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05 Sep, 2020
Igniting entrepreneurship and creating wealth creators
Good morning and thank you for taking the time to join me on a Saturday morning to talk about entrepreneurship in South Africa. 1. Entrepreneurship in South Africa: a failure thus far 1.1. The ballgame for entrepreneurs was quite different in 1994, as the South African business landscape started to change. A few, some would call, lucky black souls who got their foot in the door, were brought on board in companies as BEE partners, they were nurtured and received 25% control in companies for their efforts. Others became directors, earning fees and were not interested in running businesses and no-one checked if any black South Africans were actually being empowered, and not only being enriched, and even then, it was doubtful whether this wealth was really shared amongst the many. 1.2. Government banks and investment bodies like the PIC, DBSA, IDC and so on, have become piggy banks for the elite and creates more instant multi-millionaires and billionaires, who don’t pay their loans back, than wealth-creators who generate job opportunities for others. 1.3. Tenderpreneurship unfortunately became a negative buzzword somewhere along the line. Of course, business should be done with government, but it became a dirty game of one-upmanship, greed and shoddy or failed deliverables. 1.4. In some instances, black South Africans are used by foreign nationals to score tenders and once you trace where these monies go, they leave our shores for good, which is also unacceptable. Another aspect of foreign competition on South African soil is that foreign entrepreneurs are often subsidised by their governments, for instance in the retail sector to obtain cheap stock, thus making it tough for our local entrepreneurs to compete. 1.5. Another aspect to consider is our economic policy. We had RDP, GEAR, AsgiSA, NGP, NDP and so on. This chopping and changing erodes investor confidence and drives out entrepreneurship. To compound matters, the tri-partite alliance’s differing stances on the economy further confuses policies. 1.6. Without belabouring it too much, the Coronavirus and lockdown, could not have hit us at a worse time and has set us back. 2. The UDM’s thoughts on entrepreneurship 2.1. There must be a paradigm shift in the way that we think of job creation and focus on the empowerment of our youth to be wealth creators, future employers, manufacturers and business owners. 2.2. In order to achieve this, the UDM thinks the following things must be in place: • A distinct national fund must be established to assist frustrated entrepreneurs to get the basic tools to start their businesses. When I say “tools”, I literally mean “tools”, like equipment and gear. The investment must be directly into the operation of those businesses. • Investment in sector-based planning and implementation, including the creation of sector-specific banks to provide financial assistance to historically disadvantaged groups and individuals. Such sector banks could assist the youth to start their own business in, for instance, the textile, IT, tourism, hospitality and agricultural industries. People might disagree with the UDM, but we think billions of Rands are wasted on the SETAs, whilst they could be transformed into such sector banks. • Markets for small firms must be identified through promoting domestic and foreign connections to adequately address both supply and demand. • A massive training programme should help entrepreneurs to build and manage their companies. • Loan opportunities and sources of capital should be identified, as well as facilitating loans and investments in community businesses. • More resources should be devoted to promote: “buying South African” as a tool to stimulate local wealth generation and job creation. 3. Closing 3.1. There is enough money available, but there must be enough political will to make the necessary changes. 3.2. We cannot wait for a minority of whites and a black elite to mass create work opportunities; it hasn’t happened in 26 years. I thank you.
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05 Aug, 2020
Is dissolution of executive, in favour of a caretaker, not the answer to corruption?
Media release by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP and UDM President To put things in perspective the start of South Africa’s steady descent into the depths of dishonesty and exploitation was Sarafina II, what followed was the Arms Deal, Oilgate, Travelgate, as well as the Chancellor House/Hitachi deal. Then it was Transnet, Prasa, VBS, PIC, relationships with the Gupta family, to name but a few headliners and most recently, the alleged corruption involving the R500 billion Covid-19 relief fund, which took an already despicable practice to new moral lows. How can the people of this country believe Ace Magashule when he says his party is “outraged and deeply embarrassed” by acts of corruption allegedly committed by some of its members and leaders in Covid-19 procurement across the country? Tenderpreneurship, (ab)using ties with family and/or friends, is certainly not new. South Africa has reeled from one scandal to another and the African National Congress (ANC) National Executive Committee (NEC) saw nothing wrong, and has, for years, allowed the comrades in corruption to perfect their craft. Now, suddenly, the ANC NEC woke up to the idea that, even if its legal to benefit at a suffering people’s expense, which has been its primary defence in the past, it is unethical. If it had not been for the Covid-19 experience, things would have merrily continued… as it turns out, some corruption are worse than others. Cadre deployment, as well as factional infighting, have paralyzed the state completely. That said, after a quarter of a century’s worth of corruption, the truth of the matter is that the governing party is incapable of rooting out corruption. Not only because of a lack of political will, but mainly because its entire leadership is tainted, and it is impossible for the accused to preside over the investigation, trial and punishment. Maybe the time is ripe for South Africans to consider, and debate, something a little more drastic i.e. should they not demand that the executive arm of government be dissolved and be replaced by a caretaker administration until the 2024 National and Provincial Elections? Such a structure could be comprised of representatives from civil society and the judiciary; with no political component. Parliament must be kept in place to play its crucial oversight role. Part of its mandate should be to develop legislation to specifically, and definitively, deal with corruption and the recovery of taxpayers’ stolen monies, as well as drafting a white paper on what kind of local government system this country requires as our current system is failing the people. Resuscitating our economy should be at the top of such a caretaker government’s agenda, as well as a review of the Chapter 9 institutions and addressing our collapsing infrastructure and waste management (our country is dirty). Issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
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12 Mar, 2020
PIC report: the UDM is vindicated on Harith
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) welcomes the publishing of the long-awaited report of the Mpati Commission of inquiry into the Public Investment Corporation (PIC). We are happy that, even though President Ramaphosa took his sweet time in releasing it, it does not seem as if there was any attempt to lessen the blow. We have been vindicated with the Commission’s findings which attributes improprieties to the PIC senior management for failure to manage decision-making in a professional and honest manner. The Commission found in particular that the former CEO, Dr Dan Matjila was dishonest, and the PIC board merely rubber-stamped his decisions. In particular the UDM is happy that the Commission cut to the bone in its findings around Harith, saying that the company managed the PAIDF I and II “at significantly high fees” and that the earnings and incentive schemes provided rich rewards for those “…selected by the PIC… confirming that PIC directors and employees used their positions for personal gain and/or to benefit another person.” “Harith’s conduct was driven by financial reward to its employees and management, and not by returns to the GEPF. In essence the PIC initiative, created in keeping with government vision and PIC funding was ‘privatised’ such that those PIC employees and office bearers originally appointed to establish the various Funds and companies reaped rich rewards.” Even though we are proud of the fact that we championed the cause in getting the rot exposed at the PIC, the sad part is that the damage done will be everlasting. At this stage, we certainly hope that the National Prosecuting Authority, and other authorities, will run with the ball and bring any and all guilty parties to book. This process should be a lesson in point for the greedy hyenas out there that they will not get away with corruption and mismanagement. The UDM will be scrutinising the details of the almost 1000-page report in due course. Issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa UDM President
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20 Feb, 2020
Bantu Holomisa on South Africa today and how best to position ourselves for the future
Let me start off by saying a heartfelt “thank you” to the South African Ubuntu Foundation for giving me this opportunity to chat with you today. Ladies and gentlemen, South Africa faces a triple crisis. Not the conventional one of unemployment, poverty and inequality, though those underlying socio-economic conditions remain, scarring our land, and casting a long shadow over the post-1994 South Africa. No, a new triple crisis: first, a fiscal crisis; second, an energy crisis; and third, the climate crisis that affects everyone, everywhere around the world. While the climate crisis is a global phenomenon, in which the developing world is a victim of the choices made by the Western powers of the industrial revolution and what followed it, the first two are own goals. The fiscal crisis and the energy crisis are failures of governance. To position ourselves for the future, we first must fix these two problems. For the economy to grow, we need a reliable supply of energy. For the investors to invest, we need a reliable supply of energy. And to avoid a downgrade to full junk status, we need to stabilize the fiscus. In turn, that means addressing the size of the public sector wage bill. All eyes will be on Tito Mboweni next week when he delivers his budget speech. Will he be able to show sufficient progress since the mini-budget last October. I very much doubt it. The danger of the downgrade, is that it puts further pressure on the fiscus and then on the social wage. If the government finds that it cannot maintain the social security safety need that it has created since 1994, and which the Constitution requires, then we will be in real trouble in terms of socio-economic risks and public order unrest. But we are not there yet. And we must not be too pessimistic. This is a resilient country, as we have shown many times. Most recently, we showed it in our determination to defend the freedoms and rights enshrined in the Constitution. A rogue president was held to account and ultimately ousted from power. Our rule of law held the line; our judges proved their independence; and many of our institutions either resisted state capture or slowly being rebuilt. Although I credit our President with having made steady progress in his reform programme, I worry about the urgency and boldness of his decision-making. I am concerned that he does not understand the full gravity of the situation. Even more worryingly, I am worried that he is too concerned about appeasing his political enemies within the ruling party. That is a waste of time and energy. The Zuma cabal, the Fightback Faction – call them what you like – are a bunch of scoundrels. Their strategy is a scorched earth strategy. The worst things are, the worse it is for the president, and the better it is for them. They believe that they can defend their interests and avoid prosecution and jail. They must be proved wrong. Hence, although the link with the economy is vague and indirect, I realise that in order to position ourselves for the future, we need to show to ourselves and to the world that we are capable of bringing to account those who were responsible for state capture. And we must not make the mistake, state capture did not start in Zuma’s era, it was there long before that. Just look at the Arms Deal and Sarafina II scandals and Chancellor House in particular which was a vehicle to loot state resources with impunity. They must pay the price for their vandalism and their selfish disregard for public integrity. The other important way in which we can position ourselves for the future is to be more decisive about where in our economy we want to welcome in new private sector investment. It is clear now that the government has run out of ideas and run out of runway – certainly in terms of SAA, if you will forgive the pun – in terms of the contribution it can make to public investment and job creation. If anything, the state needs to make some tough decisions to prevent massive job losses and cut costs, because of the fiscal crisis. While the state has a developmental role to play, it also needs to reignite economic growth of new private investment. This is no time, then, for holding onto sacred ideological cows. We need to be pragmatic. We cannot deny the fact that the state has a critical role play in redressing the backlogs and imbalances of the past. There is once more a great opportunity to find common cause between the state, the people and the private sector. We need to align policies with the needs of investors, and we need to provide clear policy certainty above all else. The tensions at NEDLAC, between labour and big business, and the mistrust investors have around government’s connection with labour needs to be addressed. This could be attended to by including other social partners. Here again, there are concerns about the willingness and ability of the President and his cabinet to offer the certainty that is required. Too often they appear not to be singing from the same hymn sheet. The notes jar; there is a discordant sound when, for example, Minister of Minerals and Energy Gwede Mantashe, speaks on the subject of opening up the energy sector to private investment. Why is this? Is it really ideological wariness or is the hesitation due to something else? Is he trying, for example, to protect coal interests? Or his apparent reserve about renewable energy more to do with a concern that foreign renewable energy companies will prove to be resistant to attempts to create rent-seeking opportunities for the tender-preneur community? We need the president to lead. His job is to ensure that his cabinet is aligned and speaks with one voice, unequivocally obedient to the strategies he outlined in SONA last week. To do so, he will have to abandon the pretence that the ANC can be re-united. That ship has sailed – long ago. It is divided and factionalised. He is on a complete hiding to nothing if he invests too much political capital in trying to keep everyone inside the ANC happy. So, he must decide where his real priority lies. There can be only one choice: the country. But I wonder whether he is capable of making that tough choice. Lastly, we must play to our strengths. This is a country that is rich in talent, has plentiful local capital markets and well-run companies as well as some well-run public institutions. As I have said, it has an independent judicial branch of government. And it has an effective, free media and a robust civil society. We must work together to harness these talents. We can no longer expect government to do everything, still less the ANC. We must take our futures into our own hands, forging partnerships across sectors and society and the economy. We must do what we do best as South Africans – be creative and resilient, and thereby avoid the precipice. The responsibility for those of us who are elected to serve in parliament is to look beyond the walls of parliament and to help cultivate those creative partnerships. As we build our ability to build and sustain coalitions in party politics, so too we must build and sustain extra parliamentary coalitions – between political leaders, community leaders, NGOs and thinktanks, and, yes, business. That is the sort of social compact that we need. If we do so well, then we will position ourselves effectively. We will be able to articulate exactly what it is that we need our government to do, and then the government will have no choice but to respond positively. This requires a sense of strategic leadership and vision. Those of us with power and privilege and wealth will need to continue to make sacrifices in service of this goal. Because we must remember that the great majority of South Africans struggle to live a decent life and to feed their children. We owe to them to create the conditions, the partnerships, the policies, and the good governance needed to grow the economy and create employment. Nobody doubts that over the last 25 years we have been consumers, we need to find the ingredients to bake a bigger economic cake so that everyone not only gets a fair share, but that they also contribute to a healthy, stable and growing economy. I thank you.
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31 Jan, 2020
Speech by Bantu Holomisa at the farewell function for Major General Mlindeni Sibango
Ladies and gentlemen Thank you for allowing me this opportunity to say a few words at this farewell function for Major General Mlindeni Sibango; a brother in arms and a long-time friend. On behalf of General Sibango I wish to thank the South African National Defence Force for giving him the opportunity to serve this Country. He certainly distinguished himself and made us proud. I have known General Sibango since the years of the then Transkei Defence Force (TDF) as he rose through the ranks. He was one of the former commanders in the TDF that I had encouraged to study and do military courses. In fact, he was one of the strategic individuals that were chosen for training in India after Chris Hani, General Mgwebi and my trip to India to arrange training for both TDF and uMkhonto we Sizwe cadres. General Sibango was always a willing and able student and his achievement of a master’s degree at Wits bears testimony to that. His long-time career, and his leadership and participation in preparing our troops for deployment in peace-keeping missions on the Continent shows a man who “knew his stuff”. In fact, I would call General Sibango a “mobile archive” of military knowledge and we cannot allow his skill and experience to go to waste just because he’s reached retirement age. Given his background and knowledge, it’s people like him who should be recruited by the state for diplomatic missions, because they know the field and, above all, are disciplined. In the same vein, outgoing officers such as General Sibango should seriously consider establishing an independent institution to train future leaders and managers for the military, civil service and private sector. I cannot think of a better course developer, role-model and lecturer than General Sibango who could impart discipline, wisdom and knowledge to young South Africans. General Sibango, you have dedicated your life to South Africa and her people. We thank you for that. From one retired general to another, my friend, I say to you: “Welcome to the Club!” I thank you.
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20 Aug, 2019
Bantu Holomisa’s address at the Colloquium on Civil Military Relations in South Africa
• Honourable Chairperson • Honourable Minister and Deputy Minister • Secretary of Defence • Fellow Committee Members and Parliamentarians • Ladies and gentlemen 1. Thank you Allow me this opportunity to thank our Chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Defence and Military Veterans, Mr VC Xaba, MP, for the opportunity to address you today. 2. Introduction In a time of war, the politics and society are willing to accept that the military has a just cause and its own set of values and standards, because we believe that they act for a higher good. The majority of the populace is happy to believe that the military is acting on its behalf and that it will do so with honour and justness. We have two familiar examples in our history where this is true: The South African Border War and the Armed Struggle. In both cases “the people”, or at the very least, certain sections of society, approved of, and supported and believed in, those armed actions. However, upon the dawn of true democracy, government was challenged by the necessity to make a paradigm shift, in which the South African National Defence Force simultaneously had to build an institution that is transparent, accountable and representative of the societal demographics. In addition, the former statutory and non-statutory armies had to be moulded into one united force. Both tall orders and as I discovered in my work with the Defence Force Service Commission, we, after 25 years, are still struggling to get right. As a quick example, many defence force men and women, who came from the various former armed forces retained their force numbers. There is no uniformity in the system and it has led to discrimination in promotions. We can, however, all agree that there must be a balance between having a well-funded and strong military to defend the state’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and well-being of its citizenry, and one that is subservient enough to not threaten the state and the people. But most of all, we need to guard against a military that is abused by government to quash dissent and destroy human rights and freedoms. We just have to look at our own history to understand how serious such a situation can be. 3. Parliament and laws keep us from running the risk of repeating the past The relationship between the military and civil society is sometimes a fickle one. On the continent, it has happened that the people look to the military to almost “save” them from the abuse of severe governmental corruption and looting of resources. In South Africa, there has for good reason, been a marked constitutional shift from “doing things the old way”, where military decisions were taken at security council level without consulting parliament. Which, in a certain way, meant that the military held government and the people at ransom. We can be thankful that our constitution now dictates that parliament has an imperative role to play in terms of monitoring our defence force’s readiness and sanctioning military action should the country be in imminent danger. Parliament must be kept abreast of the goings-on in the military, such as budget and operational needs, which talks to civilian oversight in its strongest and purest form. The laws governing the military and defence reviews (1998 and 2012/3) are the tools used to ensure that the civil-military relations in South Africa are healthy, trustable and that this relationship is kept stable and intact. 4. What could the business of the defence force be if we are not at war Not all threats are what we could traditionally consider the business of a defence force. The role of the defence force is not only to protect our people from outside military threats as, sometimes, the problem arises from within our borders. That is why the military should from time to time work in support of the police. Serious crime in various guises threaten the internal safety of our citizens and the security of our country. • There is a form of “economic espionage” where the intellectual property of Denel and Armscor is pillaged. • South Africans with links to foreign countries make use of our porous borders to fuel the drug trade to where it has become a pandemic. • Hijacked vehicles find their way across our borders in a matter of hours. Aside from the obvious role the defence force, for instance, plays in peacekeeping operations and emergency assist in case of natural disasters, it is clear that we need to let our minds go to see where the defence force can also play a meaningful role. 5. Secretary of Defence: is the civilian component inside the department effective? I want to zone into a very specific mechanism of civilian oversight in terms of the department of defence. As the system stands, for day-to-day administration and the coordination of strategic processes, the Minister of Defence and Military Veterans relies on the Defence Secretariat; which is the civilian component within the department. The system of having a Secretary of Defence primarily works well in developed countries, which have their own military conscription programmes, which in turn means there is a general understanding of how the military works. There is therefore a deep appreciation for the basic underpinnings of defence, which are speed, control and discipline. Even so, normally, the person who holds the post of Secretary of Defence has likely studied defence as a profession and is steeped in military culture. We need to understand that in a country where this is not the case, this leads to tensions. For instance, during my period of service on the Defence Force Service Commission, many frustrations were registered with us regarding the Secretary of Defence. On our tours across the country, interacting with the defence professionals and military careerists, the delays in decision-making and implementation was a hot topic. Commanders reported that they were constantly embarrassed when they were forced to go to the rank and file to try and explain why certain decisions were not yet implemented. This is not military culture. The Defence Force Service Commission quite often heard of scenarios where the office of the Secretary for Defence was blamed for delays. It seemed to them that the Secretary spent far too much time outside the country, for whatever reason, and was not preoccupied with making the defence force a well-oiled machine. We can all agree that the work of our defence force is by its very nature based on its ability and need to make quick decisions and ensure effective implementation. It is therefore counter-intuitive, that a civilian non-professional would be the lynchpin in this process. As currently implemented, civilian oversight has evolved into the appointment of civilians in the highest decision-making positions in a manner that undermines the ability of the security forces to manage their operations effectively. In my view, we need to take a look at the practicality of the current system of civilian oversight in the department of defence. Do we still need the Secretary of Defence to be an accounting officer? I personally favour that the commander of the defence force plays this role. Civilian oversight can reside with the office of the minister with constant liaison with parliament. Because, after all, how can the Secretary of Defence play the role of oversight and be the accounting officer? It’s just not common sense. In addition, it would be good if the defence force leadership could directly indicate their budgetary requirements to National Treasury. This will go a long way in making it an effective force that can serve this country well, and keep us safe. 6. Closing We can all agree that there is a careful, if not sometimes precarious, balance between the legislature, civil society and the military. Given our country’s history, it is all the more important that we continue to maintain this balance that we have struck over the past 25 years, but we must also be realistic about what works and what does not. It is of no use to cling to that which does not work at the expense of our country’s safety and the ability of the defence force to fulfil its constitutional mandate, in particular that “The defence force must be structured and managed as a disciplined military force”. I thank you.
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04 May, 2019
Bantu Holomisa’s address at a UDM Election Rally the Khutsong Stadium, Carletonville
• National Leadership of the UDM • Provincial and regional leaders of the party • UDM members and supporters • Fellow South Africans 1. Introduction A big thank you goes out to the United Democratic Movement (UDM) leaders and activists who have worked tirelessly in our campaigns over the past few months. The UDM does not have the luxury of spending millions of rands on our electioneering. But, we managed to stage a successful campaign with the flighting of billboards, putting up posters, handing out flyers and talking to the voters during our door-to-door canvassing. We also achieved our goal of successfully launching our manifesto in Port Elizabeth with thousands of South Africans in attendance. We can proudly say that we have worked as hard as we possibly can; and hold our heads up high. What we did not have access to is the constant media coverage that two political parties have enjoyed. We do however thank some media houses who covered us during this period. The Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA) and the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) have a responsibility to promote multi-party democracy and to ensure that news providers comport themselves in an ethical and unbiased manner. By not fulfilling their mandates and not enforcing the rules and regulations, these bodies have failed to ensure fair coverage of all political parties in these elections. 2. Another five years of corruption The bulk of the millions of registered voters will cast their votes on Wednesday. They will be cognisant of South Africa’s faltering economy that has produced jobless growth, and the situation has been compounded by corruption and maladministration – especially over the past ten or eleven years. It’s up to the voter to assess the status quo and decide what kind of leadership they want for the future. The commissions of inquiry, especially the Zondo commission, have unmasked a common denominator in the years of nauseating corruption and lies we hear about these days. We have heard how Bosasa and the Guptas have bankrolled the African National Congress (ANC). We erroneously thought that the former president and some of his cabinet ministers were the sole perpetrators of corruption. However, the revelations at the Zondo Commission tells another deeply distressing story. We now realise how Bosasa bought the top echelons of the ruling party. You will recall that the UDM, together with other opposition parties, have sought the constitutional court’s intervention on several occasions in an effort to fight the ruling parties’ looting and misrule over the past nine years. Had it not been for the opposition, there would not have been any change in government’s leadership. It is time for the voters to recognise the contribution we made to root out corruption. Voters must realise that the ruling party’s so-called, self-correcting nature, is a myth. The question voters must now ask themselves is this: “Do we want another five years of corrupt ANC rule?”. Should they get a simple majority, we are definitely in for more of the same. We will have the same corrupt individuals at the helm, and South Africa simply cannot survive under these conditions. We have seen first-hand how they operate. We know that the comrades in corruption see nothing wrong with their misdeeds and don’t care that our people are paying the price. What is worse is that they are not even ashamed of their blatant lies. We know that state institutions have become the private banks of the ruling elite. We, for example, know how the Public Investment Corporation wrote off billions of the Government Employees Pension Fund (GEPF) monies. We now know how a choice group of people, built empires using pensioners’ monies, making investments that has yielded no results and risked hundreds of thousands of pensioners nest eggs. The civil service wage bill remains cause for concern. This burden on government’s resources, is exacerbated, because of the overreliance on consultants. Civil servants, simply cannot do the jobs they are appointed to do. The side-effect of this system is that big business has ingratiated itself with the ruling party as they line up for lucrative government tenders; and they do this without investing that money to create more jobs. The greedy will continue to milk the system ignoring the fact that Jacob Zuma was not alone in his corrupt activities. It is not in their best interest to support other political parties. It would rather suit big business to, notwithstanding the ruling party’s gross failures, support Cyril Ramaphosa as if he is an individual free of political ties. What nonsense is this? People should not be surprised when they see this narrative repeated if the status quo remains. How much more proof does the voting public need to say no to another five years of ANC rule? 3. One party dominance One-party dominance breeds corruption. Multi-party democracy ensures that we have a government system that has the checks and balances built in. We have to fight for this system. The simple truth be told, should the current ruling party get a simple majority: • Looting of state resources will not end; • Instead of growing a bigger economic cake, economic depression will continue; • Dreadful joblessness will endure; • Our clinics will still not be equipped to take care of our people’s health needs; • Our education system will remain in tatters; • Our roads and infrastructure will further deteriorate; • The tolerance for crime and lawlessness will continue; • Environmental problems such as poor waste management will continue to plague informal settlements and townships; • Societal ills, such as alcohol and drug abuse, will never be rooted out; • We will still have elite projects, like the eToll system, impacting on businesses and workers, and; • We will still have a government of no consequences. After a twenty-five-year track-record, the ANC still has the temerity to campaign on the anti-corruption ticket. Given its reputation, why would the voting public give them another chance? 4. Free and fair elections South Africans demand free and fair elections. The world has their eyes on us. Investors are holding money at bay to see what happens. We have heard scary stories of how elections in other countries were rigged through the sophisticated hacking of results. We hope that the IT companies the IEC has appointed will not fall into this trap. If such a thing should happen, the IEC’s independence will mean nothing and our elections would hold no value. We also call on our colleagues in other political parties to watch the IEC like hawks. Our voting agents should make arrangements to rotate so that we can always have fresh eyes on the voting processes. We must be especially vigilant when it comes to the marking of the voters roll, to ensure that crooks don’t cast more than one vote. 5. What are the first things the new government should attend to? Priority number one for a new government should entail a broad approach, with the public and private sectors included, to create sustainable jobs. The role of government should be ironed out. It’s of no use to rattle off numbers, saying that so many millions of jobs will be created, whilst we see people being retrenched. Once this exercise is completed, we can say how many jobs will be created where e.g. in the agriculture and the textile industries. We need to stop the mass dumping of goods in South Africa from countries like China, Brazil and India, whilst we should be creating local jobs. The time for folding our arms is over and government has a responsibility to intervene to stop unfair competition with other countries who heavily subsidise their industries. 6. Closing The UDM’s message to the voting public is to apply your minds and vote wisely. Consider what we have said today when you make your cross on the 8th. For a corruption-free government, vote UDM! Thank you
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14 Apr, 2019
Bantu Holomisa’s address at a UDM Election Rally at Marikana
• National Leadership of the UDM • Provincial and regional leaders of the party • UDM members and supporters • Fellow South Africans 1. Introduction Greetings to you all and thank you for welcoming the United Democratic Movement (UDM) into your midst with such open arms. We have been here many times after that fateful day on 16 August 2012. We still mourn the loss of life and pray that those who paid with their lives rest in peace. This incident has left an indelible mark on the psyche of this community, especially on the families who were left behind. Since then, promises had been made to help the victims and also to improve the living conditions of the community at large. Nothing has happened, especially here in Marikana where the dust and tin shacks sketch a bleak image of the human suffering in this area. 2. Consequences for the Marikana Massacre To this day, there has been no consequences for those who broke the law when the Marikana Massacre happened. This file will never be closed until this happens and a new government must look into this as soon as possible. However, now that we have a new boss at the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), Advocate Shamila Batohi can let this community know how far the NPA is in making its decision to prosecute or not, and if not, why. 3. A failing government system The UDM has been moving around, doing our work, and we have heard your complaints around having access to the most basic of services. Water, electricity, decent housing, medical health care, and so the list goes on. This shows a failing government system that does not have its priorities straight. It shows a government that is run by a party that appears to have their knives out for this community. 4. Strife in the tri-partite alliance There is much irony in the strife that we witness within the tri-partite alliance. We all know that the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) vigorously differs from the economic policies that their partners ratify at African National Congress conferences. It is a mindboggling situation. It simply makes no sense for these people to still be married to each other. Unless, those in cushy positions of power prefers the status quo to remain at the expense of the working class and the unemployed. Investors see that this cart is being pulled by horses going in different directions and they hold their investments at bay. 5. The UDM’s outlook on the role of unions The UDM understands the role unions must play in mining communities such as yours. A UDM government will work with all unions. We are adamant that services and wealth should not be withheld, just because a union chooses to side with hardworking men and women, and not with a particular political party. 6. Restructuring Nedlac There is a generalised political challenge within the ruling party and the tripartite alliance. This shows most clearly in the work supposedly being done in the National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac). This structure has four very weak legs upon which it stands: 1. Nedlac’s limited composition i.e. only government, business and some labour formations, 2. The very labour formations who participate in this forum are in bed with the ANC, 3. Business will forever remain cagey and suspicious of their colleagues in the unions, because of this lack of arm’s length and 4. It not only discriminates against and disenfranchises other unions, it also does not have the benefit of other voices such as the unemployed (who most desperately need our economy to work) and other political parties (who represent other interest groups). A UDM government will make it a point to make the necessary changes to address Nedlac’s weaknesses. 7. The ongoing strike at Sibanye-Stillwater and allegations of corruption The Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU) members has for some time been on strike and it is way overdue for government to come to the party to help resolve the impasse. The UDM calls on government leaders to drop their pettiness and partiality, and get all stakeholders to sit down around a table to find solutions so that the strike will no longer be necessary. Another point I wish to raise is that many retired mineworkers are left out in the cold, literally and figuratively, because retirement contributions and Unemployment Insurance Fund payments, that were deducted from their salaries, have vanished into thin air. The UDM advises Amcu and other unions to appeal to, either the Mpati or the Zondo Commissions, to extend their inquiries into where mineworkers’ monies have gone. These commissions of inquiry have the necessary tools to summon anyone, or any company, to come and account for their alleged misdeeds. 8. Foreign direct investment As you are well aware, both President Ramaphosa and Mineral Resources Minister Mantashe comes from a mining background. Instead of doing something about the circumstances of mineworkers, they have succumbed to the influence of their BEE partners. When they go out to seek direct investment, and they manage to rustle up a few foreign investors, the ANC foists BEE companies on them. And, instead of some of those companies bringing in more money into South Africa, they seek loans from the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) and the Public Investment Corporation. We have, for example, seen this happen when the Guptas approached the IDC for a R250-million loan to buy their nonprofitable Shiva Uranium mine This is pure nonsense! 9. The SA tax system South Africa has a tax system that is skewed in favour of the rich and the corporate sector. For example, in South Africa today, private individuals carry the heaviest tax burden. According to the 2019/20 Budget, personal income tax will contribute R552.9 billion to the fiscus in 2019/20, value added tax will contribute R360.5 billion, while Corporate Income Tax will contribute a paltry R229.6 billion for the same period. A UDM government will change this tax system that favours the rich and the corporate sectors at the expense of the poor. We will increase the Corporate Income Tax rate from the current 28% to 31%, which will give us the resources we require for the service delivery needs of our people. Some will argue that increasing the corporate income tax rate will chase investors away. I put it to you that keeping it at 28% has not served as an incentive for foreign direct investment either. Instead, it has resulted in the corporate sector using sophisticated tax avoidance schemes to reduce their tax contribution to the fiscus even more. A UDM government will tighten laws on tax avoidance. To make matters worse, when one takes into account the fact that VAT contributes more to the fiscus than Corporate Income Tax, it is clear that the ANC government balances its budget on the backs of the poor. A UDM government will reduce VAT back to 14% and consider reducing it further in future to protect the poor. 10. What are you to do to change the status quo? Maybe this community is being punished because of their independence from the establishment. Maybe it’s mere vindictiveness of the local tri-partite mafia that’s relegating you to the lowest of the low. You must be strong and refuse to be terrorised into subjugation and realise that your power lies in your ability to vote this mafia out of office on the 8th of May. Thank you
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12 Apr, 2019
Bantu Holomisa speaks at a Unisa panel discussion on the 2019 general elections
• Our hosts today • Dr Somadoda Fikeni, our moderator • Those who represent the various departments that sponsored this panel discussion • My colleagues from other political parties • Academics and students • Ladies and gentlemen Thank you for affording me the opportunity to have a chat with you today. 1. The UDM’s road of success The United Democratic Movement (UDM) has since its inception batted on the wicket of the ethics of good governance. In fact, the UDM in part owes its beginning to that principled stance. My testimony at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, about corruption in the former Transkei, got me unceremoniously kicked out of the African National Congress, because I refused to recant. Soon after that, the UDM was born and we have not stopped fighting for what is good and right in this world: • We opposed the immoral floor-crossing legislation that was eventually scrapped. • We succeeded in having the Independent Electoral Commission’s former Chief Electoral Officer, Pansy Tlakula, resign because of an irregular lease agreement she organised. • We were part of the legal action taken to preserve and protect the former Public Protector Thuli Madonsela’s report on state capture. • The UDM was the catalyst that saw coalitions form after the 2016 elections. • We did our part in forcing the former president to vacate his office, specifically taking the matter of the secret ballot to the Constitutional Court and organising one of the biggest marches to the Union Buildings. • The UDM were there with our colleagues from other opposition parties when we asked the Constitutional Court to order parliament to consider the former president’s conduct and whether he is impeachable. • We have asked President Ramaphosa to intervene in the malfunctioning and corruption-ridden SETAs. Nothing has yet been done about it, but we won’t give up. • Various communities will attest to the fact that the UDM has intervened on their behalf to have government, at municipal, provincial and national levels, attend to their service delivery complaints. • Most recently, the UDM exposed alleged corruption at the Public Investment Corporation amounting to billions of rands. This directly led to the establishment of the Mpati Commission of Inquiry at which I am sure you saw me testify. Once again at our post guarding against corruption. These are the actions of a party that is opposed to pervasive corruption, maladministration and malfeasance in government. 2. Fighting government corruption It is a sad reality that South Africans have become jaded when they talk about government corruption. There is too much of it and it’s demoralising our nation. They only sit up and listen when “things get serious”, as we see with the current commissions of inquiry. Things are indeed very serious with billions of Rands at play. For the UDM, integrity, commitment and hard work are required from everyone in government, as well as those in the private sector. No quarter shall be given to those who fail. Rewarding party loyalty is an evil, that should become a thing of the past. The best quality must be ensured in all appointments, so that merit, responsibility and integrity is guaranteed, and excellence is rewarded. Specifically, the UDM believes that special courts must be established to investigate and prosecute the corrupt in the public and private sector. Also, each province must have an independent anti-corruption task team to determine the depth of corruption and to immediately act. 3. Safety and security For the UDM, the long-term solution to crime and violence lies in our people committing to a concerted effort to reform our society, so that we do not simply address the symptoms, but also the root causes. Although there are a number of initiatives that the UDM would introduce to bring about safety and security, I wish to highlight two specific strategies for the purpose of today’s discussion. a) As far as we are concerned, the recruitment processes of the police, defence and intelligence services must be revamped. The aim of such a programme will be to allow communities to participate in keeping their environments safe and secure. Individuals who are interested in a career in law enforcement will be trained and assigned to serve their communities. This will allow for the monitoring of crime, the gathering of intelligence and combating lawlessness, whilst also creating much needed jobs. b) The coordination between the ministries of justice, police services, correctional services, defence and national intelligence must be stepped up. The UDM proposes that a crime prevention ministry be established to coordinate the work of these departments. Specific objectives and deadlines must be set for the departments to achieve their goals. 4. Free education • The UDM supports fee-free tertiary education for students from poor and working-class families. Such an expanded programme can be justified economically as free education is a strategic economic driver, because it is an investment by the state in the creation of a larger tax base in the long run. However, once implemented under a UDM government, students’ progress shall be monitored and managed as an investment. • We also think that the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NFSAS) is a big flop. It is hamstrung by chronic maladministration, corruption and a jobs-for-pals leadership scheme. In addition, the way in which NSFAS is structured produces graduates who end up mired in debt. Because of our under-performing job market, they will remain indebted with no hope of repaying their loans. Of course, the biggest challenge at the other end of this education process is making sure that our graduates have jobs. 5. Job creation The UDM has always said that a massive initiative focussing on job creation through infrastructure maintenance and development is one of the routes to go. This planned sustainable development project must be driven through the department of public works, in collaboration with all other departments. Furthermore, the UDM’s response to the challenge of unemployment includes: • Identifying markets for small firms, through promoting domestic and foreign connections to adequately address both the supply and demand side of the economy. • Developing capacity in the areas of improved business and entrepreneurial skills. • Identifying loan and capital sources, as well as facilitating loans and investments in community businesses. • Investing in sector-based planning and implementation, including the creation of sector-specific banks to provide financial assistance to historically disadvantaged groups and individuals. 6. Xenophobia Xenophobia in South Africa is not a new thing and, as a matter of fact, it is getting worse by the day. There are multiple causes of xenophobia, but at the risk of over-simplifying the matter, the UDM is of the view that the root cause lies in the unregulated and unfair competition for the poor’s meagre resources. The dearth of jobs is, for instance, part of this dynamic and complex situation. On the one hand, undocumented immigrants are exploited, because they are desperate enough to work for low wages. And, on the other, there are no job opportunities for South Africans that pay a decent wage. To add to the complexity of the matter we have the issue of undocumented foreigners illegally occupying dwellings. The owners of such buildings, should be brought to book as they exploit undocumented immigrants and, by default, also deprive South Africans of safe havens. Like it or not, much of the blame is to be laid at government’s feet as the impact of its inadequate control over the arrival of illegal immigrants, and lack of resettlement mechanisms, are not addressed. A UDM government will handle illegal immigration in a humane and holistic manner, in line with our continental and international obligations. We also make a call on undocumented immigrants to come forward and be registered. Finally, we recognise that legal immigrants contribute immensely to our society and our economy. We are home to, for instance, some of the best educators and academics who impart knowledge and do important research and development. The UDM believes that xenophobia has no place in our society, but we must also be cognisant of our responsibilities to our own people. It is entirely possible for both these ambitions to work harmoniously. 7. An Economic Indaba with land at the apex of its work As we worked on establishing a new South Africa, land was placed on the backburner. Political emancipation was our primary goal at that time. Land, as a tool to achieve economic emancipation and make reparation, should have been addressed straight after liberation. Matters would look very different if the land issue had been addressed timeously. We certainly would have avoided the destructive tug-and-pull we now witness. When the National Assembly took a resolution on the expropriation of land without compensation, the UDM voted in favour of this resolution after it was amended. The UDM certainly did not vote for free-for-all land grabs and evictions. In this regard, the UDM has long promoted the view that the matter can only be effectively resolved at our proposed Economic Indaba, where all stakeholders can congregate to discuss South Africa’s macro economy, with land at the apex of the debate. There are a number of pertinent questions that should be answered before we make any rash decisions. Those are, amongst others, the following: • Who exactly (individuals, companies and/or government) will be affected and how? • How does food security and economic stability impact implementation i.e. does it prevent expropriation in specific circumstances, and what those would be? • How will government handle rapid urbanisation and an ever-increasing need to make land available in cities and the concomitant denuding of rural communities and local economies? • How will traditional leaders and rural communities be affected? • How will entities such as the Ingonyama Trust be impacted? 8. Closing With these few words I leave you and invite you to ask me any questions you wish me to answer. Thank you
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01 Apr, 2019
UDM’s concern over the it service providers employed by the IEC
Mr VG Mashinini Chairperson of the Electoral Commission Private Bag X112 Centurion 0046 Dear Mr Mashinini UDM’s CONCERN OVER THE IT SERVICE PROVIDERS EMPLOYED BY THE IEC The United Democratic Movement (UDM) is extremely concerned over the information technology (IT) service providers, and systems, the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) employs to run the 2019 National and Provincial Elections. We have, in the past, said much about the selection of these IT companies, their vetting and the security of the entire system, especially where it pertains to the capturing of results. As we stand at the door of these eminent elections, those grave concerns resurface. We would like to establish the following: 1. Has only one IT company been appointed through a tendering process? If so, can the IEC share this information (including its name) and confirm that it has been vetted and cleared? 2. If not, how many IT companies have been appointed through a tendering process; can the IEC share this information (including their names) and tell us whether they have been vetted and cleared? 3. At which stages and levels, of the process of the capturing of results, are each of these companies involved? Sir, it is of paramount importance that the political parties, as stakeholders in these elections, be provided with this information. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President Copied to: Political parties contesting the 2019 National and Provincial Elections Mr Sy Mamabolo, IEC Chief Electoral Officer
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21 Mar, 2019
UDM lodges complaint with IEC re alleged ANC attack on members campaigning in Mbizana
Mr VG Mashinini Chairperson of the Electoral Commission P/Bag X112 Centurion 0046 Dear Sir LODGING OF COMPLAINT: ALLEGED ATTACK ON UDM MEMBERS BY PERSONS DRESSED IN ANC REGALIA Earlier this week, United Democratic Movement (UDM) members were campaigning in Ward 7, Khaleni Administrative Area, in the Mbizana Local Municipality (Eastern Cape). Four of our members were allegedly assaulted by persons wearing African National Congress regalia. One of our members was admitted to hospital with injuries sustained in the attack. One of the alleged assailants is known to our members and a case has been opened with the police. We understand that two suspects have been arrested for common assault in the meantime. It is ironic that political parties have just yesterday signed the Independent Electoral Commission’s (IEC) Code of Conduct, and the Code has, allegedly, already been infringed upon by the aforementioned party. The UDM condemns political intolerance and violence in the strongest terms and we call on the IEC to play its role in taking action in terms of its powers to enforce the Code of Conduct. We will not accept another scenario where we, as in the past, lodged complaints with the IEC and, in our opinion, nothing was done. We look forward to your response. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President Mr Sy Mamabolo, IEC Chief Electoral Officer
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03 Mar, 2019
UDM welcomes President Ramaphosa’s green initiative
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) noted President Cyril Ramaphosa’s announcement that government will start a massive clean-up campaign to get rid of the litter and waste that lay by our road-sides and fouls our communities. We welcome this move, as it is in line with the UDM’s environmental policy and this year’s election manifesto. Every city, town, suburb, township, informal settlement and rural areas are filthy and is in desperate need of intervention. Many places have over the years turned into slums, because of the non-existing waste management. We are happy that he joins the coalition government in the City of Johannesburg, under the leadership of Executive Mayor Herman Mashaba, in the clean-up programme that it has started on a city-wide scale. It is good that Citizen Number One has committed himself to lead this campaign. Government must play its role to ensure that there are adequate dumping sites, skips, and trash cans, which are easily accessible. Industries and big business should be severely punished for not adhering to laws and regulations, but this means that government at all levels must enforce these laws and regulations. A green and healthy culture should be inculcated in our communities. Our people need to understand the health risks that come with dirty and waste ridden streets. The culture of not littering starts at home and the drivers of cars, taxis and buses, etc. should hold themselves responsible to ensure that their passengers don’t throw garbage out of their windows. Property owners in our CBDs should take responsibility for cleaning their immediate surroundings. The current state of repair of buildings leaves much to be desired, this also includes government properties and buildings. Issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP
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26 Feb, 2019
Bantu Holomisa writes to the President re backdated salary payments of KwaZulu-Natal indunas
Mr CM Ramaphosa President of the Republic of South Africa PO Box 15 Cape Town 8000 Dear Mr President Yesterday, upon my visit to Isizwe Sakwampukunyoni at Mtubatuba, KwaZulu-Natal, under Nkosi Mzokhulayo Mkhwanazi, I met with over thirty indunas at the Mgeba Traditional Council offices. They alleged that all indunas of this province have not received their back-pay from 2013 up to 2017. It is alleged that former President Jacob Zuma had approved such payments on 18 April 2013. According to them, the indunas of the entire Kwa-Zulu Natal feel that they are being treated differently from traditional leaders in other provinces. We appeal to your good offices, and those of the other relevant authorities, to investigate the veracity of these claims and, should there be merit to these allegations, we request that you act upon such finding/s. For any additional information required, please call Prince Ntuthuko Mkhwanazi at and Prince Musawenkosi Qhina Mkhwanazi. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement
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16 Feb, 2019
Bantu Holomisa’s keynote address at the launch of the UDM’s manifesto
• Deputy President of the UDM; • UDM National Office Bearers; • Members of our National Executive Committee; • The party’s provincial leadership; • The Nelson Mandela Bay Executive Mayor and the people of this metro who are our hosts; • Members and supporters of the UDM; • Fellow South Africans; Introduction Good day to you all, including those who are watching from home; welcome to the unveiling of the United Democratic Movement’s (UDM) 2019 manifesto. As the UDM enters its third decade as a party, our message is clear: we are ready to lead and, we are ready to govern! Our manifesto is available for all to read, but I want to highlight a number of salient points. This election is all about trust. We have a president who pleads with you to trust him; and this despite his party. Why? Because he knows that his party – the ANC – is not worthy of your trust. We all know what damage it has done, be it to our economy, our safety, our education and health systems, and so the list goes on. How can it be trusted when it stood meekly by, as Jacob Zuma and his cronies looted the state and stole your hard-earned taxes and deprived you of economic opportunity. We now know the cost of state capture. Billions of Rand have been stolen and many state institutions and agencies have been weakened. As a direct result of state capture, for example, PRASA has been disabled. What that means, is that the railway system is disrupted. Notwithstanding the fact that billions of rands of tax-payers’ hard-earned cash are used to rescue the ailing railway system. In practical terms it is even harder for those people who are lucky enough to have jobs to get to work on time. To cite another example, Eskom also is a victim of state capture. As we speak, we are unsure whether this rally will complete its business. There is the likelihood of being visited by an uninvited guest, who brought darkness: load shedding. Small businesses, which are the backbone of our economy, are most affected and cannot run their enterprises, because of this uncertainty. This situation is diametrically opposed to what the ruling party has been telling South Africans. We were told that the change of leadership will bring efficiency. We were told that load shedding is a thing of the past and that the future is bright. Like PRASA, Eskom is no longer able to perform the public service it should. Eskom comes up with a new excuse from the already used ones, such as the shortage diesel and coal. Now we are told that the Hitachi and Chancellor House project i.e. the Medupi and Kusile power stations, which they built, are the reasons for this load shedding. As we all know, Chancellor House is the ANC’s front company and it is therefore prudent that the ruling party must take full responsibility for plunging South Africa into darkness. We all suffer as a result. This kind of institutionalised corruption must be exposed for what it is, without fear nor favour. So, I ask you: how can South Africans trust the ANC? The reason we now know more details about state capture, thus far, is because of the revelations at the Zondo Commission of Inquiry. The Zondo commission exists, because the Public Protector recommended that it be appointed; and the courts agreed. The rule of law prevailed, despite the onslaught of Zuma and his party. We went to the Constitutional Court with three other opposition parties and succeeded in having the Public Protector’s State Capture report published. We can be proud of the role we played in protecting the rule of law. The UDM’s track record speaks for itself, to mention but a few: • No-one will question that the UDM has consistently batted on the wicket of anti-corruption and the promotion of the ethics of good governance. We have always called a spade a spade, to the annoyance of many. • We fought the immoral floor-crossing legislation and were vindicated when it was eventually removed from the country’s statute books. • The UDM took the matter of the irregular lease agreement of the Independent Electoral Commission’s offices to the Public Protector, after which Advocate Tlakula was forced to resign. • Post 2016 Local Government Elections, the UDM was the catalyst in establishing coalition governments in several metropolitan municipalities. • We coordinated the biggest march to the Union Buildings, which called for the former president to vacate his office. • The UDM was at the lead when some opposition parties took the matter of the secret ballot on the no-confidence motion in the former president to the constitutional court. We succeeded in forcing the speaker of the national assembly to pronounce on how the balloting would take place. • Since 1999, the UDM has steadily campaigned to have party funding legislation put in place, which has recently been signed into law. • Most recently, the UDM exposed alleged corruption at the Public Investment Corporation amounting to billions of Rands. We called for the chief executive officer to pack his bags and leave, which has happened. We have further asked the president to institute a commission of inquiry, which he has done. • Various communities will attest to the fact that the UDM has intervened on their behalf to have government, at municipal, provincial and national levels, attend to their service delivery complaints. This has been our mission since the Mandela, the Mbeki, the Zuma and now the Ramaphosa administrations. • We have further written numerous letters to government to intervene in the malfunctioning SETAs, on behalf of the employees and needy pupils who are affected by the SETA’s inefficiency and corruption. This is part of our proud track-record of more than the twenty years – that we are a party stands up for what is right and is not afraid to speak the truth to power! We have defended the constitution and we will continue to do so. President Ramaphosa may be a decent man, but he is just one man. It is said that people must vote for the ANC in order to allow President Ramaphosa to continue in office. But there is no guarantee that the ANC will allow him to do so. There is nothing to stop the ANC from deciding to remove Ramaphosa just as they recalled Thabo Mbeki and replaced him with a person facing over 800 criminal charges. Today we hear noises from the ANC that the past nine years have been disastrous under the Zuma administration. Yet the current crew was the very one who said that he did nothing wrong. They even invented a slogan that read: “We have a good story to tell”. I ask the question again: CAN WE TRUST THEM, given that the same organisation was at pains to defend Zuma and was hellbent on discrediting the Public Protector and the judiciary. Had it not been for the insistence of opposition parties and some civil society organisations, Cyril Ramaphosa would not have occupied an office at the Union Buildings. We should not be lulled into thinking that the leopard has changed its spots. To prove that, it is the same organisation who has asked Zuma to campaign for them and thus continue to undermine the rule of law. The voters of this country will not have their intelligence insulted and take a risk to trust them again. They realise that the ANC is a damaged organisation riddled with deadly division, dangerously unstable, and unfit to lead our great country. That is why the president did not even mention his party once during the State of the Nation Address. Not once! He knows that the ANC is a liability. He wants to draw the spotlight of the election on him. But our electoral system means that you can’t have Ramaphosa without the ANC! Which makes the UDM’s suggestion that the president of the country should be directly elected by voters, as in other democracies. And so, my message is this: South Africa is not the ANC. And these days, nor can it be said that the ANC is South Africa. It has lost touch with ordinary South Africans. It has lost its moral compass. It has betrayed its history. It has betrayed South Africa. The misuse of resources permeates both the public and private sectors. Where government is concerned, this mismanagement pervades all three tiers of government. When the UDM comes to power, one of the first things we shall invest in is professionalizing the civil service in order to deliver quality services. The appointment of DGs will be the sole responsibility of the department of public services in consultation with the presidency to avoid the current situation where ministers appoint their friends and thus perpetuates corruption. Another area in which we will invest, is the training of the personnel of the bodies responsible for our safety and security i.e. the police, intelligence and military. Their state of readiness must always be guaranteed so that they may execute their mandate. The people of this country deserve better and they yearn for a better alternative. They deserve a party that will put them first. Allow me to talk about the economic needs of South Africa. South Africa has fast diminishing hopes of being able to respond to the triple threat of acute poverty, ever-rising unemployment and deepening inequality. The UDM’s manifesto puts the economic needs of people at the centre of its plan for government. South Africa needs an inspiring and shared economic vision of where we are going in the next ten to twenty years. Looking back, the Codesa negotiations only focused on political freedom and consequently economic policy formulation has been left to individual ministers to the detriment of the development of a comprehensive and coherent economic plan. This approach to policy formulation is not sustainable, because as soon as changes occur in government, a new administration tends to disown previously adopted policies. Yet, the same political party has sponsored those ever-changing policies. To compound matters, the tri-partite alliance’s differing stances on the economy further confuses policies with the National Development Plan being the white elephant in the room. Although we do not out of hand discard the current administration’s economic summits, the UDM strongly believes that a similar exercise as the Codesa talks needs to take place, but this time in the form of an Economic Indaba. This forum should gather to address the backlogs and imbalances of the past, and examine international precedents such as the European Recovery Programme of 1948, also known as the “Marshall Plan”. Closer to home, the Afrikaner government was deliberate in using state resources to successfully address Afrikaner poverty. Piecemeal conferences and summits will not do the job; it needs a concerted effort with all stakeholders gathered under one roof to hammer out South Africa’s macro-economic policy. Even the governing tri-partite alliance have differed fundamentally from each other. These differences have raised tensions at Nedlac level. This is one institution that needs to be completely overhauled, given that there are new strong unions in this country such as SAFTU. South Africa’s economic growth could be realised if we all work together and communicate one message to would-be investors, both local and abroad. Health care The quality of healthcare infrastructure and maintenance are often below standard. Hygiene at many clinics is at unacceptable levels and must be addressed immediately. It remains a sad fact that many South Africans must travel huge distances to the nearest clinic or hospital. Therefore, health infrastructure and services need to be provided closer to the poor. A UDM government will commit itself to healthcare that is linked to other social cluster portfolios, recognising the role of social welfare, water and sanitation, basic life skills and awareness to improve the basic health of the nation. Education One of the UDM’s main priorities is to invest resources in schools, where it is sorely needed. We can never advance as a nation if we do not educate our young. It is the most serious structural constraint that the economy faces. Hence, a UDM government will prioritise the building, fixing and upgrading of school infrastructure. A UDM government will also make additional funding available to ensure that every school has the required learning materials and resources, and ensure that it is delivered on time. There are major discrepancies at state schools when one talks resource spending and infrastructure. Some have the necessary tools to fulfil their obligations to our children and others lack even the bare necessities. President Ramaphosa announced that advanced technology would be used to enhance teaching, but one cannot imagine a situation where a child works with a tablet at a mud school, who has no electricity to even charge the battery. We will establish a permanent commission on education whose primary responsibilities will be to establish and build upon basic educational policy pillars as well as ensuring that there is stability in the curriculum to give our learners the best opportunity to succeed in their studies. The UDM will reopen teacher training colleges and impose national standards for teachers and ensure that they have the necessary resources to provide the highest level of professionalism possible. School inspectors will be brought back to deal with erratic attendance by pupils, teacher laziness and to ensure that the administrative tasks are attended to. Safety and security The safety and security of our country and her people leave much to be desired. The criminal justice system has collapsed. When we hear about the information revealed in, for instance, the Zondo commission, one wonders if our security bodies are fast asleep as this happened under their watch. Under a UDM government, it will take steps to professionalise the criminal justice system. We will also lobby SADC countries to seriously consider establishing an apparatus to respond to cross-border-crime and terrorism, as well as the gathering of intelligence. Public transport There is an over-reliance, coupled with lack of maintenance of our road infrastructure, which has led to its rapid decay. A UDM government will return the units which used to maintain our roads, and not solely to rely on the current tender system that poorly pays EWP employees. A UDM government will further explore the possibility of having an intercity highspeed rail put in place, which could present the nation with the following advantages: a) The reduction of accidents and fatalities on our roads. b) Greater access to specialised services, e.g. courts, legislatures, hospitals and healthcare specialists, universities, etc. c) Roads that are taxed less by heavy vehicles that damage road surfaces which in turn cost a lot of money to maintain. d) The reduced dependence on road transport will have the spin-off of speeding up our economy. Such a profound transformation of our public transport system would be possible via the refurbishment and adaptation of existing railway lines and building additional capacity where needed. Specific UDM proposals Our manifesto is comprehensive and covers other areas that are important for a dignified and prosperous life, but I want to focus on a few areas where we offer distinctive approaches: Job creation The unemployment crisis in South Africa has many causes that underscore the need for a comprehensive strategy. As one solution, a UDM government will launch a massive initiative focussing on job creation through infrastructure maintenance and development. There is a big chunk of unskilled labour which could be absorbed in working in such programmes. They could, for instance, work on the upkeep of government buildings, construction and maintenance of dams and cleaning silted rivers. They could also be tasked to play a meaningful role in restoring eco-systems and biodiversity by fencing off land for agrarian and grazing purposes. Others could be skilled to take care of waste management. The UDM also believes that, for the development of the South African and African economies, it makes sense to gradually cease the mass export of raw materials so that jobs are created locally through homegrown processing and manufacturing. There must be a paradigm shift in the way that we think of job creation and focus on the empowerment of our youth to be wealth creators, future employers, manufacturers and business owners. In order to achieve this, the UDM will do the following: • Establish a distinct national fund, to assist frustrated entrepreneurs in getting the basic tools to start their businesses. • Invest in sector-based planning and implementation, including the creation of sector-specific banks to provide financial assistance to historically disadvantaged groups and individuals. Such sector banks could assist the youth to start their own business in, for instance, the textile, IT, tourism, hospitality, agriculture industries. Billions of rands are wasted on SETAs, whilst they could be transformed into such sector banks. • Remove the bottlenecks on the registration of companies by introducing an online application system to expedite registration. • Identify markets for small firms through promoting domestic and foreign connections to adequately address both supply and demand. • Embark on massive training programme of entrepreneurs to build and manage their companies. • Identify loan and capital sources, as well as facilitating loans and investments in community businesses. • Devote more resources to promote “buying South African” as a tool to stimulate local wealth generation and job creation. Land economy We support land reform and land redistribution – it is vital for our agrarian and rural economies, but also vital for restoring the dignity of our people, recognising the injustices of the past. But the issue is complex and must be understood as such: there are no easy answers and we must work to find consensus on a solution to benefit the landless. So, we need to build a strong, resilient consensus about how to tackle it. In the proposed amendment of the constitution, government could be empowered so that it may expropriate land without compensation, but subject to the development of comprehensive legislation. Such legislation must answer the following: • Who exactly (individuals, companies and/or government) will be affected and how? • How does food security and economic stability impact implementation i.e. does it prevent expropriation in specific circumstances, and what those would be? • How will government handle rapid urbanisation and an ever-increasing need to make land available in cities which denudes rural communities and local economies? • How will traditional leaders and rural communities be affected? • How will entities such as traditional trusts be impacted? • What will be the effect on the land tenure system particularly in rural areas? • What would the position be on the sale of, in main, urban land to foreigners? • How will the issuing of title deeds be sped up so that entrepreneurs may use them as collateral to secure capital for start-ups? Sustainable development: the environment Protecting the environment and our national resources are often placed on the backburner since the consequences of abuse are not immediately appreciable. People find an issue such as the depletion of the ozone layer an abstract concept that does not directly affect them. Many South Africans do not concern themselves with the environment, because of the notion that “it’s someone else’s problem” and therefore do not take responsibility for their own actions. Climate change got just one meagre line in President Ramaphosa’s recent State of the Nation Address. That is a serious abrogation of responsibility. A UDM government will not make this mistake. It will take responsibility. It will join the dots between climate change and environmental degradation to poverty and human development and economic policy. For development, to be both just and sustainable, it must recognise the inter-connectedness of the environmental, social and economic dimension of the crisis we face. High levels of poverty contribute to the damage of our environment. For example, the need to stay warm in the winter is a primary goal for rural and township communities, whilst the negative impact of wood collection on the environment may not be understood. A UDM government will implement a “Marshall Plan” to save our natural heritage that shall identify, build and reward individuals, institutions and community-based organisations to rescue and conserve our environment. We will introduce “green battalions” to counter, amongst others, soil erosion, over-grazing, deforestation and to also protect biodiversity, especially in rural South Africa. This country has failed dismally to manage waste. It is worse in the townships, informal settlements, towns and rural areas. South Africa is a tourism mecca in her own right, and something must be done to address waste management. Under a UDM government, conservation and socio-economic development shall be linked by allowing communities to have sustainable access to the life-supporting and income-earning potential of nature reserves and conservation areas. The UDM believes that, through the implementation of bio-diversity programmes thousands of jobs can be created, because we believe that it is possible to generate jobs and business opportunities whilst being environmentally responsible. We will implement tax incentives to encourage the private sector to invest in the development of technologies for conservation and sustainable use of bio-diversity programmes. This sets us apart from all the other political parties in South Africa. We offer a realistic as well as visionary alternative approach to our sustainable development challenge. Hence, a UDM government will also roll out an information campaign to teach the uninformed of the impacts of their actions on the environment and why it matters to their future prosperity as individuals and as communities. What is noticeable in all the towns and cities is that you hardly see trucks collecting garbage, and residents just find an empty space to dump their waste. A UDM government will embark on a country-wide clean-up campaign. We will provide the necessary tools to keep our country clean and, in the process, create jobs, as well as opportunities for small businesses to flourish. We will consolidate the massive number of environmental laws and regulations into one concise and effective law. Once in power, a UDM government will be active in the enforcement of environmental law with individuals or organisations that contravene it to suffer severe penalties. Budgets should be adjusted to make waste management a primary goal. The UDM’s position on coalition government I also want to touch on the issue of possible coalition governments after this year’s elections. If it should deliver no outright winner, as forecast by political analysts, the question of coalitions arises. In this regard, the UDM is of the view that any coalition government should be regulated so that the principle of serving the people is not suppressed by wanton political intimidation and playing the numbers-game that typifies the present local government dispensation. Hence it is important that coalition partners iron out their relationships directly after elections and publish their compacts so that voters clearly understand how that coalition will work and to have a set of standards to measure any coalition government’s performance. Role of faith-based organisations Religious values and practices are deeply entwined in the fabric of our daily lives, which means that faith-based organisations play a very important role in providing moral leadership and guidance. We, as a nation, have lost our moral compass as is evidenced by the crime and corruption that have become a permanent feature of our lives. During the apartheid years, the work of faith-based organisations formed a vital part of overthrowing that discriminatory regime. It could however be argued that, in the South Africa of today, they play a less critical part in leading our people on the path of decency, honesty and goodness. The UDM therefore calls on all faith-based organisations to again be the voice of reason for a nation in moral dire straits. Closure It is not rocket science to see that the gap between the haves and the have-nots is rapidly widening. As South Africans we need to address the backlogs and imbalances of the past. Our policies must be in line with our constitution which seeks to improve the quality of life for all South Africans. Once this has happened the gap between black and white. This is the consistent, principled approach to politics and policy that the UDM offers. We are ready to lead, and we are ready to govern! We offer a political home for all South Africans, united in the spirit of South Africanism by our common passion for our country, mobilising the creative power inherent in our rich diversity, towards our transformation into a prosperous and winning nation. The UDM has demonstrated integrity amongst all our members and leadership. Our three guiding pillars, integrity, dignity and prosperity, feed our minds and our actions as a modern political party that firmly stands against corruption and the exploitation of South Africans; especially the poor who cannot weather the effects of the ruling party’s dishonest, bungling government and don’t care attitude. For the past two decades the UDM has left no stone unturned in our fight to have corruption eradicated wherever we found it. We will continue that fight by ensuring effective procedures and establishing special courts and implemented to investigate and prosecute those in the public and private sector involved in corruption. We will continue that fight. And we will not rest until the dignity of our people is restored and everyone has the opportunity to live a prosperous and flourishing life. Thank you.
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30 Dec, 2018
UDM’s New Year’s message
In 2018 South Africa saw the pressure exerted by opposition parties, over the past three years, culminating in the resignation of a self-serving and negligent president. Our unwavering insistence led to commissions of inquiry being instituted to start rooting out the cancer of institutional corruption in government. Notwithstanding the ruling party’s leadership moving in the right direction, there is an unwillingness to have the perpetrators of corruption arrested. Its so-called self-correcting nature has proven to be a castle in the air. This coming year is therefore an opportunity for voters to consider whether they want to put their trust in a party that places unbridled looting of resources before the people of South Africa. We wish all who live in this country a blessed New Year. Let’s declare 2019 a year of action to fix the problems that embarrassed South Africa and its people in recent years. Issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
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04 Dec, 2018
GEPF’s R7,4 billion write-offs are shocking
The United Democratic Movement noted with disbelief, the Government Employees Pension Fund’s (GEPF) write-offs amounting to R7,4 billion for the 2017/2018 financial year. These write-offs are of direct consequence of some of the Public Investment Corporation’s (PIC) most controversial deals such as investments in Steinhoff/Lancaster 101, as well as with companies controlled by Iqbal Surve. All of which happened under the management of former PIC boss, Dr Dan Matjila. Something is rotten in the state of Denmark. Why were these PIC investments given the green light? Why was the GEPF board allowed to make these write-offs? Why was there a delay in appointing the PIC commission of inquiry? Has anything been swept under the carpet? Minister of Finance Tito Mboweni and his deputy, Mondli Gungubele has much to explain. The Mpati Commission of Inquiry must get to the bottom of this mess; sooner rather than later. It should, in particular, look at these transactions that led to the write-offs. The PIC board and Dan Matjila should not get away with this immoral and egregious abuse of people’s retirement money. Merely resigning from a position cannot be the end of the road, if corruption is proved, the guilty must go to jail. The state pensioners, whose moneys are invested at the PIC, have a right to be very worried about how the GEPF and PIC boards are handling their funds, because the powers that be has cast them to the wolves. In the meantime, the disciplinary action taken against any PIC staff members should be immediately suspended pending the outcome of the work to be done by the Mpati Commission. For further comment: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
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14 Aug, 2018
Holomisa discusses The “Rainbow Nation” and the Political Culture of South Africa in new SA
• Programme Director • The faculty dean, Prof Van Wyk • Our hostess, Ms Busi Khaba • Staff members • Monash students • Ladies and gentlemen 1. Opening I want to thank our hostess, Ms Khaba, for reaching out to me and inviting me to have a chat with you today. I see many fresh faces in front of me and it is heartening to see young South Africans still interested in politics as a field of study. Well done to you and your teachers. I say this because millions of young South Africans are apathetic towards politics; not seeing the link between politics, government and their daily lives. This is a gospel you need to spread, especially amongst your peers. 2. The link between my world and your world It would not be wrong to say that in most fields of study, we have – on the one side – the academics and researchers and – on the other – the practitioners. I am of course a practitioner that started my political career, just before Madiba dragged an unwilling nation into what Archbishop Desmond Tutu called “the rainbow nation.” What a breath-taking image this is; that our diversity can be moulded into a thing as special as a rainbow. 3. The miracle of 1994 You might be too young to really appreciate the miracle of 1994 and what the rainbow nation meant. We very narrowly escaped a full-blown bloody civil war. The fear and anger that ruled the hearts of both the oppressor and the oppressed would have seen this country in flames. You have of course studied this, but I want you to internalise what Madiba must have felt, having been given the task to be president of the new South Africa. He must have asked himself: • How do we unite a nation with this deep gorge separating them? • How do we bring the ultra-left and ultra-right to the table e.g. those who incited fear of a black rule and those who thought him a sell-out to the whites? • How do we convince the millions of ordinary South Africans, who found themselves in the middle, that everything is, simply put, going to be okay? Can you imagine this responsibility? 4. The induction of the rainbow nation Madiba clearly thought there was merit in Desmond Tutu’s idea of a rainbow nation and it was immortalised in his inaugural speech: “We have triumphed in the effort to implant hope in the breasts of the millions of our people. We enter into a covenant that we shall build the society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity – a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world.” 5. Politics in the new South Africa: trusting democracy Even though we entered a democratic era with the so-called rainbow nation, we had (and still have) much to learn about democracy. Saying that we should be on par with the “established democracies” is an error in thought. Some of these established democracies, makes the twenty-four years we have been on the road, look like chump change. We still have a long way to go before South Africa has two main parties vying for political supremacy. It is still early days and we have already seen the majority party losing support as time has gone by. We have seen old foes disappear and the arrival of new kids on the block. It makes for exciting material for you to study I am sure. There is an old joke about democracy, that, in retrospect, 10 million voters can be wrong. But that’s the way democracy of course works. What we need to question in terms of our own democratic system is that the gap between public representatives and the voters is too wide. Yes, our proportional system allows for the voice of the smaller parties to be heard, but the average South African would not be able to tell you which member of parliament (MP) serves their interests in a particular area. I doubt whether the MPs know either. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) has campaigned for quite some time that ours should be a mixed electoral system: A) a constituency-based system that allows for greater accountability and B) a proportional system that still gives space for minority voices to be heard. The UDM also argues that the president of the country should be elected directly by the people. Just think, if we used this method, how differently the terms of office of our former president could have played out. 6. Politics in the new South Africa: the slippery slope of corruption After Madiba handed over the baton to his successors, the country started sliding down the slippery slope of corruption. It is a sad fact that South Africa has indeed regressed from the ideals of 1994. In fact – to illustrate this point – in the mid to late nineties, one could not even whisper the word corruption in Luthuli House’s corridors. It was a big taboo and it could lead to one’s expulsion from the African National Congress so fast it could make your head spin. I speak from experience! Institutionalised corruption presents an interesting philosophical conundrum i.e.: are all individuals corrupt to varying degrees and we should expect no less? Or is there corruption because we tolerate or even laud it? Maybe it is a little of both? What we do know is that corruption invariably hurts the man and woman on the street; those who can least afford it. For example, we today have commissions of inquiry that have been tasked to get to the bottom of some of the worst singular acts of corruption in South Africa ever. The state capture inquiry being one of them, as well as the yet to be convened inquiry into the allegations of corruption at the Public Investment Corporation (PIC). The alleged looting of your parents’ retirement moneys, invested at the PIC, literally runs into billions of rands!! Simply put, the hyenas have stripped the nation of the “easy meat”, as shown by the Auditor General’s report, and have now turned their immoral jaws onto the PIC with bogus black economic empowerment (BEE) deals. What is clear from these transactions is that selected cadres, close to the ruling elite, have been using the BEE policy to concoct unsustainable schemes in the name of empowerment and job creation. A serious and responsible government would not have jeopardised people’s retirement monies in such a reckless fashion. Instead of creating a national fund to empower all South Africans, the PIC’s resources have been tapped to line the pockets of the “lucky few”. Of course, as we have seen with the Steinhoff scandal, corruption is not only the domain of political appointees, government officials and public representatives. One can however argue that corruption in government has, of late, been at an all-time worst. This brings the UDM’s argument full circle i.e. how different our country would have been managed if the people were directly represented in parliament. You will tell me in the question and answer session whether you think the UDM’s idea of direct representation has merit. 7. Politics in the new South Africa: the land debate Because the land debate is at the front of our minds, I want to share a few quick ideas with you. We must all agree that, as we ushered in the new South Africa, the issue of land was placed on the backburner. Political emancipation was item number one on the agenda. The land issue, as a tool to achieve economic emancipation, should have been addressed much sooner to avoid the emotional tug-and-pull we are now witnessing. On this score, the UDM has long argued that there should be an economic Codesa of some description, where we can all gather under one roof to discuss the macro economy with land at the apex of this debate. I dare say, that if the powers that be had listened to the UDM, South Africa would have had a smoother ride on the road to economic freedom. 8. Politics in the new South Africa: a government of national unity Lastly, I want to address the constitutional provision of a government of national unity. This is an idea that echoes from 1994, but it has again become relevant as we march on to the 2019 national and provincial elections. People think it’s a cliché, or a redundant argument, that “every vote counts”. You will tell me if you differ from this point of view. It is easy to see how each person’s vote gets lost in the millions of votes cast, but the 2019 elections could possibly be a watershed moment in South African politics. Political pundits have predicted that it is not likely that the coming elections will produce an outright victor. This is the first time in the history of the new South Africa that this is likely to happen and brings the importance of each of our votes to the fore. The so-called king-makers will therefore be the “small” political parties. This will be a test for democracy in our country; I am sure that you as students and lecturers will watch the run-up to the elections and the results like hawks. Enjoy the viewing pleasure. 9. Conclusion People sometimes say that they live in the most exciting part of a country’s history, but irrespective of which era we live in, this remains true. You certainly live in an exciting time in South Africa’s history and you have a responsibility to participate. It will be remis of me, as a politician, to not encourage you to vote for the UDM, but the more important point is that you should at least vote. If you have not already, go and register and encourage your peers to do the same… make a fun outing of it and go and register. Take to heart my message that if you don’t participate, other people will make decisions on your behalf. You will sit dry-mouthed on the side-lines and murmur your dissatisfaction to an indifferent government. I sincerely hope that you, young people, will dip your feet in politics for we certainly need young blood to be infused in government and South African politics. Thank You
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28 Jul, 2018
Bantu Holomisa’s address at the EFF’s 5th birthday
Address by Mr BH Holomisa, MP and UDM President On the occasion of the Economic Freedom Fighters’ 5th anniversary at Mdantsane Stadium • Programme Director; • The Commander in Chief of the Economic Freedom Fighters Mr Julius Malema; • The Deputy Commander in Chief Mr Floyd Shivambu; • The EFF Chairperson, Advocate Dali Mpofu • The entire National Command Leadership of the EFF; • The UDM chairperson in the Eastern Cape and member of the provincial legislature, Mr Tando Mpulu; • EFF members and the ground forces; • People of Mdantsane and the Eastern Cape 1. Happy birthday Let me start by saying: “Congratulations, Economic Freedom Fighters on your fifth birthday!” When the powers that be massacred the workers at Marikana in the North West, the United Democratic Movement (UDM) was one of the first political parties to visit this bereaved community. I there met the current leadership of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) who still were with the African National Congress’ (ANC) Youth League. The rest of the events around this day are well documented. Fast forward to when the ANC booted out the executive of the Youth League and you decided to form a political party called the EFF. It is like yesterday when you called upon me to give a message of support on the formation of your party at Marikana. Since your arrival on the South African political scene things have dramatically changed. You certainly have made some waves and ruffled the establishment’s feathers. The EFF and the UDM worked together on several occasions where the convergence of ideas led to us collectively to achieve several victories in pursuit of South Africa becoming a winning nation; those include: • An unwavering fight against corruption, both in the public and private sectors; • The removal of the former chairperson of the Independent Electoral Commission after the Constitutional Court confirmed that she was conflicted; • The release of the State Capture Report which today is the subject of a judicial inquiry. • Going to the Constitutional Court where the judgement was made that the speaker of the national assembly had the power to decide that members may cast a secret ballot in the motion of no confidence in the former president of the country. • The call for the former president of the Republic to account and pay back the money stolen from the public. Our continued pressure bore fruit when he resigned. • There were several other high and constitutional court cases we won together, however, Zuma still owes us the money for the legal fees! Our team of legal eagles, under the leadership of your chairperson, senior counsel Dali Mpofu, has made us proud. For those who don’t know, I worked with Dali when he was part the campaign of release Mandela and other political prisoners. I also worked with him when we reburied King Sabata Dalindyebo. With his experience and knowledge of the South African politics, you were not wrong to bring him on board. The UDM and the EFF, together, organised several marches that culminated in the mother of all marches when thousands of South Africans walked to the Union Buildings to rid this country of a destructive, self-interested man who could not be trusted with this country’s future. 2. Coalitions post 2016 You heeded the call for us to start talking about coalition governments post the 2016 watershed municipal elections. Together with the EFF, the United Front and the Congress of the People, we agreed on the basic conditions for collaboration at our meeting at the Protea Hotel in Midrand. This collaboration effectively meant that the political landscapes in the big metros were going to drastically change. Hopefully this start in local government leads to bigger things since that exercise served as a game changer in the political landscape of this country. The voters of South Africa should not forget that we saved this country from the corrupt leaders of that time. They should give us the benefit of the doubt, as they cannot expect the ANC to correct itself. 3. The EFF’s agitation re the land question The EFF’s motion for expropriation of land without of compensation in the national assembly, which the UDM supported, has given rise to the current national consultations with the people. This is in line with the UDM’s call for an economic indaba, where the land issue would feature centre stage as one cannot achieve economic emancipation without security of tenure. The UDM agrees that there is a need to review the relevant constitutional provisions to ensure a fair distribution of land. It cannot be that the people who lived in the villages and townships of the former Ciskei and Transkei, and other homelands, find themselves still living in areas which were dubbed reserve areas for black blacks, whilst there are acres and acres of land now lay fallow and unused. As we follow the process on land we must come up with the laws, regulations and timeframes on how we are going to implement them. And, these must be followed to the letter. You will agree that this entire process is long overdue. There are however much to discuss, and I propose that those parties who voted in favour of the motion to convene a meeting so that we may compare notes and make sure that we sing from the same hymn book. We need to pay special attention on the “how” part of the process. The people’s wishes must always be at the heart of what we do, and we must ensure that the process is not sabotaged by those who want to bulldoze us because of a superiority of numbers. 4. Closing We must always ensure that rationality, supreme logic and the voice of the people are not only heard but that it dictates our course of action. Once more, Happy Birthday EFF and Thank you
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25 Jul, 2018
UDM notes minister’s decision re PIC independent inquiry
Media release by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP and UDM President The United Democratic Movement notes finance minister Nhlanhla Nene’s instruction to the Public Investment Corporation (PIC) board to commission a forensic investigation into allegations of corruption and to institute an independent inquiry into the PIC’s affairs. The mere fact that the minister has so decided shows that there must be prima facie evidence of wrong doing. We however completely disagree on the minister’s approach of giving the responsibility for instituting the inquiry by the very same people who may be tainted. Who will draft the terms of reference for the inquiry? The minister cannot rely on the very same board and the Chief Executive Office, Dr Dan Matjila, to be player and referee. In addition, we are also surprised that the CEO has in fact not been suspended. This smacks of favouritism and protection of a person that might be on the wrong side of the law once the commission gets to work. The UDM will consult with its lawyers on what the next step will be on our side, given that we have taken the minister to court.
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11 May, 2018
Open letter to Wesbank CEO re meeting about banks and car dealers’ relationships
Dear Mr De Kock LETTER OF GRATITUDE Our meeting of the 10th of May 2018 refers. I wish to express my gratitude that you convened us in the manner that you did. We are particularly grateful that you took time out of your busy schedule to prioritise this matter and to listen to us and allow us to engage with you. I believe it was a worthwhile and valuable exercise, where both sides of the story were expressed and pondered. Given yesterday’s deliberations it also became quite evident that something was amiss; all considered there is certainly a problem that needs to be attended to. 1. Observations Against the backdrop of the meeting I would also like to make the following observations: • I noted your firm response that the bank is not responsible or that it cannot be held accountable for the dealer’s actions. • As a layman, I had difficulty staying abreast of your perspective in this instance. The reason being that at all, if not most dealerships, there are bank representatives, who actually perform and participate in the acquisition process of a vehicle, liaising with and on behalf of banks. • It hence becomes difficult for me to grasp if the bank will now want to exonerate itself, when there is a problem. • Mr Ndara outlined to all of us in detail how the problematic deal came to be. I must say again I appreciate your frankness when you responded to him by saying “If what you are saying is true and accurate, then I must sympathise with you because you will have been done a grave injustice” • In all honesty anyone who would hear and intimately understand how the deal was concluded, can only sympathise with the situation in which he now finds himself. You will have noted the scathing comments made on my social media platforms; it was clear that the majority of responders either sympathised or empathised with him. • The other significant point that came from the meeting was that, he could have obliged and continued to make payments towards the vehicle, and had he not spent it on lawyers perhaps he would have settled the balance of the debt, but the principle superseded all. • In fact, Sir, Mr Ndara did not take a decision to pay himself. His lawyer at the time, Mr Ben Du Plessis, based in Pretoria, wrote to the bank in October of 2007 requesting documentation that de facto amended or cancelled the original agreement of 2004 that had been signed by both parties. When a month went by without a response, he advised Mr Ndara of his rights in terms of payments especially in view of the two reloaded agreements. 2. Facilitation of a meeting with the dealership I also believe that in view of master agreements between banks and dealerships, it is rather unfortunate that in this case the bank and the dealership worked together in the courts pursuing Mr Ndara. That is what makes me rather uncomfortable with your having to preside over the matter. Nevertheless, now that you have made this suggestion and also your response to Mr Ndara’s narration I do believe that you are engaging with us in good faith. I would therefore suggest that you proceed and arrange the meeting with the dealership so that everyone involved is present. Given that this is a credit agreement and to give more clarity and to lend credence to the meeting, you must also invite a representative from the National Credit Regulator, the custodian of credit agreements. Such a move would allow all of us to gain clarity and help us to move in the right direction. This by no means stops anyone who wants to go to court, but in the spirit of yesterday’s meeting I believe it is very important that we meet as such. 3. Way Forward At the end of the day, the bank is licensed to operate and as such it is obligatory that it also operates within the parameters and conditions of the license that it has been granted. We have various bodies like the Parliamentary Committee on Finance, the Financial Services Board, Ombudsmen, National Treasury, the Department of Trade and Industry and the Reserve Bank Disciplinary Committee who may take a particular interest in this matter. However, given our engagement yesterday I am convinced if we soberly apply our minds we may well be able to find one another here, as we are not only dealing with our opinions but more fundamentally we are also dealing with the laws that govern this country. As a member of parliament and the president of a political party it is my duty to see this matter through. I have no intention of abandoning this process. I intend to follow through until this matter is resolved either way. Once more I appreciate your leadership yesterday and I look forward to further engagement on this matter. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa Member of Parliament President of the United Democratic Movement
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19 Feb, 2018
State of the Nation Address 2018 debate
Contribution by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP and President of the United Democratic Movement on the occasion of the State of the Nation Address 2018 debate in the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa • Honourable Speaker & chairperson of the NCOP • Mister President • Honourable Members 1. Congratulations Mr Ramaphosa! When an opponent has done well, one must applaud and say: “Well done”. Well done on your speech Mr President! Your message has restored hope and put South Africa on the right track for the restoration of our dignity. This opportunity was given to you on a silver platter by the steadfast efforts of the loyal opposition, the media and civil society, while your party’s leadership turned a blind eye to brazen looting of state resources and fiddled while South Africa was burning. Who will forget the hundreds of thousands of South Africans who marched in a united display of dissatisfaction over an ill-suited and irresponsible President of the Republic. 2. Corruption is the lynchpin in giving effect to your SONA vision 3. Madam Speaker, Institutionalised corruption has been exacerbated by political heads usurping the powers of accounting officers in all three tiers of government. And Mr President, there must be consequences for those who have been found guilty of corruption. 4. The work of the State Capture Inquiry The State Capture Inquiry must be beefed up with the inclusion of forensic audit experts and even the Hawks. The Justice Department must be directed to make special provision for prosecuting capacity and the establishment of dedicated courts to expedite justice, as was done in 2010 with the Soccer World Cup. Once the Inquiry identifies an incident of corruption, the Hawks must pounce, the judicial system must take the baton, whilst the Inquiry continues. 5. On a side note Mr President, you mentioned infrastructure development in your speech; and specifically referred to roads, millions of South Africans are forced to travel long distances to work in the cities and mines. These long-distance travels are marred by accidents, death and injury, with some using insensible transport. It might be time for us to consider state of the art, safe, speed trains to decongest roads, decrease accidents and to save time and lives. Also, Mr President, we need to attend to the phenomenon of anarchy in our society, the general lack of discipline and disrespect for the law. 6. Thuma Mina Your call to action resonates with all South Africans Mr President! We all want to see it prosper so that we might thrive as a collective and as individuals. Your call builds on the action initiated by opposition parties and civil society of the course of the past year or so. We all said “we wanna be there” to stay the rot of corruption; and we were there on the streets in our thousands. We commend your consultative style and welcome the initiatives you mentioned in your SONA, but you did not go far enough. There must be a broadening of the collective consultative process and a wide range of topics that should be interrogated and discussed. Call it what you will, an indaba, convention or a summit, but we need to convene under one roof to discuss the critical challenges facing South Africa today. Contrary to the opinion of some political gurus, who said the opposition was exclusively obsessed with getting rid of former president Zuma, we have laid the groundwork for this national dialogue. With the input from some academics, we compiled a draft “Problem Statement”, which was released in August last year, to serve as a fundamental basis for such a dialogue. The identified issues are: • The reinstatement of our Constitutional order and the Rule of Law; • Reaffirmation of our founding vision and values; • Measures to ensure inclusive economic participation and to address inequality; • Reversing our economic decline. • The establishment of a shared consensus on land reform. This should include the rural tenure system, bodies like the Ingonyama Trust, as well as selling of urban land to foreigners. • Review the National Development Plan, with regard to its implementation and outcomes; • Reviving our national morality and the eradication of systemic corruption; • The reformation of our electoral system to enhance accountability and responsiveness; • Review of the powers and functions of the President to resolve the over- concentration of power; • The development of a capable and professional state, which requires fair employment opportunities in government, for all South Africans as opposed to non-professionals being parachuted into positions of power. • The rehabilitation of our international standing based on a human rights approach. • The reinvigoration of our structures and systems of education and training to ensure skills development and meaningful participation in economic and social activities; • Reversing social decay and putting a stop to violence against women and children; • The fostering of reconciliation, social cohesion and nationhood; • Resolving impediments to the progressive realisation of our basic human rights; • Strengthening and ensuring the independence of our Chapter 9 Institutions; • The reformation of party-political funding; • Securing the attainment of all role players towards the attainment of a state of good governance and the values that underpin it; We are here Mr President and we wanna be there to help find sustainable solutions. I thank you
