVtT2s/view?usp=drive_web) of the aforementioned meeting from the Municipality. 3. I now wish to draw your attention to the meeting we had on 17 September 2017 when we talked about the state of the coalition. During our conversation, you conceded that the Democratic Alliance (DA) had made mistakes in dealing with the coalition partners and you had committed to set right such mistakes. 4. After having watched the recording today, I wonder if, when you referred to mistakes the DA had made, did you include the way the DA had handled the ousting of Cllr Bobani? 5. The UDM would like to understand how the Speaker of Council (as seen in the recording), in the very first instance only allowed one person of each political party to speak on the item and then ignored speaker, after speaker, who protested this decision. The DA professes to be proponents of democracy, but we fail to understand how, what happened on that fateful day, could be considered democracy. 6. When a councillor asked that the proposer of the motion, Cllr Marlon Daniels of the PA, explain what he meant by Cllr Bobani’s “erratic behaviour”, he never did. It appears as if this matter was just steamrolled through Council to suit a hidden agenda. We now know what that agenda had been, after we heard why the PA withdrew from your separate and bilateral “coalition agreement”. 7. Sir, do you consider the handling of the Council meeting as one of the mistakes the DA had made? Are you prepared to rectify this mistake by immediately reinstating Cllr Bobani as Deputy Executive Mayor? Yours truly Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement Copied to: Rev Kenneth Meshoe, MPPresident, African Christian Democratic Party Mr Mosiuoa Lekota, MPPresident, Congress of the People Dr Pieter Groenewald, MPLeader, Freedom Front Plus
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14 Sep, 2017
Udm To Celebrate 20 Years In The South African Political Arena
Statement issued by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP – UDM President The United Democratic Movement (UDM) had started its road on the transformation of South Africa into a Winning Nation on 27 September 1997 at the then World Trade Centre in Kempton Park. The Party was born with its feet firmly in the new South Africa. In retrospect, the UDM was ahead of its time. We were the first to bat on the wicket of good governance and we have, over the past twenty years, been steadfast in our work to hold the powers that be accountable. The UDM’s 20th Anniversary will be hosted at Gallagher Estate (Midrand, Gauteng) on Saturday, 30 September 2017. We plan to host 2500 of our members from right across the Country in celebration of this auspicious occasion. Aside from taking a retrospective look at the work the UDM has done to improve the lives of South Africans, we also want to talk about the exciting future of the UDM and what needs to be done to rescue the Country from a slippery slope. For practical arrangements, please contact Ms Sipho Mawoko (UDM Media Liaison) at the UDM National Office on 012-321-0010. End
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13 Sep, 2017
Letter by UDM President Bantu Holomisa to DA leader Mr Mmusi Maimane
Mr Mmusi Maimane Democratic Alliance Federal Leader Dear Mr Maimane NELSON MANDELA BAY COALITION: UDM REACTION TO DA’S USE OF PwC “DRAFT REPORT” TO BESMIRCH OUR CLLR BOBANI AND THE UDM: APOLOGY REQUIRED FROM YOU AND YOUR PARTY I refer to the “draft report” which had been prepared by PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) in terms of which the Democratic Alliance (DA) had masterminded a dubious campaign to remove from office the United Democratic Movement (UDM) Deputy Executive Mayor of the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality (NMBMM), Cllr Mongameli Bobani, under false pretences. The DA has very publicly, consciously and concertedly undermined one of its coalition partners. You had relied on an embargoed PwC “draft report”, which we certainly would not have seen had we not demanded a copy at a meeting of coalition partners on 22 August 2017 – only two days ahead of the DA bulldozing a questionable motion of no-confidence in Cllr Bobani through Council. The fecklessness of the “draft report” forced you to keep it secret, but it did not preclude you from (ab)using it. You and your colleagues have publicly criticised me (personally) and the UDM, saying that we condone corruption. The DA based its whole concerted campaign to get rid of Cllr Bobani, and besmirching the good name of the UDM, on a document in which PwC had not expressed an opinion and it had been clear that the document was preliminary. Little wonder that you kept it hidden in your briefcase as there is nothing in the “report”, contrary to your public misrepresentations, implicating Cllr Bobani. It is highly suspicious and abnormal that the accused, his party, the coalition partners and the NMBMM Council itself had been kept in the dark about the “draft report”. Yet, the “draft report” was given to you personally? Why were you, as a national leader of a political party, privy to this information at all? Is this a “municipality document” or a “DA document”? What were/are your and the DA’s motives in keeping this “draft report” to yourselves and using the information to attack the UDM? Another inaccuracy which the DA has peddled is that the UDM voted with the African National Congress (ANC) in the NMBMM Council. Firstly, differing from the DA is not tantamount to voting with the ANC. Secondly, your attention is drawn to our Co-Governance Agreement, where it is clearly stated that, should the coalition partners not agree on an agenda item, that item should be withdrawn for further discussion. Yet, your Executive Mayor, Cllr Athol Trollip, did not honour this arrangement and forced items onto the Council agenda, thus painting the other coalition partners into a corner, where the only option was to not vote in favour of an item we could not support. The case, currently underway in the Port Elizabeth High Court, is an opportunity for you to explain yourselves to the South African public and the voters of the NMBMM in particular. Lastly Sir, I submit that you and your colleagues have actively misled the public on this matter. The UDM would like to see you publicly and unreservedly withdraw your unsubstantiated accusations and apologise to me, to Cllr Bobani and to the UDM. Prove to the Nation that you are better than the manipulative, destructive liars within the ANC who you purport to oppose. Yours truly Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the UDM Copied to: Rev Kenneth Meshoe, MP President, African Christian Democratic Party Mr Mosiuoa Lekota, MP President, Congress of the People Dr Pieter Groenewald, MP Leader, Freedom Front Plus
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08 Aug, 2017
UDM reaction to outcome of MONC in Mr Zuma
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) accepts the result of today’s vote on the motion of no-confidence in Mr Zuma. We are however perturbed by the choice of the African National Congress (ANC) Members of the National Assembly who sided with an irreparably corrupt President. The people of South Africa have been shown the middle-finger for the eight time. We however welcome and are happy with the almost thirty ANC Members who voted against thievery and Mr Zuma. The battle to save South Africa is not over though. The UDM will join the Economic Freedom Fighters’ court proceedings for Mr Zuma’s impeachment. We shall also intensify our campaigns on the streets, in Parliament, and everywhere, for as long as Mr Zuma remains in office. South Africans can now see the difference between those who stand for the truth and those who stand for the looting of their Country’s resources meant to alleviate poverty and erase unemployment. The ANC regards our people as mere fodder, used to vote it into power every five years, but in return its leaders continue to steal from them. Statement issued by Mr Bantu Holomisa,MP and UDM President
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04 Aug, 2017
UDM President Bantu Holomisa, MP – The motion of no confidence debate and the secret ballot
Speaking notes for UDM President Bantu Holomisa, MP The motion of no confidence debate and the secret ballot on 4 August 2017 at the Cape Town Press Club, Grill Room, Kelvin Grove, Cape Town, at 13:00 Programme Director Ladies and gentlemen Introduction South Africans have long agreed that Mr Zuma is no longer a legitimate President of the Country. The damning Constitutional Court judgment which found that he failed to respect, uphold and defend the Constitution, sealed his fate. The rest of the daily revelations, on the ills of his presidency, are a vindication of the point that he has completely lost the plot. This is a man who will, in the next four days, face the eighth motion of no confidence in him. This means that on average Mr Zuma has faced at least one motion of no confidence for every year of his presidency. I make this point to simply illustrate that there is overwhelming consensus that Mr Zuma should urgently vacate this honourable office, because he is no longer honourable. The Constitutional Court expressed itself again when it confirmed, on the 22nd of June, that the Speaker has the discretionary power to determine the voting method for a no-confidence motion. It also counselled her on how to discharge that power, in the interest of the Constitution and the citizens of South African, and confirmed public representatives’ obligations to our constitutional democracy. The Secret Ballot The call for a secret ballot is no longer a United Democratic Movement matter, but one for each and every South African. The Conference for the Future of South Africa (held on 18 July), which was attended by no less than 130 civil society organisations, confirmed the need for Mr Zuma’s immediate departure, as well as that of a secret ballot. Every day the ruling party – through its Secretary General (SG), its Chief Whip or any other member – vindicates the citizens’ call for a secret ballot. We all know that the Speaker is heavily conflicted and is unlikely to take her cue from the Constitution or listen to the guidance of the Constitutional Court. As always, her decision will be a Luthuli House decision. The fact that she is delaying her decision speaks volumes. Scenarios If the Speaker grants a secret ballot, the debate will follow and the vote will take place as planned. We can only hope that all 400 members of the National Assembly (NA) will listen to the Constitutional Court’s guidance and put South Africa first by voting in favour of the motion. If the motion succeeds, the Constitution provides for the resignation of the President, the Deputy President and all members of the Executive. The Speaker would then act as President and, within 30 days, an election of the new President must take place. The UDM will respect the electorate’s 2014-choice of voting the African National Congress (ANC) into power. The removal of Mr Zuma is not about regime change but about a clean and responsive governance. If the Speaker does not grant the secret ballot, there are two possibilities: Firstly, and depending on her grounds for refusal, the Speaker’s decision may be referred for judicial review. In this case, the parties that moved the motion may have to withdraw pending such a review. This applies whether the Speaker announces her decision on the eve, or on the day, of the debate. Secondly, the debate may continue as planned and an open vote takes place. In this case, our interest (and those of South Africans) will be focussed on the ANC-benches. We would want to see whether the ANC members are: loyal to their personal financial interests, their ANC factional interests or the interests of the Country and its citizens. It is equally important to see who, amongst the 400 NA members, are loyal to the Constitution and the Country, as opposed to those who want to defend the indefensible. We know, that the “other faction” of the ANC would wish to kick the ball into touch and prevent this debate from taking place in 2017. They intend to wait until Mr Zuma is no longer ANC President so that they can ask him to step down or move the same motion from their own quarters. The ANC SG is on record saying that it is not easy to remove a sitting ANC president from the Union Buildings. On August the 8th We call on all UDM members and citizens in general to join the national wide protests and those who can, march to parliament on the day. Beyond the 8th of August Irrespective of the outcome of the debate and the vote on Tuesday, South Africa will still need to function. The UDM will continue betting on a wicket of anti-corruption and clean governance. In this regard, we will prevail on whoever is the head of government to: Ensure that the revelations found in the popular “Gupta emails”, are acted upon, by, amongst others, ensuring that the relevant state institutions are doing their work. Police must investigate and arrest, the Prosecution Authority must prosecute and secure convictions. Suspend all Ministers and state officials who are alleged to have done wrong, pending the investigations. Ensure that all contracts suspected of been wrongly awarded, must be suspended. Provide support and security for all public servants and members of the public who are exposing corruption and wrong doing in state institutions. Provide full support to all Chapter Nine Institutions and clean the State Owned Enterprises of corrupt individuals. Rid the Country of lawlessness that seem to be the order of the day under Mr Zuma’s presidency. We will also support the criminal cases opened by citizens and organisations against all the people who are alleged to be guilty of corruption and fraudulent activities. We will continue to mobilise society against all forms of corruption, and in support of clean governance, and the respect of law and the Constitution. The struggle against state capture is not over and it will need all of us to work collectively and tirelessly against it. Conclusion Whatever the Speaker’s decision, we remain resolved to rid South Africa of a president whose primary occupation is the total collapse of the Country. Unlike the ANC, we are impatient with his continued stay in office and we will work hard to ensure that the Country is saved from him and his cronies. South Africans should seriously consider an electoral method that puts the power into their hands. The UDM champions the reform of our current electoral system in favour of the citizens, rather than the self-interested political parties. Twenty-three years of ANC abuse of power has taught us an expensive, but valuable lesson. I thank you
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13 Jul, 2017
Opposition parties met in Pretoria to discuss pressing issues
The following parties; ACDP, APC, COPE, DA, EFF, IFP and the UDM met today to discuss a number of burning political issues. 1. Secret Ballot or not? The 22 June Constitutional Court judgment We welcome the Constitutional Court judgement on the Speaker’s discretion to decide whether a vote on a no-confidence motion in the President of the Republic should be secret or not. Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng, has given the Speaker of the National Assembly wise advice in the Court’s judgement: “South Africa is a constitutional democracy – a government of the people, by the people and for the people through the instrumentality of the Constitution. It is a system of governance that “we the people” consciously and purposefully opted for to create a truly free, just and united nation. Central to this vision is the improvement of the quality of life of all citizens and the optimisation of the potential of each through good governance.” About the power of those in public office the Constitutional Court said: “They are therefore not to be used for the advancement of personal or sectarian interests. Amandla awethu, mannda ndiashu, maatla ke a rona or matimba ya hina (power belongs to us) and mayibuye iAfrika (restore Africa and its wealth) are much more than mere excitement-generating slogans.” Some political parties in Parliament have already begun to make their submissions to the Speaker to further motivate for a secret ballot. However, we reinforce the ruling that it is within her discretion to make a determination. We hope that for once, she will be impartial and take a decision for the benefit of South Africa. We note her instructions to the ANC MPs to vote in favour of their President; the Speaker is patently biased and therefore compromised. She cannot preside over the debate. To add to this, Ms Mbete will act as President in the event of the success of the no-confidence-vote which makes her even more conflicted. 2. Activities on the day of the Motion of No-Confidence Regarding activities scheduled for the 8th of August, the date on which the vote on the no-confidence motion will take place in the National Assembly, we call all South Africans to converge in Cape Town and march to Parliament in support of a better South Africa without a incompetent President at the helm. Those who are not able to make it to Cape Town must engage in activities in their villages, townships and towns. We call on the entire civil society sector, religious institutions, traditional leaders, unions, and everybody, to stand up to a scandalous President. 3. Speaker’s worrying comments on the judiciary We are concerned about Ms Baleka Mbete’s accusations that certain judges are biased against her party. This undermines her duty to act as a liaison between Parliament as an institution and the other arms of State. This means that she still fails to separate her role as the head of the National Assembly and that of the African National Congress (ANC) Chairperson. 4. Attack on the media We, in the strongest terms, condemn the Black First Land First-led onslaught on journalists. We reaffirm our commitment to a free and independent media whose right, to keep the nation informed, is guaranteed by the Constitution. We denounce this emerging foreign culture of intolerance we witness these days. 5. The Judicial Commission of Inquiry on State Capture We call on President Zuma to demonstrate, for once, that he is true to his words; telling the National Assembly that he is about to announce a Commission Inquiry on State Capture. He should with immediate effect withdraw his court challenge on the Public Protector’s State Capture Report and announce the Commission as per the remedial actions of the Public Protector. 6. The racially divisive Bell Pottinger’s agenda We reject the so-called apology by a racist prone Bell Pottinger. The ANC and its Gupta sponsors must explain why they allowed such rampant racism to divide the Nation, using resources which should have been dedicated to bettering the lives of all South Africans. The ANC and its government must come clean and explain how they ended up in the pockets of this racist company. 7. Public Protector We condemn the conduct of the Public Protector in terms of the remedial actions affecting the Reserve Bank. Her flip-flops on the matter does not paint a picture of an incontrovertible Public Protector. We call on Advocate Busisiwe Mkhwebane to unequivocally apologise to the Nation and that she immediately stops turning this office into a political side show that serves the interests of a destructive faction within the ruling party. We also call on the National Assembly Justice Portfolio Committee to summon Advocate Mkhwebane to account for her actions, in this regard. 8. The work of the Independent Electoral Commission With a view to improve the freeness and fairness of the 2019 National and Provincial Elections, opposition party leaders wish to soon meet with the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) to again discuss our perennial concerns; what their interventions are on that score; and also brief us on their state of readiness for 2019. 9. Party funding Public funding of political parties is a critical tool to foster a healthy multi-party democracy. We are however worried about the intentions of the ruling party; in particular after their losing some metropolitan municipalities in 2016 and with them facing a strong possibility of losing the majority in 2019 National and Provincial Elections. Our position is that we must ensure equitable allocation of resources to all political parties in terms of the current legislation. We must first establish a common interpretation and application of the existing legislation and once that is done, we can think about further funding, if necessary. 10. Security of leaders of political parties The issue of the privacy and safety of political leaders has recently come to the fore. Over the past few months many reports have surfaced of an alleged rogue intelligence unit spying on leaders. Most recently, the emails and documents obtained through the #GuptaLeaksshowed how the family spied on prominent South Africans. We have resolved to ask the Parliamentary Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence to request a briefing from the State security apparatus on the media reports; especially in cases where some leaders have apparently been targeted for assassination. Thank you By Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP On behalf of Opposition Parties represented in the National Assembly. Burgers Park Hotel, Pretoria on 13 July 2017
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12 Jul, 2017
Letter by UDM President Bantu Holomisa to Parliament Speaker Honourable Baleka Mbete
Honourable Ms Baleka Mbete, MP Speaker of the National Assembly PO Box 15 Cape Town 8000 Per email: speaker@parliament.gov.za Dear Madam Speaker YOUR REQUEST FOR INPUT FROM POLITICAL PARTIES ON A SECRET BALLOT ON THE MOTION OF NO CONFIDENCE IN THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA This matter has reference. 1. The context of the Constitutional Court judgement In giving the Constitutional Court’s unanimous judgement, on 22 June 2017, on the matter of the Speaker’s discretion to decide whether a vote on a motion of no-confidence (MONC) in the President of the Republic should be secret or not, Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng stated the following: “South Africa is a constitutional democracy – a government of the people, by the people and for the people through the instrumentality of the Constitution. It is a system of governance that “we the people” consciously and purposefully opted for to create a truly free, just and united nation. Central to this vision is the improvement of the quality of life of all citizens and the optimisation of the potential of each through good governance.” About the power of those in public office the Constitutional Court said: “They are therefore not to be used for the advancement of personal or sectarian interests. Amandla awethu, mannda ndiashu, maatla ke a rona or matimba ya hina (power belongs to us) and mayibuye iAfrika (restore Africa and its wealth) are much more than mere excitement-generating slogans.” The context provided by these pronouncements is critical when considering whether the ballot on the MONC in the National Assembly (NA) should be secret or not. It means that any decision, which the Members of Parliament (MPs) in the NA makes, should be weighed in terms of the primary directive of improving the lives of all South Africans to the exclusion of “the advancement of personal or sectarian interests”. 2. Protection of MPs and their freedom fulfil their obligation to South Africans The question is therefore whether the NA MPs enjoy the protection and freedom to fulfil their Constitutional obligation to make decisions in the best interest of our people. In our submissions to the Constitutional Court, the United Democratic Movement (UDM) raised the issue of widespread intimidation of members of the African National Congress (ANC) in order to quell dissent within the party. There is a copious number of examples, as reported by the independent media, which detail the threats made on the person and employment of ANC MPs in the NA. These threats started right after President Zuma reshuffled his cabinet, and continue to this day. One cannot make the mistake of thinking these are idle threats. The Minister of Police announced, on the 29th of May 2017, that there had been thirty-three officially recorded politically motivated murders in the KwaZulu-Natal alone. We have not seen this level of political intolerance since the mid-nineties. As if this is not enough, during the ANC’s recent Policy Conference the very same Minister (who is also a member of the ruling party National Executive Committee (NEC)) described those NA MPs who may vote with the Constitution and the people of South Africa, as “suicide bombers”. A very violent analogy, to describe a potentially violent situation. The whole fracas around ANC MP Dr Makhosi Khoza’s point of view on the secret ballot is another case in point. Just today it was reported that her daughter received death threats from the same people intimidating her. Not only is she under threat, but her family too! On the 7th of July, the Chief Whip of the majority party in the NA threatened members of his party with disciplinary action if they dare to not toe the party line. If this is the level to which people will stoop, how can MPs vote without fear of what the Constitutional Court called “illegitimate hardships”. 3. “Proper and rational basis” for the Speakers decision on a secret ballot The UDM again refers you to the Constitutional Court’s judgement that states that: “There must always be a proper and rational basis for whatever choice the Speaker makes in the exercise of the constitutional power to determine the voting procedure. Due regard must always be had to real possibilities of corruption as well as the prevailing circumstances and whether they allow Members to exercise their vote in a manner that does not expose them to illegitimate hardships.” You have been given the responsibility, as the impartial Speaker of the House, to consider the quite unabashed intimidation already suffered by ANC MPs, as well as the threat of future adverse repercussions should the vote be open. These are not matters to be toyed with and we beseech you to apply your mind, being fully aware of 1) the entire ruling of the Constitutional Court and 2) what might happen to these public representatives if the ballot is not secret. 4. The UDM wants a secret ballot In conclusion, I wish to reiterate the arguments we placed before the Constitutional Court and stress the UDM’s point of view that NA MPs must be protected so that they may vote according to their conscience and therefore in the favour of our people. Yours sincerely Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
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22 Jun, 2017
Victory for SA! Constitutional Court ruling on secret ballot
Statement issued by Mr Bantu Holomisa – UDM President The United Democratic Movement (UDM) has been vindicated with the Constitutional Court’s ruling that the Speaker of the National Assembly could facilitate a secret ballot in a no-confidence motion in President Zuma. We thank our legal team, as well as political parties and civil society organisations who supported us all the way. The risk of Members of Parliament (MPs) being victimised if they don’t vote according the Party-line is very real. In fact, the President has unequivocally stated that ruling party MPs who vote for his removal will do so at their own peril. The Constitutional Court has today recognised the seriousness of this threat and have made it possible for MPs to vote according to their conscience. The ball is now in the Speaker’s court and Ms Baleka Mbete is obliged to uphold her oath of office and prove that she’s not a ruling party toady. We therefore call on the Speaker, irrespective of her political affiliation, to do the right thing and grant a secret ballot for a vote of no-confidence in President Zuma. The proof is however in the pudding and the mettle of MPs will be tested in a vote of no-confidence. The UDM hopes that those ruling party MPs, who recognise that their party and president have lost the plot, will help us to take the first step to free the Country from “state capture”. End
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16 Jun, 2017
Youth Day Rally, Nelson Mandela Bay Metro, address by UDM President Bantu Holomisa, MP
• National and provincial leaders of the UDM, • National and provincial leaders of the UDM, • Regional and local UDM leaders, • UDM Public Representatives, • Members of the United Democratic Movement. 1. National Youth Day 2017 Whilst the 1976-youth made their significant contribution to our democracy, today’s youth feels left out; relegated to economic hardship with no jobs and no prospects. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) therefore appreciates the young South Africans who swell our ranks. Because, it is only when young people are organised and armed with ideas and programmes of action, that they can collectively fight for their rightful place in society. The UDM has endeavoured to give young people the space to participate in Party activities; accommodating those who seek to respond to the specific challenges facing them as a social group. In line with the UDM National Council’s resolution on 3 December 2016, we have made progress in terms of organising the youth at secondary level. On the 24th of June, a strategy planning session will be held in Pretoria, with representatives of the Progressive Student Movement, together with representatives of the UDM’s Associate Structures and the National Office Bearers based at National Office. We will brainstorm youth programmes at secondary and tertiary education levels. We believe that the future of UDM lies with the youth and we must nurture young leaders as soon as possible, with a view to cultivate UDM leaders who can feature in the 2019 National and Provincial Elections, and beyond. You must take your rightful place in the UDM and the Country. 2. Youth’s role in eradicating corruption At the core of the issues that weighs against young people is corruption; especially when it comes to those charged with the task of governance and ensuring that the dividends of democracy filter down. The UDM’s youth must be aware that far too many people, who were in the vanguard of the Struggle, have let the Country down by lining their and their families’ pockets. These, now infamous, emails have so far proven authentic and nobody has outright claimed that they are fabrications. This should send a strong message to you, that you cannot fold your arms. Together with the people of Nelson Mandela Bay, the UDM youth has a responsibility to debate issues and raise your hands to say this is not the future you want. You must expose corrupt activities and elements at all sites of power to stop the erosion of development due to funds being diverted to people’s pockets. On this important day, I also call on all UDM young people to commit to the work of the Party. You must ensure that the UDM is relevant to the people and is growing via service to the communities in wards where you live. 3. Coalition government in the NMB Metropolitan Municipality 3.1. The UDM’s decision to participate in government Our commitment is consistent with our 2016 Municipal Elections manifesto that says: “Put Community First”. 3.2. The future of the coalition The UDM is still firmly part of this coalition government despite the challenges of the past few months. We have absolutely no intention to collapse or to leave the coalition government. We acknowledge that, like in any relationship, there are challenges; but they are not insurmountable. The problems that are regularly reported in the media have been escalated to the national leaders of the coalition partners and they are being attended too. If you are not aware, a three-member committee scrutinised the situation and found that the Executive Mayor and the Deputy Executive Mayor were both at fault in many respects. We therefore took the stance that they either should shape up or ship out. Everyone must do their work, and follow the law and rules of the municipality. Just to dispel any rumours and misinformation, the national leadership of the coalition partners (which consist of the African Christian Democratic Party, the Congress of the People, the Democratic Alliance and the UDM) made the following decisions on 5 June 2017: 1. Councillor Bobani will remain the Executive Deputy Mayor and a member of the Mayoral Committee, but, at the moment, not in charge of Public Health. 2. The Executive Mayor will investigate a suitable alternative portfolio for Councillor Bobani to take charge of until the investigations into the Department of Public Health have been completed. Both Councillors Trollip and Bobani were present at this meeting and they were told to put interest of people above everything else and that the partner-parties wanted to see the smooth running of the coalition government. The UDM has a clear vision for this coalition, as it responds to the call by the people of Nelson Mandela Bay for a clean and people-centred government. It is an achievable goal and we must make Nelson Mandela Bay a better place for all our people who live here. 3.3. The lack of a legislative framework for coalition governments In hindsight, the teething problems we have faced these past months are a good learning curve and we’ve learnt some valuable lessons. One of those are that the existing legislative framework does not provide for government by coalition. In this regard, the UDM will through the National Assembly investigate whether there cannot be a review of the Municipal Structures and Systems Act to govern the smooth running of coalition governments. As we approach the 2019 National and Provincial Elections, the need to look at our Constitution and laws, in the context of multi-party democracy, is urgent. Given the current political landscape, it is possible that there may be no party that will win outright in 2019. South Africa may be forced to constitute coalition governments in some provinces and at even at national level. 4. Busting corruption We continue to forge against the growing scourge of corruption under the ANC administration. As opposition parties, together with civil society, we actively engage in fighting corruption at every turn, to counter the damage caused by the newly acquired friends (from outside South Africa) of those in high places. We have therefore asked the Constitutional Court to insulate Members of Parliament from adverse repercussions when voting on the no-confidence motion in President Zuma. 5. Towards a National Convention In realising our objectives, the UDM sold the idea of a National Convention to several political- and civil society organisations. This all-inclusive, National Convention should consider the state of the Country and map out a vision to guide us to a better future. We shall make sure that this process is as open as possible and is inclusive of South Africans from all walks of life. The future of this country is in our hands and we must do everything possible to save it and create hope for the generations to come. 6. Towards 2019 National and Provincial Elections For us to be prepared for the forthcoming elections, it is your job to launch UDM branches in every corner of this municipality, so that we have a pool of leaders that can swell our ranks in the Bhisho Legislature and in Parliament. 7. UDM’s 20th Birthday Bash On 27 September 2017, the UDM shall mark the 20th anniversary of its existence. We have survived rough political waters and we intend to continue our good work; looking towards the 2019 National and Provincial Elections and beyond. 8. A message to our Deputy Executive Mayor You have been vocal on corruption in this municipality for a number of years and have written to the Public Protector about the previous regime’s indiscretions. You need to check each forensic report and establish if the billions of Rands have been recovered. You must also brief Council and the people of the Nelson Mandela Bay on the findings and the progress (or lack of) of implementation. In addition, the budget for Nelson Mandela Bay is out and it would be a shame if it is not successfully implemented and the funds gets rolled back. I have scanned through the budget and there are grey areas. We must guard against a situation where it becomes a straight-jacket, biased towards developed areas and running the risk that the formerly disadvantaged communities are left behind. As Deputy Executive Mayor, you must monitor the work of the Mayoral Committee, the MMCs and departmental officials. Ward councillors must also not be forgotten as they are a direct link to communities to whom they are accountable. You are in a unique position to give direction in finding solutions to the problems faced by the people of NMB. Make sure everyone understands this budget and ensure participation in the IDP process. But, most importantly, services must be rolled out. Please don’t get side-tracked by media shenanigans and leakages. Knuckle down and do the work. Go to the suburbs and townships. Monitor progress and raise the flag where you see the work veering off course. Agitate for a suitable staff complement that works to support you and your work. Arriving at the office with just your briefcase is not good enough. 9. Conclusion On behalf of the national leadership of the UDM, I wish you a very good Youth Month and all the best with the work ahead of you. Thank you.
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13 Jun, 2017
Condolences for Mr Ahmed Kathrada, Bantu Holomisa’s contribution to Parliamentary Debate
Honourable Speaker, and Honourable Members The United Democratic Movement (UDM) appreciates the opportunity to honour, Ahmed Kathrada, a tower of strength and a source of inspiration to many generations; even if it could have been done earlier and better. I had the honour to meet Kathy and his fellow Rivonia Trialists in Umtata in 1989. Their presence and words spoken at the welcome-home rally, we organised for them, gave us the courage to continue supporting the struggle for liberation, knowing that we were on the right side of history. During my encounters with this stalwart, and others, they showed courage, humility and dignity. They reminded us that the seeming impossible can be done. They were always attentive, frank and robust when discussing issues. Again in 1990, the Rivonia Trialists converged in Umtata to welcome home the late OR Tambo. At that time, in the company of the late Madiba and OR, we discussed our perspective on the so-called Black on Black violence. I was accompanied by the current Military Ombudsman, General TT Matanzima and the current Commander of the United Nations Forces in the Democratic Republic of Congo, General DM Mgwebi. We advised the leadership that the Apartheid government was negotiating in bad faith and that it was trying to catch the African National Congress (ANC) with a Trojan-Horse strategy. At that time, it became clear that the National Party delegation (led by Mr Niel Barnard) and the ANC team (led by Mr Jacob Zuma) had failed to plan for the security of the leaders and activists. It was a big security risk that could have created serious problems for the success of the negotiations; we therefore stepped in. The rest, as they say, is history. Today, the UDM offers its condolences to Kathy’s wife and life-partner, Ms Barbara Hogan, the family, friends and the ANC. During his last days, Kathy was deeply troubled by the conduct of the sitting Head of State and could not reconcile this conduct with the sacrifice he and other stalwarts made for this democracy. I hope that this House will soon truly honour him by responding positively to his call to Mr Zuma to leave office; especially seen in the light of this most recent email scandal. May his soul rest in peace. I thank you. Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, UDM President, MP in the National Assembly
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27 Apr, 2017
Freedom Day 2017, Bantu Holomisa’s contribution at a Multi-Stakeholder Rally
Colleagues in civil society and political parties My fellow South Africans 1. Thank you to the organisers We thank today’s organisers for hosting all of us at this historic celebration of Freedom Day. It can be argued that civil society was at the centre of the campaign that brought Apartheid to its knees. We have not forgotten the work of, amongst others, Bishop Tutu and the various faith based organisations, the labour movements and the United Democratic Front. People were marching across the globe in answer to the clarion call for solidarity against an evil regime. Little did we know that our new democracy would be vulnerable to a cackle of hyenas that is hell bent on destroying the gains of our freedom. Fortunately, we are blessed with civil society organisations that have emerged with the message: “No, not under our watch!”. Truth be told, many did not understand where the opposition parties were coming from when we started our campaign for Jacob Zuma to go once it was clear the he was unsuited for the post of President. As time has gone by, civil society has cottoned onto this critical mission and we are at last walking in the same direction. Civil society is the conscience of a nation and should continue to play this role. Your mettle will be tested once this suspect President has left office. We expect you to stick to your guns for the good of South Africa and not engage in a battle for the soul of the ruling party. 2. Celebrating Freedom Day “And so we assemble here today, and in other parts of the country, to mark a historic day in the life of our nation. Wherever South Africans are… our hearts beat as one, as we renew our common loyalty to our country and our commitment to its future.” This is what uTata Mandela said on 27 April 1995 at the first commemoration of the 1st democratic elections of the New South Africa. 3. An unhappy people: South Africa today Those words resonate today as we are jubilant in celebrating our free, democratic society. But, as loyal South Africans, we also express our concern about the slippery slope on which our Country finds itself. 4. The proposed National Convention We would be naive to deny that South Africa has made make progress in certain areas, but the challenges confronting the Nation are many and complex. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) therefore mooted the idea of a National Convention. A safe space, on a similar scale to Codesa, where all stakeholders, interest groups and individuals may raise issues; actively listen; engage and convince each other and/or make compromises. The product of the National Convention should be a hammered-out, common vision in which we can all believe and which Government can implement. So far, the response to the UDM’s call is encouraging. There is a clear expression of interest from many stakeholders. I had been requested last week, by opposition leaders, to coordinate the establishment of a steering committee to drive this process. A meeting will take place on the 3rd of May and the steering committee, in its current form, plans to expand for the inclusion of representatives of civil society. Regarding the No-Confidence Motion in President Zuma, the opposition parties have already met and our programme of action is underway. We will keep you posted on developments. 5. Conclusion In line with what we are trying to achieve with the National Convention in which we all participate, Madiba concluded his 1995 speech by saying that “…there is no short-cut to making South Africa the country of our dreams. • It requires hard work by those entrusted with positions of responsibility in government. • It demands that workers and employers work together to produce efficiently and compete with the best in the world, to achieve equity and to help create more jobs. • It requires hard work on the part of farmers and farm-workers, to feed the nation and provide raw materials, even in the face of adversity. • It requires hard work by students and teachers to build a literate, skilled and learned nation. • It requires greater exertion by our sports-persons and artists to always offer the best for the country and its people. • It demands of all of us, wherever we may be, to exercise our rights as citizens; and do so without infringing on the rights of others.” How true! Thank you Freedom Day 2017 speaking notes of Mr BH Holomisa, MP (UDM President) at a Multi-Stakeholder Rally at the Caledonian Stadium (Pretoria)
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12 Apr, 2017
#ZumaMustFall: National Day of Action, UDM President Mr BH Holomisa, MP addresses the masses
• My colleagues in other political parties, • Leaders of civil society organisations, • Fellow South Africans from all walks of life! 1. Welcome: • On behalf of the organisers, I welcome each one of you who have made the effort to be here today. • Your presence, as well the wishes of many other freedom-loving South Africans who could not be present, is a testimony that this cause is just. • We should be proud of this display of patriotism. 2. The National Day of Action: our purpose • We are gathered here to send a signal to the ruling party that, although we respect that the electorate gave it a mandate to rule, South Africans are concerned that it is allowing this land of ours to decline under its watch. • Amongst other burning issues, our people are most concerned about corruption, poverty, unemployment and lawlessness. But chief amongst these issues is our waning economy. • Recent events resulted in a plummeting rand, ratings agencies have downgraded South Africa and this will inevitably lead to a depression of our economy. • The knock-on effect of our Country’s economic ‘junk status’ will negatively impact our people. • Banks won’t lend us money and Government will struggle to service our debts. • Levels of poverty will rise, employment will decrease and no new job opportunities will be created. • Everyone will suffer. The rich will become poorer, but worse, the poor will become destitute. • When some of the top leaders of the ruling party apologised to President Zuma for publicly criticising his actions, one disappointed South African said this: “Deputy President is wrong. Secretary General is wrong. Treasurer General is wrong. Integrity Commission is wrong SACP is wrong. COSATU is wrong. Rating Agency S&P (Standard and Poor) is wrong. Concourt was wrong. Public Protector was wrong. SO, only Zuma is right?” I want to add: “the opposition is wrong”. We, the people who are here today, are wrong! • The powers-that-be remain unmoved, and become defensive, when loyal South African citizens raise such points. • We can’t continue marching forever. We MUST find a way to converge in under one roof to discuss South Africa’s future. • We must find a vehicle that will provide a safe space for us, irrespective of political affiliation, to hammer out a common vision, binding to all, of how we should address our Country’s problems. • We may soon need to have a summit of political, and leaders of civil society to exchange ideas on how to take South Africa forward. • Not only should we find solutions to our current set of challenges, but most importantly, we must leave behind a prosperous country for future generations. Thank you #ZumaMustFall: National Day of Action, UDM President Mr BH Holomisa, MP addressed the masses at the Union Buildings, Pretoria
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06 Apr, 2017
Understanding the UDM, Bantu Holomisa’s contribution at ASRI Future Leaders Fellowship Program
• Programme Director, • Future Leaders, • Ladies and Gentlemen. 1. Introduction Before I launch into the United Democratic Movement’s (UDM) vision and policy on certain issues, I want to sketch a bit of background of how we started, since that informs much of our policy and work. Almost twenty years ago, after I was unceremoniously expelled from the African National Congress (ANC), I started a consultation process with South Africans on the need for a new political movement or not. With those that followed me, we started the National Consultative Forum. As it happened, Roelf Meyer left the National Party around the same time and formed the New Movement Process. We were on the same page and established the UDM in 1997. It was clear to many of us, already at that point in time, that South Africa’s political landscape needed to change. And, as recent events have shown, that need still exists. But we can talk about that a little later. The UDM has had to box in the heavy-weight class since its inception and we acknowledge that our support has waxed and waned since 1999. In 2003 and 2005, chequebook politics robbed the UDM of talent, resources and influence when the so-called ‘floor-crossing legislation’ was still in action. The UDM fought that law, tooth and nail, because it allowed public representatives to leave one party for another, whilst those individuals did not have votes confer upon themselves. No! Voters made their mark behind the name of the UDM. We were happy that our efforts paid off when the legislation was abolished in 2009. This leads me to an argument that the UDM has made for some time i.e. that we need a mixed electoral system which draws from the strengths of both constituency-based representation (to ensure that an individual public representative is held accountable) and proportional representation. The UDM also advocates that South Africans should directly elect their President instead of having a person foisted on them by a ruling party. If we had used this system, we might have avoided the tears and embarrassment we have suffered at the hand of our current President. Directly electing their President allows the people to ‘hire and fire’ that person if they are dissatisfied with his/her performance. The UDM also strongly believes that candidates for Cabinet must be vetted at public hearings to ascertain whether they are fit for office. Once again, we might have averted the current leadership crisis, because in such a scenario we could ensure that our leaders in government are qualified and capable. Using such a system might be a bit cumbersome, but we can at least force some measure of stability and accountability. 2. The challenge of competing as a political party in South Africa There are inherent weaknesses in the funding model for political parties in South Africa. What that means for the UDM, and other smaller parties, is that we are hamstrung in performing our duties. Advertising costs money; public relations (PR) cost money and things like the core task of electioneering is particularly draining as most of our activists come from disadvantaged communities and we need to support them in their work. It’s literally a question of buying food to keep them sustained and keeping petrol tanks filled. Any party may have the most brilliant and creative solutions to our problems, but if you can’t effectively get your message out in public, it neutralises your hard work. We cannot get away from the fact that the current funding model for political parties is not conducive to multi-party democracy. The funds parties receive from the Independent Electoral Commission, as well as those that Parliamentarians receive to do their work (called the Constituent’s Allowance Fund), are divvied up proportionally based on the percentage of support a party gets at an election. In addition, the big companies that earmark money for democracy development (in their social responsibility kitty) also spend that money proportionally. What this means is that, the parties with a good election performance gets the lion’s share of the money. The result is that the strong become stronger, irrespective of their performance and policies, and the less-strong are weakened further. It is a vicious cycle. In addition, when we approach companies with sound reasoning as to why they should support the UDM, and therefore democracy in South Africa, we are told that they do not wish to sponsor the UDM, because it will lead to loss of business with government. The ANC, and even the Democratic Alliance, have millions-and-millions of Rands to spend on party and electioneering activities. In addition, there is some element of abuse of state resources to bolster party propaganda, especially at election-times. For your information, the UDM does not have, and never had, a PR company to develop sexy advertising campaigns and programmes. We have sustained ourselves through mere word of mouth. 3. Unpacking political realignment Our version of political realignment does not refer to a ganging up of opposition parties against the ruling alliance, but rather a regrouping of people around new concepts that were brought up in the wash of momentous political change over the years. The results of the last two National and Provincial Elections showed that the South African electorate wants a system where two large parties, of similar strength and size, compete for the mandate to govern. The UDM is of the view, that a healthy realignment of our political landscape will culminate in the emergence of two major political parties, with some smaller cause-based parties – as is the case in established democracies such as in the United Kingdom, France and the United States of America. 4. The emergence of coalition governance after the 2016 Municipal Elections Considering that we have different ideologies and philosophies, the so-called “smaller parties” have the challenge of finding each other. The advantage is that the precedent has been created in different places in the world where, political parties with different interests, work together without losing their identities. That said, the results of the 2016 Municipal Elections are a clarion call to all political parties to join hands with communities and civil society to provide visionary leadership to the Country. The UDM has always understood coalition government as a form of cooperation between political parties who agree on specific principles and programmes to address the challenges of service delivery. Central to these is the immediate need to create jobs, eradicate poverty, fight and uproot corruption and promote good governance. I must however admit that being a coalition partner in two municipalities, in the Johannesburg and the Nelson Mandela Bay metros is challenging. The wide spectrum of political philosophies of the various parties has inherent challenges. We don’t always agree, but we keep our minds open and work hard at finding each other. 5. A little bit more on our founding tenants The UDM’s vision reads as follows: “We are the political home of all South Africans, united in the spirit of South Africanism by our common passion for our Country, mobilising the creative power inherent in our rich diversity, towards our transformation into a Winning Nation.” The core values which the UDM upholds and promotes and upon which it fundamental policy positions are based are: • respect for life, dignity and human worth of every individual; • integrity in public- and private life; • the individual rights and freedoms enshrined in our Country’s Constitution; • tolerance and respect for the rights and freedoms of others; • solidarity in the common spiritual ownership of all that is good in our Country; • national self-discipline based on an acceptance that each right and freedom carries with it a corresponding and equal obligation and responsibility; • national moral regeneration towards a clear distinction between right and wrong, between what is acceptable conduct and what not, between good and evil; • economic policies based on moral values and; • freedom of religion and worship. Those are lofty, but achievable, ideals. For the purpose of today’s discussion, and to remain topical, I wish to focus on “integrity in public- and private life”. The reason why I want to do this, is to highlight the conundrum facing South Africa today. After the ANC Working Committee’s pronouncements yesterday, one South African summarised the situation as follows: “Deputy President is wrong. Secretary General is wrong. Treasurer General is wrong. Integrity Commission is wrong SACP is wrong. COSATU is wrong. Rating Agency S&P (Standard and Poor) is wrong. Concourt was wrong. Public Protector was wrong. SO, only Zuma is right?” I want to add: “the opposition is wrong”. We are in this mess, precisely because our Country’s President does not, judging by is actions, epitomise integrity in public- and private life. I am not going to unpack this further, because I am sure that you keep abreast of the news as it breaks, but feel free to ask tough questions in the Q and A session just now. 6. Some key UDM policies in a nutshell The UDM has batted on anti-corruption wicket since its inception and we never wavered. It is precisely because corruption bleeds the Nation dry that we keep our focus on this issue. Another of our points of departure is: “Government must do more”. Meaningful government intervention is needed to ensure economic growth and the UDM therefore advocates, what could be called, “conscious capitalism”. While the UDM recognises the valuable role that markets should play, it is of the firm belief that Government must play a key role in creating a stable policy environment and developing the economy for the benefit of our people. Government must have an awareness of purpose. It must be sensitive to our people’s needs, especially the most vulnerable of our society and, most importantly, it must be responsive in a constructive manner. One-in-three South Africans survive on grants. That is the harsh reality. And, although “Government must do more” can be interpreted as a mandate to make more money available for grants, that is not the best it can do. Government must in fact do more… to help people, to help themselves. Another issue, which I am sure is close to your hearts, is education. We have one of the most unequal societies in the world and our economy is not growing. An educated and healthy citizenry is needed to grow and develop our economy so that we are capacitated to eradicate poverty and inequality, and to generate employment. The UDM is of the view that South Africa must develop and maintain an education system that produces school-leavers and graduates that are equipped with balanced job-related and life skills to enter the job market, economy and greater society and be productive and responsible citizens. The genuine demand for free, and quality, higher education has unfortunately been turned into a political matter, which is effectively being abused by the contending factions of the ruling alliance. South Africa cannot afford a situation where education is used to settle political scores. We desperately need strong higher education institutions that produce students with the relevant skills for our socio-economic development. The UDM believes that special attention should be paid to poor students who are unable, or is struggling, to pay their tuition fees. We agree that subsidies for the children of domestic workers, or worse, unemployed persons, cannot be the same as those for the children of advocates, doctors and investment bankers. The reality is that there are those deserving students who need to be totally subsidised by government. But where will we get the money? Well, let’s start with a Government, which must stop splashing public money on wasteful and unproductive expenses. It is with a sense of loss that I mention that former Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan, last year, called on departments to save money and cut costs. It was reported, at the time, that R35,2 billion was spent on consultants, travel, catering and entertainment. The UDM has long held the view that the continuous outsourcing of government work, which ought to be done by civil servants, is expensive and perpetuates poor service delivery. 7. Conclusion On 27 September 2017, the UDM shall mark the 20th anniversary of its existence. We will celebrate this achievement by reviewing our policies and repositioning the UDM at centre stage of the South African political landscape and discourse. The UDM prides itself on being a ‘listening party’ rather than a ‘dictating party’. I therefore invite you to participate in this policy review process as this is a platform for young South Africans to share their concerns, express their hopes and participate in finding creative solutions to our problems. Make yourselves part of the UDM’s vision to make South Africa a ‘Winning Nation! Thank you Understanding the United Democratic Movement – Address delivered by Mr B Holomisa, MP (UDM President) at the ‘Understanding government’ week, 2017 ASRI Future Leaders Fellowship Program in Auckland Park, Johannesburg on 6 April 2017
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10 Nov, 2016
Motion of no confidence in the President in terms of section 102 (2) of the Constitution of South Africa
Address by Bantu Holomisa, MP Madam Speaker, Deputy President and hon members Two weeks ago, the president misled the nation, during the NCOP question session when he claimed that he was never given an opportunity to present his side of the story to the Public Protector. We now know with evidence in our hands that this is contrary to the facts as they are also confirmed by the audio version of the report. In normal democracies, this is an act of perjury and punishable through impeachment. Many South Africans have long lost confidence in the leadership of this monumentally flawed president. We also heard, from amongst others, the mouth of the ANC Chief Whip, that many branches of his party have also lost confidence in his leadership and are calling for his removal. President Zuma, the ANC and the world over, must know that South Africans reject to be led by an irreparably damaged leader. However, the ruling clique on this side of the house, is behaving like wolves, screaming in unison, to defend one of theirs at the expense of the country. They are showing South Africans a middle finger. Another confusion is being made by the party Secretary General, who on the one hand calls for his leader to follow his conscience yet his party members in this house are blocked from thinking. It begs a question, how many and to what extent are the apex leaders of the ANC are contaminated by the actions of their flawed leader. This crisis is only equal to the collective conscience of all the citizens. In this regard, UDM calls on all citizens, irrespective of their political persuasions, not to abdicate their historic and fundamental civic responsibilities. We must find a common point of convergence to defend our hard won democracy. The remaining months to 2019 must be about re-claiming our collective freedoms, and I dare say, there is a lot to be done. We support the motion. I thank you
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02 Nov, 2016
Address by Bantu Holomisa at the March Against State Capture
Fellow South Africans We are here today to talk about the challenges we face as a Nation and we wish to send a strong message to Government. Our Nation finds itself on the slippery slope of corruption, lawlessness, anarchy and dissatisfaction. We must capture the lost ground of the past 22 years. We are frustrated. We are tired. We are hungry. We don’t have houses. We don’t have jobs. Election promises that were made, such as free education, have not realised. Our resources are syphoned out of the Country at the expense of our people. The agencies, that are there to protect the interest of the public, are being openly abused and/or undermined. We want things to be better. We want our people to be happy and to be proud South Africans. The big question is: can we trust the current establishment to lead the nation out of this quagmire? For instance, instead of delegating representatives of Government to talk to dissatisfied citizens, they dispatch the police. The Marikana example, and other related incidents, remain the tragic products of this style of leadership. Must this country wait for the ruling party’s congress next year for them to elect new leadership whilst the country is burning in the meantime. Even if they choose new leadership, there is no guarantee that those new leaders will be able to address the current challenges. If not for the work of the opposition parties in Parliament, the situation would have been worse; but it can no longer be the opposition parties alone, being tasked to find solutions. Don’t you think it is each of our responsibility, as citizens of the country, to work together in finding solutions? All sectors of civil society should participate in a dialogue. During the negotiations, after the Municipal Elections of 2016, the African Christian Democratic Party, the Congress of the People, the Democratic Alliance, the Economic Freedom Fighters, the Freedom Front Plus, the Inkatha Freedom Party, the United Democratic Movement and the United Front, agreed in principle that it is necessary for the Nation to meet. In this regard, we proposed that a National Convention should be held as a platform to discuss the problems facing South Africa today. Some of the issues we need to talk about date back to the Codesa era. We can no longer afford a situation where discussions around South Africa’s problems devolve into a talk-shop or yet another useless bosberaad. Should there be an emerging consensus at the proposed National Convention that there is a need to change legislation, it should go straight to Parliament for ratification. We must not lose momentum. We must harness the energy we’ve generated thus far, and use it to find solutions to the current challenges. For anyone who is interested in reading more about the concept of the National Convention, the proposal that the UDM sent to other political leaders yesterday, is available on https://udm.org.za/road-map-towards-south-african-national-convention-udm-perspective/. Thank you Delivered at St Alban’s Cathedral, Pretoria
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26 Sep, 2016
Bantu Holomisa requests meeting of political leaders and IEC regarding ANC leadership’s criticism of Mr Terry Tselane
Dear Mr Mashinini REQUEST FOR AN URGENT MEETING OF THE LEADERS OF ALL POLITICAL PARTIES REPRESENTED IN PARLIAMENT The above matter has reference. It has come to my attention that the African National Congress (ANC) has declared the Deputy Chairperson of the Independent Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC), Mr Terry Tselane, an enemy. It is alleged that, at the IEC National Results Centre (in Pretoria) for the 2016 Municipal Elections, the Secretary General of the ANC, Mr Gwede Mantashe and his deputy Ms Jessie Duarte, in the presence of the State President (who is also the ANC’s President) caused a stir by confronting Mr Tselane and, amongst others, alleging that he: Was an enemy of the ANC; Was conniving with the opposition parties against the ANC; Had single-handedly removed teachers as IEC electoral officers during the 2016 Municipal Elections in order to benefit opposition parties; and that His behaviour has benefitted the opposition parties. These are serious allegations, considering that it was made against a member of the Electoral Commission. It is interesting to note that Mr Mantashe seems to be confirming that the appointment of teachers as electoral officers, is designed to disadvantage opposition parties and unduly benefit the ANC. Such an admission vindicates the view always held by opposition parties with regard to the ‘exclusive’ appointment of teachers as electoral officers. Many of these teachers, if not all, are members of a Cosatu affiliated teachers’ union, Sadtu. Cosatu is in alliance with the ANC and has always taken a firm decision to support the ANC in every election that has taken place since the advent of democracy in South Africa; its decisions binds Sadtu and its members. These allegations place a grey cloud over other Electoral Commissioners. It will not be far-fetched to question whether their loyalties are with the country, its citizens and the Constitution or with the ANC. This is important, because from these allegations, it is clear, that any Electoral Commissioner who does not sweeten the ANC will be regarded as an enemy and will be dealt with accordingly. These developments may necessitate that the current composition of the Electoral Commission be urgently scrutinised to ascertain whether they are all in the service of the nation or in the service of a political party. I am also made to believe that the ANC has begun to question Accenture, a company that has been contracted and worked with IEC to provide technical solutions for a stable technical environment to support elections processes. In my recollection, the credibility of this company has never been questioned by the ANC and it is interesting that it is only now emerging after the elections results that have shocked the ruling party. It begs a serious question; why does the ruling party now have an issue with Accenture and why was this matter never tabled at the appropriate body i.e. the National Party Liaison Committee. I am also aware that the ANC is allegedly considering to alter the current party representation on the IEC’s Party Liaison Committees in favour of proportional representation. We wish to obtain a detailed understanding of this development and its rationale. The alleged meeting that took place on Monday, 19 September 2016, at Luthuli House, which was attended by some of the ANC ‘top six’ and Electoral Commissioner, is of serious concern. It is further disturbing that it is alleged that some of the issues raised above were discussed in the said clandestine meeting. Accordingly, I request that you convene an urgent meeting of all the leaders of parties represented in the South African Parliament to consider, amongst others, the matters raised above. I hope this will be attended to urgently. Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement
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11 Jul, 2016
Mandileni Communities without water: Bantu Holomisa’s letter to Minister Mokonyane
Dear Minister Mokonyane MANDILENI COMMUNITIES IN THE EASTERN CAPE SUFFER BECAUSE OF LACK OF WATER SUPPLY – WE SEEK YOUR INTERVENTION During my recent travels through the country on the campaign trail, I visited the Mandileni community outside Mount Frere in the Eastern Cape on Thursday, 7 July 2016. The people in this community suffer a number of hardships and complain of a lack of service delivery; most notably the lack of a reliable, healthy water supply. The area is completely dry and at the moment the residents of Mandileni share an unfenced water-well with livestock. To make matters worse, the well will not produce water for much longer. Upon enquiry I have discovered that the Alfred Nzo District Municipality does not have the capital, nor the capacity, to assist these people in dire need. I herewith plead for your immediate intervention and assistance, and suggest that you dispatch departmental engineers to the area to find a long-term solution and that, in the meantime, maybe tanks could be erected to store water and/or the South African National Defense Force could cart water to the desperate villages. Kindly advise Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement
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24 May, 2016
Bantu Holomisa writes to the Public Protector regarding alleged abuse by CETA CEO
Dear Advocate Madonsela ADDITIONAL INFORMATION ON THE REQUESTED INVESTIGATION INTO ALLEGATIONS OF IMPROPER CONDUCT/MALADMINISTRATION AND ABUSE OF OFFICE BY THE CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER OF THE CONSTRUCTION EDUCATION AND TRAINING AUTHORITY (CETA): FORENSIC INVESTIGATION REPORT My letter dated 9 February 2016, sent to your good office on the same day has reference. Subsequently, I wish to bring to your attention that a forensic investigation by CETA has been concluded and that a report was presented to the board on the 9th of May 2016. In this regard, your office is humbly advised to demand access to the forensic investigation report referred to above. In order to get a full picture, your office is also advised to request the relevant court papers, minutes of the board meeting as well as the reports the CEO presented to the relevant parliamentary portfolio committee, in which she has been found to have misled all those bodies. Geldenhys – Malatji firm, which conducted the forensic investigation referred to above, at CETA, has confirmed that in their investigation there was an adverse finding against Mr George Peta and that the CETA should never have done business with him and his company, called Canton Trading. They further reaffirmed that the CETA Forensic Investigations, prior to Mr George Peta’s resignation and subsequent business dealings with the CETA had made serious adverse findings against Mr Peta and emphasised that CETA should not have done business with him. Given the additional information, herein shared with your office, we humbly request that the Public Protector ask the following, directly to the Minster as part of the investigation requested. The Minister is in possession of the Forensic Report which has found that the CEO has lied, what steps he is taking, if any, with regard to such gross miss-conduct. The country needs to know what was the benefit of spending R60million on George Peta’s Company and whether how such public expenditure has changed the lives of the intended beneficiaries, the poor students and how many, if any. The minister is also aware that the CETA did business to the tune of R60 million with Mr Peta, a person the minister’s investigators said we should never have done a business with – what actions, if any, has the minister taken against: · The CEO; · The Board; and · The Procurement Officials (Africa Wide Consulting Services) Given the fact that the whistle-blowers have been vindicated by the findings in the Geldenhys – Malatji Investigation, why do they remain suspended and dismissed whilst the person proved to have misled the EXCO, the Board, the Portfolio Committee and the court, remains in the office and in charge of a billion rand operation. It is common cause that the CEO’s salary was mysteriously increased to the tune of R2.7 million, however, the Minister has to explain how was this done and what were the reasons. Given the findings of the forensic investigation on the conduct of the CEO, what is the Minister intending to do with regards to what could be viewed as fruitless and wasteful expenditure in paying the dubious CEO such amounts. Your office is further request that it demand the evidence presented in the Geldenhys – Malatji’s Investigation which has directed the investigation to arrive at these critical findings. Attached herein are relevant documents that would make it easy to proceed with the investigation I look forward to your excellent investigative work on this matter. Kind regards, Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement
