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28 Nov, 2018
Holomisa at the 5th RENAPRI stakeholder conference: speaking notes on Unlocking the economic potential of land through good governance
Speaking Notes by Mr BH Holomisa, (MP) and UDM President 5th RENAPRI STAKEHOLDER CONFERENCE: Unlocking the economic potential of land through good governance 28 – 29 November 2018, Zanzibar, Tanzania • Chairperson • Fellow panellists • Ladies and gentlemen 1. Land itself at the crux of the matter: the South African example As many of you will be aware, we in South Africa are in the middle of a heated national debate on land and the expropriation thereof without compensation. This debate is of course rooted in South Africa’s deeply divisive past; the reverberations of which we still feel today. Twenty-four years into our democracy and the emotions still run high on both sides i.e. those who held the land under colonial rule and the apartheid regime versus those who were deprived of their land sometimes using violence and/or abusing the law. I specifically launch from this point in my argument, precisely because having the conversation around the concepts of “land governance”, “economic transformation” and “agricultural transformation” is moot if one does not address property ownership and land tenure. Because those in South Africa who are debating the issue of land are pulling in opposite directions, it is clear that the matter of land ownership in my country will not be sorted out that easily. My political party, the United Democratic Movement, is of the view that the only way to find a meeting of the minds regarding land issues in South Africa, is for all stakeholders to gather under one roof and to have a constructive debate in order to find long lasting, sustainable solutions that will benefit all. In the end failure to resolve land issues increasingly becomes a barrier to achieving other development objectives, to fight poverty and inequality, and to promote sustainable inclusive growth. It is however true that the discourse on land in its manifestations is not merely about land as a physical item, but it is also about the reconstruction of society, inclusive economic growth and development, social development and power relations. 2. Land tenure and infrastructure development Land tenure and deeds of ownership is a key to giving people access to finance. This means that people are directly empowered to enter the formal finance and banking sector and obtain credit with their property serving as collateral. It is however vital to recognise that gaining access to land for collateral must first be preceded by infrastructure development or upgrading, since the lack or disrepair of infrastructure (especially in rural areas) negatively affects the value of the land. 3. Land tenure and rights under customary law and practice One example we will undoubtedly share, in terms of land tenure on the continent, is that much land is held under customary law and practice where land allocation and use are managed by customary traditions. Much of the agricultural activity in those areas is around subsistence farming, rather than having commercially viable enterprises that have higher productive profit-making farming, which will in turn create jobs and promote economic transformation in rural communities. Therefore, one of the primary concerns of any government should be rural revitalisation. For any individual emerging farmer, or a group of farmers, access to infrastructure and agricultural tools is vital. The creation of the necessary infrastructure will also generate jobs in rural communities and encourage the growth of more employment-creating agricultural-related enterprises. It is easy to see how these kinds of activities will incentivise rural communities to consider commercial farming over subsistence farming. 4. Land tenure; emerging versus commercial farmers In South Africa the disparity between emerging farmers and commercial farmers makes for a situation where the emerging farmer simply cannot compete with large scale farmers. The big farming concerns have easy access to financial resources and the tools of their trade. This will never change if the land tenure question is not addressed comprehensively. 5. Land tenure; the rights of women In particular, customary law and practices severely limit women’s rights to land and property. It has been argued that the agricultural sector in rural communities is underperforming in part because women, who are often a crucial resource in agriculture and the rural economy, face constraints that reduce their productivity. One of those constraints is land which means they tend to have less access to credit and insurance. However, many studies indicate that women would be able to achieve the same yields as men if they had equal access to land, production resources and services. In terms of government’s role in the matter, improving transformation, removing infrastructure constraints, and encouraging rural women’s participation in farmers’ organisations and cooperatives can help. 6. Tenure and government’s role • The sale of suitable state land to encourage local ownership for emerging and small commercial farmers to create jobs will enhance rural revitalisation. • A government must also make use of the opportunity where farmers are willing to sell their land to facilitate access for emerging farmers. • There is also an onus on government to acquire, or assist communities to acquire, land for development and agricultural enterprise. • Government must assist those accessing agricultural land in communal areas to make better productive use of their land. • Any government must have a comprehensive database for land use, planning and the efficient and sustainable use of agricultural resources throughout a country. The intention is to ensure that agricultural and other developments are sustainable and environmentally responsible, as well as ensuring that viable farmer settlement occurs. • Government must also ensure closer cooperation between its various departments involved in agricultural business. 7. Anticipating how the land issue will play out over the next 5 to 10 years I think that it will take longer than the next 5 to 10 years to make any long-term progress in settling the land issue in Sub-Saharan Africa. The wounds of the past are still fresh in many minds and to untangle the web that was spun during colonialism will take time. That said, I don’t think that it’s insurmountable, if enough pressure is brought to bear by communities, agriculturalists, non-profits, governments and conferences of this nature, changes will happen. Thank you
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19 Oct, 2018
Speech by Mr BH Holomisa, MP and UDM President on the current political landscape, PIC corruption and post-2019 coalitions as a guest of the Current Media Forum
• Members of the Current Media Forum • Our host, Mr Peter Ford • Ladies and gentlemen 1. Thanks Before we go into the nitty gritty of our conversation, I want to thank the Current Media Forum and Peter Ford for inviting me to have this chat. 2. Introduction We certainly live in interesting times, even though much of the news we consume these days is nauseating. Waves of news about corruption and wrongdoing, both in the private and public sectors, break over our heads. However, if one takes a step backward for a moment, I think it is a good thing from the perspective that lancing a boil is better than letting it grow and fester until it explodes. Also, we must acknowledge the active role that the media, civil society and opposition parties play in exposing corruption. This is a sign that our constitutional democracy is functioning well, which is another bit of good news. 3. The waves of corruption: the PIC example At the risk of sounding like a pessimist, I want to paint a gloomy picture of the allegations of corruption at the Public Investment Corporation (PIC). Not only have the media done its work here, but the United Democratic Movement (UDM) played a role in exposing some of the alleged corruption. From our view point, the situation at the PIC makes the dishonesty and exploitation with Guptagate look like, if I can coin my own term, “Mickey Mouse Corruption”. Not only because billions of rands are involved, but also in terms of the wide web of “connected” people and entities implicated. At face value the “connected people” received preferential treatment in accessing vast amounts of money at the PIC. The practice of “facilitation fees” also seems to be one of the big bleeders. One of the others, for example, is the madness of investing in a dilapidated Mozambican oil refinery plant that is not operational, years after a massive cash injection from the PIC. Just as with the corrupt mess at the VBS Mutual Bank, there are hundreds of thousands of ordinary South Africans being ripped off and their financial futures are compromised. 3.1. Mpati Commission of Inquiry The UDM has welcomed the appointment of Justice Lex Mpati as the head of the commission of inquiry into the allegations of corruption at the PIC. We are of the view that the commission’s terms of reference are wide enough to give Justice Mpati and his two colleagues a lot to chew on. We do however hope that this commission is different to those we have had in the past where they take longer than expected to conclude their business. The deadline President Ramaphosa has given them must be stuck to; come hell or highwater. 4. State of politics in South Africa The good old days of the “new” South Africa has rapidly faded away during the past few years. At least the light at the end of a very long tunnel started showing with the election of President Ramaphosa, a leader who appears to be palatable to most South Africans. Although we have seen some of the positive actions from his office we must be realistic. Two decades of damage done by his ruling party, cannot be reversed in a few months, no matter who is at the helm. Also, given the infighting in the ruling party and that it will possibly not win an outright majority in 2019, there is absolutely no guarantee that Mr Ramaphosa, or any of the key cabinet ministers, will return to office. In fact, we might even have a mixed cabinet, should a coalition government be formed. Time will tell what President Ramaphosa’s legacy will be, but we can safely say that, at the heart of it all, there has been a leadership crisis. We do not have sound leadership in government to articulate the interests of South Africans as a Nation. Officially, we have thirteen political players in the field, based on the dictates of the electorate in 2014. We however have what one might call “majoritarianism” – that a Society is made to believe that there are only three players in the field. I am yet to read a newspaper covering the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality that refers to it as a “UDM-led municipality”. I even forget that Ekurhuleni has a coalition government, because it is always referred to as an African National Congress (ANC) municipality. All the other metros where the Democratic Alliance (DA) governs, through coalition, are referred to as “DA municipalities”. Frankly put they don’t even attempt to say “DA-led municipalities”. In our view, quality has been replaced by numeric definition. In essence, we wish that media would spend more appreciation to other parties in the effort to promote a multi-party democracy. It is notable, that at face value, the only parties which seem to be stable or more free of scandals are the so-called small parties. Looking deeper into the public discourse, these so-called large/big parties are consumed by internal and external conflicts. 5. Possible coalitions come 2019 Like all other “interesting times” there are so many variables which makes it rather difficult to read the political landscape of South Africa to make any predictions. However, there seems to be emerging consensus that there will be no outright winner of the 2019 national and provincial elections. This must not be read as a negative but rather as a positive outcome of a flourishing democracy. This outcome would promote checks and balances that are needed in South Africa, given the current corruption that we are experiencing due to the current one party dominance in both national, provincial and local governments spheres. Of course, the phenomenon of coalition governments in South Africa is not new. The first democratic government post-1994 was indeed an example of coalition government i.e. the Government of National Unity (GNU). The difference between the GNU and all coalitions thereafter is that it had been regulated, whilst all others had no regulatory mechanism and were therefore managed “loosely”. Therefore, using the GNU example, future coalition governments must be regulated along the lines of the 1993 Constitution. Given the experience gained, as well as learning from other countries where coalition governments flourish, we can agree on a practical, and regulated system of governance. The UDM will not tolerate any coalitions that will allow it to be bullied or swallowed up by larger parties, who think they have the outright governing rights. A party who attempts to bully and swallow, the parties they are in coalition with, clearly shows their unwillingness to respect basic principles of democracy. 6. Closure As people interested in the future of South Africa, the matters that I have mentioned, amongst many others, occupy our minds. We try to predict what the political dispensation will be post-2019 and onwards and, as I have said, the factors that impact on our future change daily and we must realise that this is an open game. We will all anxiously watch the scoreboard to see what happens in the next six or seven months.
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06 Sep, 2018
Parliamentary debate on UDM motion: working towards an integrated and comprehensive infrastructure development strategy to fight poverty, inequality, unemployment and underdevelopment
1. Introduction South Africa (SA), like many other so-called developing nations, faces challenges of chronic underdevelopment and/or development skewed towards urban areas, albeit in an unequal manner. Even urban development is fraught with inequality, as some provinces are in a position to deliver better infrastructure, while others trail behind owing to fiscal constraints determined by the income levels of their households. Yes, some progress has been made since 1994 to provide services and infrastructure in areas where it was taboo to do so in the apartheid years. However, it is simply not sufficient or sustainable, and some of it not built well enough and is out of date with modern innovations. SA has been in economic stagnation for more than a decade now, but mostly due to sluggish investment, poor governance and chronic corruption. We have experienced two quarters of negative growth this year, thus the current technical recession. Mister Deputy Speaker, if we were to unite around this new approach on infrastructure development in our country, we shall be in practice, marching united towards drastically reducing inequality, the eradication of poverty and unemployment. 2. The UDM’s approach to Infrastructure Development The UDM believes in a policy of intervention by the state in the economy through planned sustainable development programmes, which create jobs on a large scale whilst developing and maintaining infrastructure. There is, however, a serious lack of capacity, uniformity in spatial planning and infrastructure development between municipal, provincial and national governments. The introduction of mega infrastructure should not be done at the expense of the development of rural areas, townships and informal settlements. Mega infrastructure must be linked and inclusive of these areas for their benefit. In this regard, the United Democratic Movement (UDM), with its integrated policy approach, proposes that the work of the Presidential Infrastructure Co-ordinating Commission (PICC), must be locally driven from grassroots level. For instance, we need to have a comprehensive ward / municipal / district and provincial based infrastructure plan that will be coordinated at a central level by the PICC. We need to build internal capacity to restrict unnecessary dependence on outsourcing. The PICC must be able to ensure that the state has the necessary capacity at local levels. Government needs to plan infrastructure beforehand and ensure that their investment in education aligns with the infrastructure development goals to avoid having this sector being dominated by foreign experts. The PICC could also be tasked to ensure uniformity of infrastructure development across provinces; as guided by their individual needs. In so doing one province will not be favoured over another. For instance, primary schools across all provinces must have equal access to computer and science laboratories. Each worker should have the same access to transport to get them to and from work. Each citizen living in a rural area should have the same opportunity to benefit from the infrastructure and public services made available in urban hubs, as far as reasonably possible. South Africa is currently engaged in the land debate and the PICC could play a pivotal role in the implementation and monitoring of a future land dispensation, which includes the necessary infrastructure development. We cannot offer citizens access to the land that they desperately need and deserve, without in turn providing them with the infrastructure that they need to maximise that potential. For the PICC to succeed, the UDM suggests that we draw on the invaluable expertise that South Africans possess in all sectors. 3. Investment on Social Transport Infrastructure Our public transport system leaves much to be desired and an over-reliance coupled with lack of maintenance on our road infrastructure has led to its rapid decay. Government must do more and the UDM wishes to propose intercity high-speed rail. This is possible via the refurbishment and adaptation of existing railway lines and building additional capacity where needed. It is said that all roads lead to the proverbial Rome. But in South Africa maybe all roads and rails should lead to Gauteng and other hubs, to provide an alternative for South Africans, from the four corners of our country, to travel to and from our economic centres in a safe, affordable and speedy way. A high-speed railway system would, amongst others, have the following advantages: a) The reduction of people dying in road accidents at a high rate. This is unacceptable, and a high-speed rail system would reduce accidents and fatalities on our roads. b) Greater access to specialised services, for example courts, legislatures, hospitals with medical specialists and universities etc., will be more accessible. c) Our roads will be taxed less by heavy vehicles that damage road surfaces. d) Most importantly, the reduced dependence on road transport will have the spin-off of speeding up our economy, for example: • Businesses could be located anywhere and transport their goods with ease and at a relatively low cost. Our citizens will not have to face a choice between pursuing their careers and moving away from their families and loved-ones; • Businesses could employ people from far reaching places, thus spreading wealth to rural areas. • New business opportunities can be identified where it was previously deemed too remote. • Our lucrative tourism industry could be further unlocked, not only for international tourism, but also local tourism. Of course, such development costs money. However, in our case, it is not necessarily a lack of money, private sector has the resources we need but are reluctant to invest in corruption. Even public sector, for instance, the pension funds, can be best used to fund this new approach to infrastructure development. 4. Infrastructure development as an investment in our environment It would be irrational to disagree that, a new approach to infrastructure development must place a high value in our environment. This is especially applicable when considering our pristine natural resources. Furthermore, any infrastructure development must be done in consultation with affected communities. For instance, as part of a rural infrastructure development programme, communities should identify which areas should be used for grazing and planting, and which should be left fallow. Government must then take responsibility for fencing off land which will in turn generate local jobs. Lastly, 28% of Southern Africa’s water flows unused through the Eastern Cape rivers. Using this water effectively and responsibly could generate jobs in the short and long term. Also, some of the richest agricultural soil in the country lies uncultivated in this province. The refurbishment and establishment of irrigation schemes will not only create jobs and wealth, but it will also contribute to food security in the area and the country at large. 5. Conclusion We need to ensure that our infrastructure is advancing industrialisation, environmental preservation and social cohesion. In more ways than one, we need to ensure that South Africa and South Africans are no longer left behind but at the helm of their developmental trajectory. Thank you
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16 Aug, 2018
Message by Mr BH Holomisa, MP and UDM President on the 16th of August 2018 at the Commemoration of the Marikana Massacre
• Programme Director • The families of the victims of the Marikana Massacre • Ladies and Gentlemen 1. Opening Thank you for allowing me to share in this occasion, the commemoration of the Marikana Massacre. We must always remember what happened on this awful day six years ago, so that it may never be repeated. 2. No consequences for criminals We live in a country where there are no consequences for breaking the law. Worst still when it is our very own government that is doing so. It is frustrating that there are no consequences for those who steal; there are no consequences for those who engage in corruption and there are no consequences for those guilty of murder. This must stop. 3. The UDM’s message to mineworkers It is the mineworkers of this country that must bring about change in how government manages the mineworking industry. Each time there is a cabinet reshuffle the policies change as a new personality takes over the reins. The mining experts are frustrated, because they are being tossed around by politicians. This too must stop. It is time for the owners and the mineworkers to get their acts together and speak the same language on this score. 4. Land and the purpose of the parliamentary committee’s hearings Whilst I have the opportunity, I want to remind you that the parliamentary hearings that took place all over the country, were to determine whether the constitution should in fact be amended or not. This is phase one. The second phase is where the “how” part should be discussed, whether the parliamentary committee recommends that the constitution should be amended or not. The current land-owners such as government, big business, the Anglo’s of this world and the traditional leaders and churches should meet under one roof, together with political parties, to hammer out the “how” part of such a process. People’s expectations have been raised and phase 2 must happen very soon, as there has already been threats of land grabs and even civil war. 5. When will things change? What each of us must take to heart is that things will not change unless we take to task those who have disappointed us… those who have abandoned us. We must stop moaning and do something about those who squander and pillage state resources. It is time for the South African voters to say: NO MORE. We will no longer be fooled by your empty election promises. The ANC must be punished come the 2019 elections. Their support should be drastically cut back as a lesson to any party which thinks it can walk over South Africans. That power lies in the voters’ hands alone; it lies in your hands alone. 6. Closing As I close, I say to the families of those who lost their lives, as well as to those who survived that fateful day; We will keep you in our prayers. We hope that time heals some of your sorrows and that peace will replace some of your heartache. Thank You
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28 Jul, 2018
Bantu Holomisa’s address at the EFF’s 5th birthday
Address by Mr BH Holomisa, MP and UDM President On the occasion of the Economic Freedom Fighters’ 5th anniversary at Mdantsane Stadium • Programme Director; • The Commander in Chief of the Economic Freedom Fighters Mr Julius Malema; • The Deputy Commander in Chief Mr Floyd Shivambu; • The EFF Chairperson, Advocate Dali Mpofu • The entire National Command Leadership of the EFF; • The UDM chairperson in the Eastern Cape and member of the provincial legislature, Mr Tando Mpulu; • EFF members and the ground forces; • People of Mdantsane and the Eastern Cape 1. Happy birthday Let me start by saying: “Congratulations, Economic Freedom Fighters on your fifth birthday!” When the powers that be massacred the workers at Marikana in the North West, the United Democratic Movement (UDM) was one of the first political parties to visit this bereaved community. I there met the current leadership of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) who still were with the African National Congress’ (ANC) Youth League. The rest of the events around this day are well documented. Fast forward to when the ANC booted out the executive of the Youth League and you decided to form a political party called the EFF. It is like yesterday when you called upon me to give a message of support on the formation of your party at Marikana. Since your arrival on the South African political scene things have dramatically changed. You certainly have made some waves and ruffled the establishment’s feathers. The EFF and the UDM worked together on several occasions where the convergence of ideas led to us collectively to achieve several victories in pursuit of South Africa becoming a winning nation; those include: • An unwavering fight against corruption, both in the public and private sectors; • The removal of the former chairperson of the Independent Electoral Commission after the Constitutional Court confirmed that she was conflicted; • The release of the State Capture Report which today is the subject of a judicial inquiry. • Going to the Constitutional Court where the judgement was made that the speaker of the national assembly had the power to decide that members may cast a secret ballot in the motion of no confidence in the former president of the country. • The call for the former president of the Republic to account and pay back the money stolen from the public. Our continued pressure bore fruit when he resigned. • There were several other high and constitutional court cases we won together, however, Zuma still owes us the money for the legal fees! Our team of legal eagles, under the leadership of your chairperson, senior counsel Dali Mpofu, has made us proud. For those who don’t know, I worked with Dali when he was part the campaign of release Mandela and other political prisoners. I also worked with him when we reburied King Sabata Dalindyebo. With his experience and knowledge of the South African politics, you were not wrong to bring him on board. The UDM and the EFF, together, organised several marches that culminated in the mother of all marches when thousands of South Africans walked to the Union Buildings to rid this country of a destructive, self-interested man who could not be trusted with this country’s future. 2. Coalitions post 2016 You heeded the call for us to start talking about coalition governments post the 2016 watershed municipal elections. Together with the EFF, the United Front and the Congress of the People, we agreed on the basic conditions for collaboration at our meeting at the Protea Hotel in Midrand. This collaboration effectively meant that the political landscapes in the big metros were going to drastically change. Hopefully this start in local government leads to bigger things since that exercise served as a game changer in the political landscape of this country. The voters of South Africa should not forget that we saved this country from the corrupt leaders of that time. They should give us the benefit of the doubt, as they cannot expect the ANC to correct itself. 3. The EFF’s agitation re the land question The EFF’s motion for expropriation of land without of compensation in the national assembly, which the UDM supported, has given rise to the current national consultations with the people. This is in line with the UDM’s call for an economic indaba, where the land issue would feature centre stage as one cannot achieve economic emancipation without security of tenure. The UDM agrees that there is a need to review the relevant constitutional provisions to ensure a fair distribution of land. It cannot be that the people who lived in the villages and townships of the former Ciskei and Transkei, and other homelands, find themselves still living in areas which were dubbed reserve areas for black blacks, whilst there are acres and acres of land now lay fallow and unused. As we follow the process on land we must come up with the laws, regulations and timeframes on how we are going to implement them. And, these must be followed to the letter. You will agree that this entire process is long overdue. There are however much to discuss, and I propose that those parties who voted in favour of the motion to convene a meeting so that we may compare notes and make sure that we sing from the same hymn book. We need to pay special attention on the “how” part of the process. The people’s wishes must always be at the heart of what we do, and we must ensure that the process is not sabotaged by those who want to bulldoze us because of a superiority of numbers. 4. Closing We must always ensure that rationality, supreme logic and the voice of the people are not only heard but that it dictates our course of action. Once more, Happy Birthday EFF and Thank you
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16 May, 2018
2018 Budget Vote 10 – Public Service and Administration
Address by Mr ML Filtane, MP in the National Assembly Honourable Chairperson and members It is up to the citizens of South Africa to claim their entitlement to accountable government in which, constitutionally guaranteed human and other rights are upheld. The constitution alone, however sounds it is, is insufficient, unless it is fully applied in the daily lives of all of the people and the state institutions. The continued high unemployment rate, poverty and underdevelopment, demands that the more than 1.2 million men and women in the public service must double the effort in their daily responsibilities intended to create a better life for the people of the South Africa. Governance is about the implementation of laws and the actual provisions of services. Public Service and Administration programme actions should contribute towards an enhanced quality of life for all. At the root of many of the problems facing country at present, in particular that which relates to governance, is a lack of appreciation of the difference between party and state. The governing party’s cadre deployment policy is adversely affecting public service. Evidence is that the ANC cadre deployment strategy systematically places loyalty ahead of merit and competence. Therefore, it its own serious obstacle to efficient public service. Politically and factionally connected incompetent individuals are often deployed to public positions. This results in a demoralised public service. Incompetent and unqualified people are unable to deliver services efficiently and effectively. Competency and ethical standards are critical for an effective and efficient public service. In order to realise the public administration provided, read in section 195 of the Constitution, that renders services to all people in a manner which is impartial, fair, equitable and without bias, we need, amongst others: • To run public service as a professional state service; and • An integrated and seamless single public service across all the three spheres of government. A democratic public service must uphold values of honesty; integrity and non-partisanship; prudence in the use of taxpayers’ money. There must be faithfulness to the principles of fairness, impartiality and professionalism whilst carrying out their duties; with respect for the government of the day and most importantly – PUTTING THE CITIZENS FIRST. The ruling party has taken similar or same resolutions in many of its decision-making bodies, but, implementation, DOLOLO! There is no implementation because PATRONAGE and the ANC is in the same WhatsApp group. The governing party cannot operate without patronage and patronage is an antithesis of patriotism. So, with patronage, the people of South Africa will never be at the apex of the governing party programmes. That will only remain a paper commitment. Thank you
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10 May, 2018
Local Government Week Outcomes: address by Mr LB Gaehler, MP (NCOP) in the National Assembly
Honourable Chairperson and Members Notwithstanding the recent outbreak of listeriosis, in which at least 190 people have died, South Africa does not meet the world health standards for food inspectors. According to the National Institute for Communicable Diseases (NICD), we have just one environmental health practitioner per 30, 000 people. The World Health Organisation (WHO) recommends a ratio of one environmental health practitioner for every 10, 000 people. This means South Africa does not have enough people checking the health and safety standards for production. Municipalities, in particular those in rural and small towns are the hardest hit. They must be helped to be proactive, to pre-plan and meet the required standards of at least one environmental health practitioner for every 10, 000 people. The NICD must have more laboratories to deal with this crisis. Chairperson, the municipalities are the culprits with regard to the non-payment of service providers within the regulated 30 days as per the National Treasury Instruction note number 34. This is not only a defiance of government policy, but a brutal onslaught against the poor masses of our people who are trying their best to live a better life, through their own initiative. Chairperson, we suggest that the NCOP institute an urgent investigation of the extent of this crime against our people who are running small businesses. We must know, which municipality is in debt to our poor people and how much is owned. Once that is established, culprits must be reported to the relevant authority for a proper recourse, on behalf of the local hawkers, caterers, B&B owners and many others. Lastly, there are still municipalities and institutions who are hell bent on defying another government policy, that of buying local. Officials go to places like Butterworth yet they sleep and eat in East London, they procure food and other items more than 50kms outside the local area. WHY ARE THE POOR MASSES IN RURAL AREAS BEING ATTACKED LIKE THIS. This new dawn must arrive to the poor too. Municipalities must play the ball and BUY LOCAL. Thank you
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10 May, 2018
2018 Budget Vote 38: Human Settlements – address by Ms CN Majeke, MP in the National Assembly
Honourable Chairperson and members Outcome eight of the outcome-based performance approach that speaks to the mandate of the department adopted in January 2010, places responsibility on the part of the department to provide sustainable human settlements and improved quality living environment. However, visiting ward 28 in Soweto on Sea in the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality (NMBM) where houses were built pre-2010, you will find a totally different and devastating reality. This has resulted in the community launching a petition with the Eastern Cape Provincial Legislature (ECPL). These citizens are currently registered and counted as beneficiaries of Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) houses by the human settlements department, yet, their situation can best be described as a glorifie squatter camp. In 2015, the NMBM human settlements department promised that the beneficiaries of the Zanemvula Priority Project would be temporarily removed to enable for the rectification programme to correct the defects. Three years later, these poor citizens continue to live with graves as their neighbours with absolutely no space or hope for economic, social activities and inclusion. For them, to bury their loved one, they have to rely on facilities outside from where they reside. Chairperson, many of the houses and settlements built between 1994 and 2010 are a far cry from the acceptable and current national policy, national norms and standards for housing and human settlements development. In ward 28, our people are crammed in overcrowded and dysfunctional spaces of less than 100 square meters with regular service interruptions. Chairperson, this department has to go back to basics. In this regard, we propose, that: • The department should assess all the houses and settlements that were built between 1994 and 2010, and compare it to the current policy, norms and standards. It must evaluate whether they are consistent with outcome eight, which provides for sustainable human settlements and improved quality of household life. • In the event of discrepancies, as is the case with ward 28, the minister must make policy proposals, consistent with the rectification programme and other relevant legal pre-scripts, to elaborate a plan that the department can and will implement to rectify the anomalies. • In this regard, the minister is invited to make ward 28 a pilot project. Accordingly, the minister should immediately contact the ECPL so that she may have access to the petition that carries the details of this challenge. • As part of attending to this national challenge, the minister, together with her provincial counterpart, should consider making an urgent visit to this ward to see for themselves the real circumstances defining our people in a democracy. Please Minister, consider joining the ECPL during their Public Participation Week on the 28 of May to the 1st of June in NMBM. Ward 28, is the epitome of a lack of broad national housing delivery goals, a lack of monitoring the financial and non-financial performance of provinces and municipalities. It also speaks to a lack of deliberate consultation with all the stakeholders in the housing delivery chain, including civil society and the private sector. Thank you
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09 May, 2018
2018 Budget Vote 17: Social Development – Address by Ms CN Majeke, MP in the National Assembly
Subject for Discussion: Budget Vote 17: Social Development Honourable Speaker and members The United Democratic Movement (UDM) supports the report. However, the UDM feels that there are major obstacles in the way that the department must overcome, namely within social work graduates and the South African Social Security Agency (SASSA). Chairperson, drugs and alcohol abuse is one of the struggles that the country is facing. Parallel to this struggle is that thousands of social work graduates are trained at huge cost to state and are languishing at home and on the street corners of our villages and townships without work. In 2018, it is projected that the number of unemployed social workers will jump to 8 600 from 3 800. This increase is from the 4 840 social work students with government bursaries mainly from this very department. The UDM agrees with the chairperson of the portfolio committee that discontinuing the funding is not the solution and will create further crisis. South Africa has not enough social workers to drive the departmental community development agenda towards a caring and inclusive society as envisaged in the National Development Plan (NDP). We therefore propose that: • The department engages with other departments like correctional service to assess the need for this skill and channel the unemployed graduates accordingly. • Train the unemployed graduates in community development and ensure that the department drives this important programme with the requisite capacity. • Extend the community development programme to non-profit organisations and non-governmental organisation so that the proper utilisation of social workers is spread and that our communities are assisted to development consistent with the 2030 vision. The UDM is also angered by fact that SASSA officials deliberately misled beneficiaries and forced them to migrate from a cash payment system to an online system which create many complications for beneficiaries who are not familiar with online cash systems. Furthermore, the lack of understanding by some beneficiaries of online systems, leave them oblivious to unlawful deductions and corruption as seen in the past. SASSA must address the problems caused by those officials have deliberately misled the beneficiaries and must take the appropriate actions: 1. They must receive a suspension without pay for a period of no less than three months. 2. They must commit to do community service in that time to give back to a community they deliberately misled. 3. SASSA must make every effort to communicate the situation to those who are affected and revert the migration for those who wish to make use of the cash payment points. The UDM also recommends that government quickly creates a reliable, safe and fast system to pay out SASSA beneficiaries. Long queues and offline systems slow productivity of the country and need to be mended with the utmost urgency. The Chief Executive Officer of SASSA must fill the vacancies. The high vacancy rate places stress on the current employees and need to pick up the additional responsibilities and furthermore the vacancy rate will definitely hamper the performance of the office. Thank you
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03 May, 2018
Debate: Condolence Motion on the passing of Ms Winnie Madikizela Mandela
Honourable Speaker and Members, Mr Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP and UDM Deputy-President A big tree, an outstanding servant of the people, a struggle icon has fallen. Dr Maya Angelou, in her poem “The Great Tree has Fallen” says, and I quote: “…. when great souls die, after a period, peace blooms, slowly and always irregularly. Spaces fill with a kind of soothing electric vibration. Our senses, restored never to be the same, whisper to us. They existed. They existed. We can be. Be and be better. For they existed.” As we mourn and are still trying to come to terms with the untimely death of Mam’ uWinnie, no one can deny the fact that our lives are better because she existed. Mama was a fearless freedom fighter, who brought her superlative courage to the struggle during the darkest hours of oppression. She was a colossus that bestrode the lives of the poor and downtrodden, shielding them from the vicious onslaught of the apartheid regime. It was therefore not surprising that South Africans, who understand the passage of the struggle for freedom, regarded her with veneration. It is because these South Africans understand that both in the war against the apartheid regime and in peace, Mam’ uWinnie served South Africa unfailingly and wholeheartedly for decades. For these reasons, it was also not surprising that, when Mama uWinnie passed away, the world rang with tributes to this great leader of our time. We were however flabbergasted by the ostentatious vulgarity of the criticism of her legacy by some of her detractors and the brazen lies they told to tarnish her image. Despite your venomous attacks on her, our love and respect for her remains undiminished. Disappointingly, even the behaviour displayed by some of those who tried to defend her legacy was at times marked by puerility. This group displayed an exclusivist notion to national interest and the right to defend her legacy, which was extremely intolerant of dissenting views, whether valid or not. It the saddest irony of history and a damning indictment of our leadership that we used her passing to divide the very same nation she fought tooth and nail to unite. Colleagues, you know that I prefer truth to comfort! Granted, Mama was not without faults. She made mistakes just like everyone else. However, to reduce her legacy to her mistakes understands neither the dangers of the struggle for freedom, nor the monumental sacrifices on which our pedestal of hope is premised. In this regard, we owe it to the youth of this country and future generations to tell an objective account of Mam’ uWinnie’s historical contribution to our liberation struggle that is free of distortions. Madam Speaker, Throughout our struggle for freedom, Mam’s uWinnie was sustained not only by her love for our people, but by her sincerity and commitment towards building a democratic, united, non-racial and non-sexist South Africa. In your honour Mama, we will continue to fight for the improvement of the lives of the poor and to ensure that land is returned back to our people. We will not let your passing, as our struggle icons, to be the end of era of South African greatness! We will continue to individually and collectively work hard towards building a South Africa in which we look forward to the sunrise of our tomorrow! Menze Thixo aphumle ngonaphakade. Umkhanyisele ngokhanyiso olungacimiyo. Thank you.
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21 Mar, 2018
#HumanRightsDay Rally 2018, UDM Rally in Gauteng, DH Williams Grounds, Kathlehong, Ekurhuleni
Speaking notes for UDM President, Mr Bantu Holomisa 1. Welcome On behalf of the entire United Democratic Movement (UDM) leadership, I extend a word of welcome to all of you gathered here today as we commemorate Human Rights Day in South Africa. For each of you, being present is a personal sacrifice and is contribution to the life of the UDM. The UDM leadership therefore thanks you for investing your money, time and energy to be here, as we honour those who have come before us in the fight for a just and equal South African society; free of the shackles of Apartheid. 2. Remembering those who came before us Today, we remember the Sharpeville massacre of 1960 when police opened fire on thousands of people who protested the draconian pass laws. We will never forget that almost 300 lives were irrevocably changed that day; with 69 souls making the ultimate sacrifice so that we can, today, enjoy our civil liberties in a post-apartheid South Africa. The great tragedy of what happened that day, is that it was not the end of the struggle for the dignity and freedom of non-white South Africans. A few days later, on March the 31st, more than twenty people were massacred in a march against the pass laws in Langa, Cape Town. We had the Soweto Uprising – who will ever forget the iconic picture of the limp body of young Hector Pietersen? Much of which followed, happened in the name of the armed struggle, which affected black and white alike. Today, is also the 33rd commemoration of the 1985 Uitenhage Langa Massacre, where at least twenty people were killed at a Sharpeville commemoration. On this day, we also remember the 1992 Bhisho Massacre and the tragic deaths in Boipatong, where the fires of the so-called black-on-black violence were stoked for the most nefarious of goals. Soon Shell House followed. The word “massacre” far too often marks low-points in our history; and this does not even quantify the sacrifices that so many other black and white South Africans made, so that we may all enjoy political freedom. 3. What does Human Rights Day mean in 2018? Sadly, that awful word, again scarred our nation’s consciousness when we witnessed the Marikana massacre, which was the single most lethal use of force by South African security forces against civilians since 1960. Like at Sharpeville, many of the victims were shot in the back whilst trying to flee for their lives. We witnessed (what can arguably be considered as a massacre) when over a thousand patients were relocated to mainly unlicensed NGOs by order of the Gauteng Department of Health… 144 people lost their lives in this tragedy… and they were vulnerable people who most needed their human rights to be protected! It is therefore clear, that fighting for human rights (even when it is entrenched in our constitution), should remain on our daily radars. We cannot afford to forget our history and we must work hard to not repeat the atrocities of the past. May all their souls rest in peace. 4. The state of the nation in brief Despite the changes for the better since 1994, South Africa still faces, amongst others, challenges such as unemployment; inadequate housing and poor living conditions; sub-standard education; a dilapidated public healthcare system; the deeply emotional issue of land; stark racial, gender and economic inequality, as well as the scarcity of opportunities. The changing political landscape in South Africa, particularly over the past few years, has demonstrated that South Africans are tired of the so-called self-correcting nature of the ruling party. The UDM must certainly pat itself on the back for bringing about the change we witnessed with our now infamous former President’s exit from office. I remind you that we, last year, amassed in our thousands to march against this corrupt, constitutionally delinquent man who could no longer be trusted to lead the nation. The UDM went all the way to the Constitutional Court to fight for the “secret ballot” to rid South Africa of “Suspect Number One”. We have consistently made our voice heard in the media and kept ourselves relevant in the body politic of this country. The opposition, civil society, the media and the courts can rightly say that they fulfilled their tasks as part of the checks and balances that protect good governance and ensure a healthy democracy. Yes, 2018 ushered in a new South African president. But, despite the so-called right noises we hear from the Union Buildings, the question remains the same as it had been in 2017 and the preceding years… Notwithstanding the billions of rands spent on infrastructure development since the advent of democracy, just last week a five-year-old girl died, because of poor school infrastructure, when she fell into a pit latrine at a school in the Eastern Cape. Keiskamahoek is on fire because, amongst others, the local roads are beyond repair, because of the current government’s failure to even maintain the infrastructure they inherited in 1994. In this small town, street lights are a luxury, post the so-called new wave. Here in Gauteng, we still have the toll roads, which the people of this province cannot afford and drives up the cost of living. In fact, the Esidimeni Life tragedy points to a public health infrastructure, in this province, that have been neglected to the point where our people are dying for no reason at all. The UDM is very clear that, without a clear and focused investment into a comprehensive infrastructure development programme, the challenges of poverty, unemployment, inequality and underdevelopment shall continue to haunt our nation. In this regard, the UDM will in the second term of Parliament lead a debate in the National Assembly on this matter. We invite you to submit your ideas on what needs to be done in regards to infrastructure development. 5. How do we recue South Africa from the slippery slope of entrenched corruption and the maladministration of an uncaring government? We all know that, putting a fresh coat of paint on a delipidated car, does not make it new. Underneath the hood it is still has an engine that will leave you in the lurch (especially when you need it to perform at its best). Voters can no longer afford to be fooled by this leopard trying to convince us that it has changed its spots. The fact remains that the very people who presided over our county’s decline over the past few years are still at the helm. It is the same so-called leaders who were hell-bent on defending their corrupt colleague, even after the writing was on the wall. It’s even worse, when that very same party ropes in the same dubious character to work in its campaigns for the 2019 National and Provincial Elections. Clearly the “new dawn” is a continuation of the sunset it preceded. A Looter Continua! As a parting shot on this topic… it remains to be seen what the State Capture Inquiry will uncover. The nation could very well still be in for a major shock as the Deputy-Chief Justice starts digging into both public and private sector corruption. Indeed, the UDM can be proud of the fact that none of our leaders have been convicted of corruption and that we have been consistent in promoting the ethics of good governance. It is due to the continuous spade-work of parties like our own, that we hold the corrupt to account and turf out those who put their pockets first and the people last. 5.1. The land debate and expropriation without compensation in the bigger scheme of things Without belabouring the various crises that we face, some of which I mentioned earlier, I want to address one topic in particular… land. South Africans, of all persuasions, must understand and admit (whether they like it or not) that the land issue must be addressed once and for all, and that it must happen soon, because the country teeters on the precipice of open revolt. It has become a racial political football precisely because of South Africa’s divisive and turbulent history. The ruling party’s administrations, of the past twenty-four years, have also not done us any favours with their corruption-laced and slow-paced land redistribution project. No-one can dispute that black South Africans were, in the past, dispossessed of land without consultation (never-mind with compensation). To put this into context, I was recently told that historian WJ du Plessis noted that: “By the time of the advent of the new South Africa, about 17 000 statutory measures had been issued to segregate and control land division, with 14 different land control systems in South Africa.” Understanding the issue of land in this context, should find resonance with any rational individual. The UDM therefore voted in favour of the motion, that was recently tabled before the National Assembly, because the imbalances of the past must be addressed. But, with the following rider: it must be done, in terms of a constitutional review, fully cognisant of the implications and mechanisms of implementation. We, categorically, did not a vote for land grabs and turning the country into a second Zimbabwe. The debate, as it currently stands, needs level-headedness. The land issue should also not be used as a populist scaring tactic (by either the left, or the right) to drive the wedge deeper between the formerly oppressed and the formerly advantaged. I therefore invite the UDM’s structures, members and any interested parties, to enter into discussion on this topic and send your feedback to land@udm.org.za (by end-April) on what the fears, hopes and ideals of our people are where land is concerned. 6. Fighting “the good fight” since 1997 Many of you who are here today, have since the UDM’s inception, fought the good fight to clean government and hold those in power accountable. I recognise many faces of those who, with me, left behind a ruling party that, year-by-year, sunk deeper into the quagmire of moral decay, as well as those who exited a nationalist party that refused to recognise its cruel racism and discrimination. You will be proud together with me, that the UDM is firmly rooted in the post-apartheid South Africa that does not have any political baggage. The UDM therefore is the only credible political alternative that can enable South Africans to break free from the shackles of the past twenty-four years and the damage that was done in the era before democracy. 6.1. Recapturing the lost ground Notwithstanding the quite volatile political climate of the late nineties, the UDM, in 1999, managed to have public representatives in Parliament and in no less than six provincial legislatures. In 2000, when we contested municipal elections for the first time and we put into office, 240 councillors nationwide; and also won the King Sabata Dalindyebo Municipality in the Eastern Cape. But how do we recapture this lost ground? It is a fact that the UDM is widely recognised as an authentic, progressive alternative. People see the party as a champion of clean governance. Our reputation for ethical politics and rationality resonates with South Africans of all walks of life and gives us an edge over other parties. The UDM has, despite the shortcomings in the funding of political parties, sustained itself through mere word of mouth. We have never spent a cent on fancy public relations companies, image polishers and spin-doctors. In stark contrast to this set-up, it was reported that a certain political party (that shall remain nameless) plans to blow a whopping R264 million, on its 2019 Election Campaign. It almost feels like a Hail Mary Pass to stay in control of the country… In order for the UDM to effectively reach the electorate, whilst not having the same resources (including those pilfered from government) as the “big shots” do, it may be necessary for us to consider investing in a strategic marketing exercise, to persuade voters, especially the youth, that the UDM is the political home for all South Africans. 6.2. What’s on our “to-do list” in the months leading up to 2019? The UDM needs to be responsive and pick up issues that affects people’s daily lives and mobilise civil society organisations, all sectors of society, and the people in general, around those issues. The UDM must, in very practical terms, demonstrate its core vision i.e. being the “political home for all South Africans”. It is therefore important that our pool of candidates for the 2019 National and Provincial Elections reflects this characteristic. We therefore thought it wise to “throw the net wider” as we start the exercise of identifying prospective UDM candidates. Not only are we encouraging our members to step up to the plate, but we have invited members of the public, who identify with the UDM’s values and ideals, to give it a shot. We will however fiercely guard against opportunists, who want to parachute onto our candidates’ lists, without first proving themselves. Prospective candidates will therefore be given the assignment of building their own constituencies and grow the Party’s influence. 6.3. The UDM on post-2019 coalition governments If the 2019 elections are to deliver no outright winner, which political pundits predict, the question of coalitions comes to the fore. Just to clarify, the UDM will not consider any form of partnership with other parties before 2019. We will retain our political identity, promote our brand of politics and will only consider coalition after the results have been announced. At that point in time, the UDM will bargain on behalf of the people so that they will have a say in how their government should be run. In other words, in the UDM’s view the work of any coalition government must be rooted in: “putting people first”. 7. Conclusion The task to build the UDM, on our road to 2019, and years beyond, is a big challenge. This doable if we put our noses to the grindstone. We must motivate people (especially the disenfranchised youth) to register, at any time, at any Municipal Electoral Office – or during the coming voter registration weekends. It is important that we spread the word that voters must ensure that their addresses are complete and correct on the voters’ roll; if they don’t do this, they might be turned away from the polling stations in 2019. We must always remember that the task to build the UDM is not only about the future of the party, but about the prosperity of the country and her people. The hard work must start now! Our first milestone is an improved performance in the 2019 elections as a benchmark to build on for all future elections. We have a responsibility to convince voters that the UDM is the only vehicle that can make manifest the UDM’s vision for South Africa. I hope we all leave here today, feeling energised to go full-swing towards 2019. Go out and launch branches, knock on people’s doors and convince them that the UDM is the right, and only party to vote for. Thank you for listening and please arrive home safely. Phambili UDM! Phambili!
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14 Mar, 2018
“The State of Peace in Africa – advancing the legal framework for a conflict-free Africa”
Bantu Holomisa, MP and UDM President’s contribution to the debate “The State of Peace in Africa” – advancing the legal framework for a conflict-free Africa” at the 2nd Annual Commemoration of the Proclamation of the Declaration of Peace and Cessation of War • Our hosts, • Colleagues, • Distinguished guests and participants, • Ladies and gentlemen 1. Introduction Let me start by saying that the United Democratic Movement (UDM) believes in the noble idea of the Declaration of Peace and Cessation of War (DPCW); especially in its uniqueness to end all war. Yet, as we are all aware, this is the proverbial “tall order”, which is ironic when one considers that most countries proclaim that peace is high on their national agendas. Let me also admit the following. In pondering this dilemma, and the virtuous intent of the DPCW, I am left with more questions than answers. 2. Religious persecution in Africa It is a sad fact that religious persecution is on the rise in Africa and the Middle East. It is said that the oppression of different religions in Africa dwarfs that of what is referred to as the world’s “most intractable conflict” i.e. the Israel/Palestine scenario. The world does not often enough talk about religious persecution in Africa, and the other “less important” parts of the world, as evidenced by President Donald Trump’s recent comment about Africa being a… I am not going to say the word. 3. Ethnic persecution in the name of religion To exacerbate matters, the line between ethnic and religious violence is often blurred. Differences in religion is used to “justify” ethnic cleansing or to assert dominance. The “us-and-them” mentality. Arguably the most stupefying example of this was the anti-Semitism in the Hitler-era. On a side note, with the acknowledgement of the suffering of Jews in Europe at that time, I wonder how those atrocities would compare to the religious persecution on the African continent over the last fifty years or so? However, in this regard, the DPCW is crafted broadly enough to say that war, no matter in which way it is justified, is wrong. Full-stop. 4. Religious persecution perpetrated by entire countries and how to make international law and concords stick? Naturally, to say that conflict in the name of religion, is only perpetuated by so-called radicals or fundamentalists, is simplistic. Persecution may be triggered by religious bigotry by a state when it views a particular religious group as a threat to its interests and/or security. Therein lies much of the rub for the DPCW. Even with internationally accepted definitions, many nations have a different interpretation of what constitutes “national interest” and “national security”. This is also not static, depending on which party, or dictator, governs a particular nation. There must be a universal agreement on what national interest, security and religious tolerance means; whether one talks about North Korea, Egypt, China or Nigeria. To use the analogy of alcoholism… admitting that there’s a serious problem is the first step. The next question would be, how does one treat countries where, at the most, they can be “punished” by using sanctions; which (more often than not), adversely affects the very people who needs protection from their governments. 5. Sovereignty of nations and their ability to defend themselves against aggressors Firstly, quite often the very countries where religious intolerance occurs, operate outside multi-national treaties and United Nations’ accords. One also has to be careful about the sovereignty of countries and even if this initiative gets billions of signatures to support it, how could this initiative, for example, stop China from considering the Dalai Lama a “dangerous separatist”. Secondly, as we have seen with the stand-off between North Korea and the United States, where does one draw the line between being able to defend one’s country against aggression versus demilitarising the entire world? Unfortunately (even though the world’s countries more or less have established boundaries) where humans are involved, conflict will ensue. That is why this initiative makes so much sense i.e. to have international understanding about achieving a warless society, that is legislated in some form. 6. Return of world-wide conservatism and refugees Terrorist attacks, sometimes in the name of religion, have contributed to an up-rise of world-wide conservatism, which has an element of intolerance. The issue of refugees, in the so-called developed countries, also contributes to this global “right swing”. It is clear that not enough is being done to resolve conflict in affected countries, especially in terms of our discussion today, on the African continent. 7. Conclusion The work of the United Nations, and international NGOs and bodies, is critical in bringing stability to many situations where religious persecution is rife; especially where it has escalated to war. The role of the media, as acknowledge in the DPCW, is an important piece of the puzzle, which is to shine a spotlight on the trouble-ridden parts of the world. However, the potentially biased interference by the world’s so-called super-powers, should be curbed. Even should their actions be well-intended, the world must understand that Africans will, because of our history, remain doubtful of our former colonisers. On a more positive note, the UDM has consistently advocated for constructive engagement between people with opposing views. Let the people with the problem, talk to each other (possibly with the assistance of a mediating body) or it should be considered to host a national gathering, where issues can be brought to the fore. In such a forum tolerance should be advocated and solutions found that suit all stakeholders; acknowledging and protecting religious (and other) minorities. Thank you Event hosted by: Heavenly Culture, World Peace, Restoration of Light in collaboration with the International Peace Youth Group and Junior Chambers International and Africa Unite
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27 Feb, 2018
Subject for Discussion: Expropriation of land without compensation
Address by Mr ML Filtane, MP in the National Assembly Honourable Deputy-Speaker and Honourable Members In November 1990, 85 churches met for the National Conference of Church Leaders in South Africa and produced what is well known as the Rustenburg Declaration. The central theme of the Conference was the expression of the contrition for the wrongs and sins of the past, and a call for action to repair those wrongs. In paragraph 2.4. of the declaration, the (Church Leaders) Conference said … “we know that without genuine repentance and practical restitution we cannot appropriate God’s forgiveness and that without justice true reconciliation is impossible”. The Conference said… “As a first step towards restitution, we call on the Government to return all land expropriated … to its original owners”. The call by the church leaders, would respond to what, today, seems to be glaringly missing in the debate about land. Notwithstanding the provisions of the constitution, the question of moral demand or rightness of not only changing land access and relationships, BUT of repairing the hurt, misery, brokenness, and trauma of people often violently ripped from their land for generations. In 2013, we marked the centenary of the 1913 Native Land Act, which heralded an extraordinary scale of land dispossession. Many South Africans, including members of this House, made moving observations and experiences about the viciousness of that Act and its subsequent impact on land ownership in South Africa. However, any talk on land, has still not translated into a legislative and policy landscape that recognises the question of land reform as a matter inclusive economic development, moral concern and legal justice. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) supports the wide and inclusive consultative process on this matter of nation interest. We want to remind citizens that the most lucrative and substantial amount of land was taken before the 19th of June 1913. The failure of the restitution programme, as found in the report of the High Panel, represents justice denied. The principle of justice, as would have been understood by the conference of Church Leaders, demands that where something was unjust acquired or taken away, it must be returned or given back. In simple language, if you steal my vehicle, I lay a claim to it, I deserve it back. I am not required to buy it back. This is what the moral and legal interpretation of what justice must be. Justice delayed is justice denied. It cannot be that to the victor go the spoils and so a “finder-keepers” situation. In fact, what may invite unending conflict, is not the return of land to its rightful owners, but the refusal to do so “… return the land to its rightful owners”. Given the historical reality of our society, the current economic challenges confronting the nation, the increasing levels of inequality and poverty, the UDM support, the motion. Thank you
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19 Feb, 2018
Subject for Discussion: DEBATE ON SONA
Address by Mr LB Gaehler, MP (NCOP) in the National Assembly Honourable Speaker and Honourable Members Mr President, we welcome your commitment to make the public service work. We therefore call on you, to professionalise service delivery as a function of public servants. They are employed to serve the people and not to be served by the people. Your administration, must put South Africa First. We must, as you have promised, make sure that public service is not a dumping site of unqualified, incompetent and lazy people, who are a product of your party’s deployment policy. This must come to an end now. Secondly, we welcome your commitment towards the Small Business Development. Accordingly, we suggest, that there must be consequences for failing to pay service providers within the specified time. There must be consequences for those who fail to implement government policy. For example, if a service provider is not paid within 30 days, there must be an interest accrued and such must be taken from the salary of the defaulting government official. As you establish your advisory streams, we call on you, to ensure that, this good initiative is not merely a payback for loyalty to you or your party. Therefore, you must, tap into the rich knowledge, expertise and wisdom of the society at large beyond party political confines. Mr President, industrialisation must not fly above the head of the majority of our people. It must originate and be driven from below. Your administration must invest in local economic development and prioritise rural economy. We are in this morass, as a consequence of poor management of state affairs by the governing party. However, you must be able to acknowledge this in order to steer the country on the correct course. It should be said that charity begins at home, cleansing must begin at home too. You must take the lead and deal decisively with those who commit crime against the people of South Africa. South Africans must be shifted from greed and corruption in which they have been accustomed to by previous leadership, and now focus on creating a society that we can all identify with and be proud to promote. If I judged correctly I would say approximately 80% of your speech was concentrated on economic matters and need for entrepreneurial revitalisation. We welcome your message of charting a new path for our country and imprinting footprints for what you call our future greatness. The idea of concentrating on JOBS, especially to tackle youth unemployment is well advised. I become concerned when politicians mention Extended Public Works jobs as part of tackling unemployment, as if they were sustainable jobs. These are dig a hole and fill it kind of jobs, they are great as emergency bailouts but are not real sustainable jobs. If we going to create real low skill jobs we must, as you have emphasized, you need to look deeper at construction and agriculture. We must couple it with the agenda of modernising our schools, building new community medical clinics that would expand access to quality low-cost care. We must include them on plans to upgrade broken-down electrical substations, localising the building of trains and buses and public housing to mention a few. The Job summit and investment conference are good ideas – provided it is not a white-wash in the manner in which government currently conducts its public consultations without effecting any suggestions from the public. You need to take seriously other people’s views, especially when they conflict with yours, because that is the only way you will also test and strengthen yours. Do not come with the dismissive attitude of thinking that the voice of experts on the field carries more weight. Often it is people on the ground, who know where it pinches and how to solve it. I am also sure opposition parties, like the UDM, who’ve been calling for an Economic Indaba will support you on this. Thank you
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19 Feb, 2018
State of the Nation Address 2018 debate
Contribution by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP and President of the United Democratic Movement on the occasion of the State of the Nation Address 2018 debate in the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa • Honourable Speaker & chairperson of the NCOP • Mister President • Honourable Members 1. Congratulations Mr Ramaphosa! When an opponent has done well, one must applaud and say: “Well done”. Well done on your speech Mr President! Your message has restored hope and put South Africa on the right track for the restoration of our dignity. This opportunity was given to you on a silver platter by the steadfast efforts of the loyal opposition, the media and civil society, while your party’s leadership turned a blind eye to brazen looting of state resources and fiddled while South Africa was burning. Who will forget the hundreds of thousands of South Africans who marched in a united display of dissatisfaction over an ill-suited and irresponsible President of the Republic. 2. Corruption is the lynchpin in giving effect to your SONA vision 3. Madam Speaker, Institutionalised corruption has been exacerbated by political heads usurping the powers of accounting officers in all three tiers of government. And Mr President, there must be consequences for those who have been found guilty of corruption. 4. The work of the State Capture Inquiry The State Capture Inquiry must be beefed up with the inclusion of forensic audit experts and even the Hawks. The Justice Department must be directed to make special provision for prosecuting capacity and the establishment of dedicated courts to expedite justice, as was done in 2010 with the Soccer World Cup. Once the Inquiry identifies an incident of corruption, the Hawks must pounce, the judicial system must take the baton, whilst the Inquiry continues. 5. On a side note Mr President, you mentioned infrastructure development in your speech; and specifically referred to roads, millions of South Africans are forced to travel long distances to work in the cities and mines. These long-distance travels are marred by accidents, death and injury, with some using insensible transport. It might be time for us to consider state of the art, safe, speed trains to decongest roads, decrease accidents and to save time and lives. Also, Mr President, we need to attend to the phenomenon of anarchy in our society, the general lack of discipline and disrespect for the law. 6. Thuma Mina Your call to action resonates with all South Africans Mr President! We all want to see it prosper so that we might thrive as a collective and as individuals. Your call builds on the action initiated by opposition parties and civil society of the course of the past year or so. We all said “we wanna be there” to stay the rot of corruption; and we were there on the streets in our thousands. We commend your consultative style and welcome the initiatives you mentioned in your SONA, but you did not go far enough. There must be a broadening of the collective consultative process and a wide range of topics that should be interrogated and discussed. Call it what you will, an indaba, convention or a summit, but we need to convene under one roof to discuss the critical challenges facing South Africa today. Contrary to the opinion of some political gurus, who said the opposition was exclusively obsessed with getting rid of former president Zuma, we have laid the groundwork for this national dialogue. With the input from some academics, we compiled a draft “Problem Statement”, which was released in August last year, to serve as a fundamental basis for such a dialogue. The identified issues are: • The reinstatement of our Constitutional order and the Rule of Law; • Reaffirmation of our founding vision and values; • Measures to ensure inclusive economic participation and to address inequality; • Reversing our economic decline. • The establishment of a shared consensus on land reform. This should include the rural tenure system, bodies like the Ingonyama Trust, as well as selling of urban land to foreigners. • Review the National Development Plan, with regard to its implementation and outcomes; • Reviving our national morality and the eradication of systemic corruption; • The reformation of our electoral system to enhance accountability and responsiveness; • Review of the powers and functions of the President to resolve the over- concentration of power; • The development of a capable and professional state, which requires fair employment opportunities in government, for all South Africans as opposed to non-professionals being parachuted into positions of power. • The rehabilitation of our international standing based on a human rights approach. • The reinvigoration of our structures and systems of education and training to ensure skills development and meaningful participation in economic and social activities; • Reversing social decay and putting a stop to violence against women and children; • The fostering of reconciliation, social cohesion and nationhood; • Resolving impediments to the progressive realisation of our basic human rights; • Strengthening and ensuring the independence of our Chapter 9 Institutions; • The reformation of party-political funding; • Securing the attainment of all role players towards the attainment of a state of good governance and the values that underpin it; We are here Mr President and we wanna be there to help find sustainable solutions. I thank you
Admin
30 Nov, 2017
Bantu Holomisa addresses 4th Annual ReNAPRI Stakeholders Conference
• Discussion Moderator • Executive Mayor • Members of the South African Executive • Fellow panellists and Members of Parliament • Distinguished guests and participants Agricultural transformation in Africa must be achieved through meaningful, practical and sufficiently funded policies. This will mean self-sustaining food production, as well as successful competition globally. The transformation of this sector is urgent, having experienced (to mention the few) the following: • In South Africa, agricultural subsidies and the use of extension officers have been withdrawn from small scale and subsistence farming. This at a time when global competition has sharply increased. • Developed countries invest in technologically advanced production methods, which results in developing countries in Africa falling behind. • Developing countries rely on their developed counterparts for agricultural technologies. Such technologies continuously improve, whilst developing countries are still learning how to take advantage of them. Consequently, money that could have been spent on production, is used to catch up on technological advances. • Traditional land management policies and systems, which are key factors in preserving certain habitats and site-specific biodiversity, have been abandoned. This has contributed to an upset in the delicate balance between agriculture and biodiversity. • Land ownership and security of tenure has not been resolved, which would enable owners to work their land and use it as collateral to obtain credit. This leaves us with hectares of idle land. • Climate change has sped up desertification on the Continent, which has led to a scarcity of usable/farmable land that should be adding value to these economies. • There has been an over-emphasis on industrial or market driven growth. Thus, many African countries lost steam and significant agricultural growth is suppressed. This has, in turn, resulted in the decline in agricultural activity and exacerbated poverty and malnutrition. The United Democratic Movement proposes that, to boost agricultural productivity and stop poverty on the continent, we need to begin with a vision. Such a vision must be anchored in: • Elimination of extreme poverty, hunger and malnutrition; • Production of sustainable organic food; and (but not limited to) • Increasing the continental competitive edge in food production. To achieve this vision, we need to have a clear roadmap based on increased food productivity, reshaping our agricultural landscapes, negotiating better trade conditions, effective financing, infrastructure improvements and the development of the value chain. To traverse this road, African legislators, governments and communities (traditional leaders, households, community organisations, etc.) must work together and, amongst others: • Revive subsistence farming, reinstitute agricultural subsidies and employ extension officers. • Realise the centrality of women and youth in the production of organic food for consumption at a household level. • Adopt policies that 1) reduce obstacles to trade and support value chain development, 2) promote technical innovation, 3) infrastructure development and 4) capacity building. • Such policies should focus on matters such as: soil fertility and preservation, land tenure, irrigation and the enforcement of legal and social rights of people. • Adopt regulations that are responsive to local opportunities and learn from past lessons, experiences and success stories in other countries in order to stimulate and sustain growth. • Establish strong institutions, appoint ethical and visionary leaders who are capacitated to implement policies with better funding, whilst also reducing the input costs. • Transform the agricultural landscape through an inclusive process and integration of relevant policy makers and institutions. For example, in South Africa, the ministries of agriculture, land affairs, trade and industry, including as small business development and municipalities. • Invest in research and innovation to detect megatrends and simultaneously add value to the population and economy. • Consider the impact of climate change and the sustainable use of natural resources and ecosystems. This would require climate smart solutions and investment in eco-based approaches, modern technologies and enabling of environmental enhancement and uptake. • Effective conserving of wild biodiversity in agricultural landscapes, coupled with coordination and strategic support to agricultural communities and conservationists. My recent visit to Germany has exposed me to what I believe is one of the best systems of land tenure and management. Land is used to the maximum and there are no parcels of non-productive land. I am certain that African countries can learn a lot from that their example and adapt their management style to local scenarios. Thank you
Admin
30 Sep, 2017
#UDM20 – address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP and UDM President on the occasion of the 20-year Anniversary of the UDM
1. Welcome Ladies and gentlemen, today, we celebrate two decades of principled political struggle. Thank you for sharing your time and participating in this auspicious occasion. I want us to look back at what we have achieved together in the past, but to also look ahead at what we can achieve, together, working towards a united future. We have every reason to be proud about the past and be optimistic about the future – both ours and the country’s. 2. Happy 20th Birthday UDM! Today is a significant landmark, not just for the United Democratic Movement (UDM), but for South Africa. The political landscape of the country is changing fast. New opportunities are opening up. My friends, we have made it this far and we are here to stay! We carved a niche for ourselves and we intend to build on the foundation we have laid. It is no mean achievement! South Africa’s is a rough political market to enter, and succeed, in. It should not be forgotten that, although we were the first new political ‘start-up’ of the democratic era, we were not the last. Others have come… and most have also gone… the Independent Democrats were ultimately swallowed up by the DA. COPE is struggling to keep their heads above water. AgangSA… remember them? We do not wish to gloat, but we have proved to be resilient, as well as principled. The UDM deserves to celebrate! It seems like yesterday, but twenty years have passed since we began this brave journey. Some said we were foolish. Others, echoing what President Zuma would later say, told me privately that life outside the ANC would be cold and lonely. As it turns out, life inside the ANC has not exactly been warm and cosy. Instead, those (like me) who dare to challenge the leadership and are willing to point out the errors of their ways, find themselves sent to the ANC equivalent of Siberia… or worse. I draw no satisfaction or pleasure from this fact, but today’s ANC is a damaged organisation – riddled with deadly division, it is dangerously unstable and unfit to lead our great country. So, my message is this: South Africa is not the ANC. And these days, nor can it be said that the ANC is South Africa. It has lost touch with the ordinary man and woman. It has lost its moral compass. It has betrayed its great history. And soon it will face the consequences of its disregard for its fundamental duty to serve the people when, in 2019, the ANC wakes up to find that it has lost its majority. We have had to wait patiently for this moment, but we are ready and waiting, and poised to serve our people as a member of a national coalition government. That is what lies on the horizon. At that point, the sun will rise on South Africa and a new dawn will break. When this happens, the country’s democracy will really come of age. We can be hopeful. Instead of taking the well-worn path of so many of our sister countries in Africa (in the post-colonial phase of a decline towards one party dictatorship), the UDM will deliver on our constitutional promise of a competitive multi-party democracy. This is why we began our journey. We took a stand on issues such as the lack of ethics and accountability that have become, sadly, all too familiar to all South Africans. 3. Our foundation: the UDM’s ‘Three Pillars’I could sense the rot that was threatening to take a hold inside the ANC in the mid-1990s. I argued against it and instead of heeding the message, the ANC chose to shoot the messenger. So, our starting point was accountability. We built our case based on our commitment to the Constitution and its under-lying values, but in particular, the following Three Pillars:1) Integritas… integrity2) Dignitas… dignity, and3) Prosperitas… prosperity We have also walked this talk over the past twenty years. If memory serves, no UDM public representative (whether it be at Parliament, Legislatures or in Councils) was ever charged to appear before a court, to explain their involvement in schemes of robbing the public purse through creative accounting, tenderpreneurship or jobs-for-pals. Since 1999, our elected representatives have publicly lived the values of the UDM. We thank our leaders for not embarrassing us, or making a fool of the UDM. To add to this, on several occasions we have used the institutional infrastructure that the Constitution established to hold the ANC government to account. Most recently, of course, in the secret ballot case we persuaded the Constitutional Court that the Constitution gave the Speaker the power to order a secret ballot when a motion of no confidence is tabled against the sitting President. As a result of the case the UDM brought, the Speaker had no choice but order a secret ballot. And then we could see the truth: around 40 ANC Members of the National Assembly voted with the opposition that day in early August 2017. Never had more than one ANC MP voted against its whip – and even then, only once or twice. So, for as many as 40 ruling party MPs to do so, was a very big moment. Never again could the ANC leadership deny the internal opposition to President Zuma’s corrupt rule. It therefore was another nail in his political coffin. Slowly, bit by bit, we are removing this dangerous man from power. As the Guptas have wormed their way into the heart of government, so the democratic state has been captured. Conflicts of interest are everywhere: instead of serving the people, remaining loyal to the oath of office and to the Constitution, many political leaders and public servants have succumbed to illegal inducements. They have put their private interests ahead of their public duties. We have all suffered as a result. Billions of Rands have been wasted… money that could, and should have been, spent on social services. It should have been spent on decent housing; on hospitals and healthcare day centres; on safety and security, on land redistribution; on skills development and training, and creating new jobs. Those responsible must be held to account. More than any other party, the UDM has understood – from the very beginning – the dangers posed by conflicts of interest of the sort that now contaminate the whole of government. That is why we took a stand on Advocate Pansy Tlakula and her mad moment of misjudgement in using her power as CEO of the Independent Electoral Commission, to award a R320m lease for a property owned by her business partner, an ANC MP. We approached the Public Protector, who upheld our complaint. Unwisely, Tlakula resisted the Public Protector’s findings… but she lost in court and was forced to resign. Once again, we were vindicated for our principled stance on an important matter of public ethics and integrity. Earlier still, we had challenged the floor-crossing legislation. We lost that case, but we can be proud that we made the argument and took a stand. 0It helped people understand what a despicable thing floor-crossing was.All it did was to provide a window for opportunists – weak men and women without principle or courage of their convictions – to be seduced by promises of a safe place on the ANC’s list at the next election. Like other opposition parties, we lost talent in this way on two occasions. It cost us in more ways than one! In the end, as is often the case, our argument prevailed, and the floor-crossing legislation was eventually over-turned. Also, since its inception, the UDM has suggested the Afrikaner as an example of what can be achieved when a government enables and empowers its people to pull themselves, and it, from the dust. After the South African War, in 1910, hundreds of thousands of dejected Afrikaners streamed to towns in search of employment. This phenomenon was called: “the poor white problem”. These days we have: “the poor black problem”. As one journalist so eloquently put it: the Afrikaner “… inaugurated a new phase of industrialisation, based mainly on three things: cheap electricity, cheap steel and cheap finance. For cheap electricity, the Afrikaners created what was then known as Escom (1922); for cheap steel, they established Iscor (1928) and for cheap finance, they founded the Industrial Development Corporation (1940).” In 1999 the UDM ran with the slogan: “The challenges of our time; Government must do more”. It is as relevant today as it was eighteen years ago. It is a sad fact that the ruling party has neglected the people of this country, especially the so-called formerly disadvantaged. Instead of flourishing State Owned Enterprises (SOEs) – many of which we inherited from the Afrikaner – rumours were abound that the ANC government wants to use Public Investment Corporation (PIC) funds to bail out failing SOEs. It is worse that this is not the first time they bailed out the SABC, SAA, etc., etc. This is utter nonsense; you ran these SOEs to the ground and now you want to pilfer people’s retirement money. Lamasela! The UDM does not play the short game. We are patient, as well as principled. This is a record of political action, in support of the Constitution and the principle of public accountability, that we should be proud of. I congratulate each and every one of you who has walked this path together. You stuck with the UDM. Your loyalty is now being rewarded as our vision of a collaborative, multi-party approach to solving the big problems that face the nation becomes a reality. 4. 2019 hails a new era of South African politics 2019 will be a watershed year – I have no doubt of that. Regardless of who wins in Midrand, and takes on the poisoned chalice of succession to President Zuma, the ANC is beyond redemption. It talks of self-correction, as it limps desperately towards December. But let me tell you this: the only “correction” that can now save them – and all of us – is at the ballot box. My friends: 2019 cannot come soon enough! Recently, I was in Germany, observing their elections. It was interesting that the real political conversation was not about the election campaign itself, but what would happen afterwards when a coalition government would need to be formed. Coalition politics requires certain skills, to cope with the tensions that can easily arise – as we are now learning in Port Elizabeth. A lot of water has flown under this bridge, but last Sunday, before I left for Germany, DA leader Mmusi Maimane called to arrange a meeting with me. We indeed met on the 17th of September. During our conversation, he conceded that the DA, as a larger partner, had made mistakes in dealing with the coalition partners. He committed to rectify them. Let me stress this: coalition government is not easy. Inevitably, when different parties (with different histories, different value systems and different worldviews, make the commitment to work together), it requires patience, tolerance, a willingness to forgive a mistake of judgement and, sometimes, pardon intemperate or unwise language and decisions. I therefore say to the DA and Mr Maimane, our door is open and we are willing to listen and work together for the benefit of the people. But what we are not willing to do, is to be used as a step-ladder in another party’s fight to attain power. The UDM is an independent organisation and we will jealously guard our reputation. One of the few advantages of getting older, is that one has learnt a few lessons and developed a very, very thick skin. It has long been the UDM’s hope that the opposition should work together and, where possible, collaborate and form coalitions. The UDM’s slogan: “Towards a United Future” is quite apt in this instance. In line with this ideal, the UDM has for years advocated for South Africans to converge under one roof, to discuss our problems and to find solutions as a collective. The reality is, that the problems we face as a Nation will never be solved by one political party. For a long time, we lacked the leadership, as well as the numbers. The ANC brand was too resilient, and the electoral market was too tough to penetrate meaningfully. But, slowly things have changed. New leadership, as well new parties, have arrived. My role – and it is no secret – is to play the ‘uncle’ role. There are two very strong-minded, determined (and in many respects, talented) young men now competing for power and challenging the ANC. You know, of course, who I am talking about. But, they are young. Their judgment may not always be perfect. They will also have to learn that in politics, ruthless ambition must be balanced with a sense of timing and patience. Frankly, I am enjoying the responsibility that comes with this role. And I am certainly relishing the opportunities that come with a stronger, more cohesive opposition, that is willing to work together; united in the common interest. If I – if we – succeed, then we will reap great rewards. But we must earn the right to govern. The next eighteen months will be decisive. All of us in the opposition, both on the national stage and in the municipalities where we now find ourselves in government, must recognise that our primary responsibility is to the electorate. We must continue to play the long game. We must act maturely. There will be disputes between us; and rightly, there should be continued debate about ideas and policies. But, we must not allow those inevitable disagreements to get out of hand, otherwise the electorate will look at us and reach one conclusion: that the opposition cannot be trusted with government; they are not ready for coalition politics. And then, they may say: ‘better the devil we know’ and return to the ANC. We simply cannot allow the ANC to escape the crisis that they have created for themselves and the country. History will never forgive us if we do. So, the future is bright – but only if we are smart and clear-minded in understanding the nature of the opportunity that now presents itself. We must continue to work hard to build trust between us. We must develop the culture of coalition politics, just as the Germans from many decades of experience, have done. We must figure out how to negotiate common programmes for coalition government that accommodate all of the main priorities of the different coalition partners. In this, we must recognize that opposition to the ANC, and to the Zuptatarisation of the state, is not enough to bind us together. We must find other sources of unity – based on the principles of constitutionalism, of economic transformation, and social justice. Above all, we must find a single, compelling narrative about the economy and job creation. In other words, the UDM’s “prosperity” pillar. Jobs, jobs, jobs. More than anything, we must create the right environment to convene a strategic conversation between the major players in our economy. Big trade-offs are necessary; there must be sacrifice and sharing of our wealth. But such a strategic conversation is impossible to imagine without a trusted government to do the convening. And this is where we in the opposition can really make a difference – by offering a credible alternative. South African business is crying out for new political leadership. Investors are desperate for a fresh approach from government. Both want policy certainty, not populist rhetoric and reckless, empty demands for so-called ‘radical economic transformation’. They want to be able to trust public institutions. They want to deal with professionals in the public service and in the cabinet, not cowboys in the service of the Gupta family. This is the crisis the country faces. We must hold those responsible to account. But, we must also prepare an alternative narrative, a different vision for transforming our economy and creating the jobs that will deliver decent livelihoods to our people. So, while the August 2016 local government elections gave us a bridgehead and a glimpse of a brave new world, we have to get our acts together and deliver now that we have begun to dismantle the ANC’s monopoly on power. We must keep our eye on the prize. We must keep our eye on the ball. Working with partners in the opposition and in civil society, we will continue to fight for accountability. Those in power must always be made to explain themselves, to justify their actions, their use of executive power and their policy choices. That is what accountability means. And we have played our part in turning this democratic principle into practice. We have helped animate the institutions established by the Constitution, giving life to them by taking cases, making complaints, pursuing those who abuse public power and ransack the public purse, and using our hard-earned seats in national and provincial legislatures to pose tough questions of ministers and MECs. I say again: the UDM can be rightly proud of its record and its accomplishments over the past twenty years. So, life ‘outside’ the ANC has proved to be anything but cold or lonely. I have been accompanied by wonderful, dedicated people, such as all of you who are gathered here today. The UDM is a tight-knit community of patriots, people who care deeply about our country and their fellow citizens; who are committed to the constitutional principles of human dignity, freedom and equality. Twenty years is a remarkable achievement – and we must celebrate it wholeheartedly as we tackle the future, united in our dream to transform South Africa into a Winning Nation. But it is just the beginning. We are still marching in the foothills of our ambition. The summit lies still some way off. But, while there will still be great challenges to overcome, I believe we can get there. I know now that our vision of a fair and just South Africa, in which everyone has the chance of decent life, served by an honest, accountable government, enhanced by a truly competitive, multi-party democracy, is within reach. 5. The UDM pledgeThe UDM today re-commits itself to its vision: “We are the political home of all South Africans, united in the spirit of South Africanism by our common passion for our Country, mobilising the creative power inherent in our rich diversity, towards our transformation into a Winning Nation.” The UDM today commits itself to continue to uphold our Three Pillars of: integrity, dignity and prosperity! We pledge to work for a better performance in the 2019 National and Provincial Elections, so that we can do our part to improve the lives of the people of South Africa. The UDM shall be a party that breathes life into itself and in turn gives hope to South Africans so that they can find cause to associate with it. The UDM will engage in a process of re-engineering and re-positioning itself so that it can effectively: • Defend the Constitution of the Republic and uphold the rule of law. • Promote respect for the principles and values that unites us. • Canvass for an all-inclusive participation of citizens in a sustainable, growing and distributive economy. • Fight inequality and any form of discrimination based on race, gender, religion, language or sexual orientation. Since 1994, we have welcomed people from Asia, the Americas, Europe and our Continent and in dealing with them, we must be guided by the Constitution and international conventions. South Africa must be a safe place for all. • Uphold the freedoms of religion, culture, languages and the traditions of our diverse communities. • Promote tolerance and understanding amongst South Africans. • Endeavour to ensure that government, at all three levels, function effectively and that the interests of the entire population are best served .• Work for the expansion of the care for the most vulnerable in society. • Campaign tirelessly for improved health care, as well as accessible, quality education.• Work for the speedy provision of quality services to all citizens; in particular the poor. • Campaign for electoral reforms so that the people can directly elect honest leaders, thus ensuring their participation in all forms of government, whilst enhancing accountability of all public office-bearers. • And finally, inspire citizens to build a better South Africa! and • Unite South Africans from all communities in a political home, built on the foundation of the principles and ideals of our Constitution, as inspired by our unifying love of our Country and her people. These are amongst the activities that define the character of the UDM and will determine its future ascendency. These are the marching orders for all UDM members and leaders. It is time to go back-to-basics and make the UDM the political home for all; a modern political party of the 21st Century. So, my friends: The fight goes on; integrity must triumph! We will never yield our quest to ensure dignity for all South Africans! The UDM’s dreams for a prosperous South Africa will never die! Let us move toward a united future! Thank you.
Admin
10 Aug, 2017
Arbor Day
Address by Mr B Holomisa, MP (UDM President) at the Upper Ngqungqu Junior Secondary School in Mqanduli, Eastern Cape on 1 September 2017 Programme Director, Principal, teachers, parents and learners Ladies and Gentlemen I am humbled and yet extremely delighted to be re-joined with a place where my educational journey began. I am happy to be back here, wearing no uniform, carrying no slate and with no prospect of a corporal punishment administered to me for my naughty behaviour. (Kuluvuyo kakhulu kum ukuphinda ndibelapha phakathi kwanahlali base Mqanduli. Kulapha apho ndaqala khona amabanga am aphantsi emfundo. Kodwa namhlanje andinxibanga mpahla yesikolo, ndingaphethanga nasi leyiti futhi andinaxhala lokubethwa ngu titshalakazi ngenxa yokumosha). I am joining you, my family, in celebrating an achievement of the bricks and mortar that today define this important site of education. In our days, there were no prefabricated structures, we started with one rondavel which we shared with the church. So, it was a school from Monday to Friday and a church on the weekend. Remarkably with those conditions, this school has produced many outstanding leaders of society, be it in the political space, religious and elsewhere. I am certain that this is the route that we, as Upper Ngqungqu, shall not abandoned. You now have a complete school with laboratories and libraries, and therefore tools at your disposal to help you write your own destiny. (Ndize kuni njengosapho lwam ndizokubhiyozela nani ngenzame zethu. Ngentsuku zethu kwakukho uronta omnye apha wayesentyenziswa nayi Cawe. Esisikolo siphuhlise inkokhelo phantsi kweemeko ezinzima. Ndiqinisekile ukuba lomzila soze niwulahle). I said, today, I am not carrying a slate but offer trees. I am delighted that I have managed to deliver on my promise to donate trees as part of my social responsibility to plough back where I was taught basic life skills like writing and behaving. These trees are shall add value to this R30 million centre of education. It will protect the grounds on which the school is built and protect the buildings themselves, against natural disasters like storms. Above all, the tree will conserve the nature we harbour such as birds and squirrels, so we need to preserve and provide shade to be enjoyed during the coming summer days. (Ndiyavuya ke ukuba ndikwazile ukusifezekisa isithembiso sam sokunipha njenge social responsibility apho ndikhulela khina ndafundiswa khona). Indeed, many of our schools in the rural hinterland, were ignored by the minority apartheid government and thus, they were not greened and landscaped leaving them brown and dusty. We must take advantage of these trees and bring a healthy atmospheres and breath fresh airs that will make use teach and learn better. Our neighbouring Anglican Church should benefit from these trees considering our long-standing history. In this regard, I humble myself and express my gratitude to Mr Keith Kirsten for his support and the donation of these trees. He is a world-renowned gardener and a philanthropist. It is these gestures that may appear small yet are responsible for a fundamental change in the lives of the people and those in the rural areas like us. Once again, thank you Keith. Learners and teachers, you are daily custodians of this new life giver (your child) that has arrived in our home. It is your daily responsibility to nature, feed, clean and its life as it grows to be a nurturer of our wellbeing. Take care and make good use of the trees. (Kuni bafundi noo titshala, ndiyacela ukuba niyiphathe kakuhle lemithi njengabantwana benu).
Admin
08 Aug, 2017
Subject for discussion: vote of no confidence in President Zuma – address by Mr B Holomisa, MP (UDM President) in the national assembly of the Republic of South Africa
Honourable Speaker, Honourable Members, Fellow South Africans. Following the success of the United Democratic Movement (UDM), by creating a safety net for all members of parliament, through voting by secret ballot, we have to seize the opportunity to put the people and the country first. In this regard, let us vote against the abuse of power, the infamous bogus intelligence report, and the abuse of the resources of our people. Let us vote against the threats to our sovereignty, and the Constitutional order. Let us vote against Mr Zuma, the Chief Architect of State Capture. As if that is not enough, Mr Zuma had a courage to mislead the house, about a bond to his private house. Later on, he goes to the National Council of Provinces (NCOP), to mislead that house too. He said the Public Protector never gave him a fair chance respond to allegation against him yet he was given no less than 4 hours. In years to come, the history we are writing today, shall not only be read and taught, but it will also determine the socio-economic and political future of our country. Whatever we do this afternoon, it must be for and about South Africa. The electorate has bestowed upon us a responsibility to collectively stay true to the vision, the mission and the goals of our country, as espoused in our Constitution. We are also called upon, to live up to the values and ideals of those who came before us and founded the Constitutional Democracy, we now enjoy and must defend at all costs. Accordingly, these challenges must propel us to do everything within the confines of the law, and redirect the downward trajectory that has visited our country under the leadership of Mr Zuma, into an opportunity to recapture the historic mission of our nation and the constitution. In order to succeed, we need an unwavering loyalty and allegiance to the collective people of South Africa who by numbers, far exceed the collective totality of our party membership. Fellow South Africans, the urgent task of defeating poverty, unemployment, inequality and corruption, cannot be achieved under the conditions of perpetual thievery and lawlessness that continue to characterise the leadership of Mr Zuma. Today, I repeat, is not about regime change but restoration of hope that our country can still be saved from the brink of collapse. We must inspire this hope to all South Africans who as we debate, are in front of this parliament, in streets of our country and some watching at their homes. Let South Africa be a winner. I thank you.
Admin
13 Jun, 2017
Condolences for Mr Ahmed Kathrada, Bantu Holomisa’s contribution to Parliamentary Debate
Honourable Speaker, and Honourable Members The United Democratic Movement (UDM) appreciates the opportunity to honour, Ahmed Kathrada, a tower of strength and a source of inspiration to many generations; even if it could have been done earlier and better. I had the honour to meet Kathy and his fellow Rivonia Trialists in Umtata in 1989. Their presence and words spoken at the welcome-home rally, we organised for them, gave us the courage to continue supporting the struggle for liberation, knowing that we were on the right side of history. During my encounters with this stalwart, and others, they showed courage, humility and dignity. They reminded us that the seeming impossible can be done. They were always attentive, frank and robust when discussing issues. Again in 1990, the Rivonia Trialists converged in Umtata to welcome home the late OR Tambo. At that time, in the company of the late Madiba and OR, we discussed our perspective on the so-called Black on Black violence. I was accompanied by the current Military Ombudsman, General TT Matanzima and the current Commander of the United Nations Forces in the Democratic Republic of Congo, General DM Mgwebi. We advised the leadership that the Apartheid government was negotiating in bad faith and that it was trying to catch the African National Congress (ANC) with a Trojan-Horse strategy. At that time, it became clear that the National Party delegation (led by Mr Niel Barnard) and the ANC team (led by Mr Jacob Zuma) had failed to plan for the security of the leaders and activists. It was a big security risk that could have created serious problems for the success of the negotiations; we therefore stepped in. The rest, as they say, is history. Today, the UDM offers its condolences to Kathy’s wife and life-partner, Ms Barbara Hogan, the family, friends and the ANC. During his last days, Kathy was deeply troubled by the conduct of the sitting Head of State and could not reconcile this conduct with the sacrifice he and other stalwarts made for this democracy. I hope that this House will soon truly honour him by responding positively to his call to Mr Zuma to leave office; especially seen in the light of this most recent email scandal. May his soul rest in peace. I thank you. Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, UDM President, MP in the National Assembly
Admin
31 May, 2017
Protecting Women and Girl Children against violence and abuse (Rule 84) by Mr Lennox Gaehler, MP in the NCOP
Honourable Chairperson and Honourable Members The United Democratic Movement (UDM) joins millions of South Africans to declare, violence and abuse of women and girlchildren, a crime against humanity. Violence against women and girls is rooted in gender-based discrimination and social norms, as well as gender stereotypes that perpetuate such violence. The recent spate of gruesome murders of girls and infants, have a devastating effect on girls, women and society in general, and must be rejected by all. As a nation, we must never tolerate crime, the crime against women and girls must be stopped now. We must do everything legal, to prevent it from happening and address its root and structural causes. Prevention must entail, supporting the implementation of the laws, policies and programmes that place a strong focus on the promotion of gender equality, women’s empowerment and their enjoyment of human rights. Working together, as women, girls, men and boys, we must accelerate progress in preventing and ending violence against women and girls. Awareness raising and community mobilisation, including through traditional forms of communication, the mainstream and social media. The “Not in My Name” campaign by men must be part of our daily life. It must be a collective responsibility and an obligation of both men and boys to prevent and end violence against girls and women. Working with faith leaders, traditional leaders and communities, we must change the social norms and harmful practices, acknowledge and act against gender injustices. Government must too, ensure that the girlchild is protected and make available all the institutional function to give security to the girls. Abuse of girls through child labour is illegal and we have a responsibility to monitor the labour market and ensure that this is abolished. There must be a concerted drive to ensure that all girls enjoy full and equal access to education with the necessary support to keep them focused on the development of their future. A girlchild must be taught and encouraged to accept that there is no small or insignificant violence; all violence is gross violence and is a crime, and therefore must immediately be reported to law enforcement agencies at the time of its occurrence. Law enforcement agencies must be trained and taught on how to respond and manage gender-based violence. As society, we must build working families and household that respect human life. Criminals, who murder our young women must have no place in our homes, political parties, churches, schools, sports, and arts and cultural associations and in the society in general. I thank you
