Admin
10 Oct, 2018
VBS: ‘The Great Bank Heist’ – it’s time for action not words
President Ramaphosa must immediately appoint a task team to make sure that the people who were fingered by advocate Terry Motau in his report are held responsible for their misdeeds. Each and every person must be brought under the search light, especially those in the employ of the Public Investment Corporation. The PIC seems to be sinking deeper and deeper in the quagmire of corruption. The United Democratic Movement wants to see these people charged and the Asset Forfeiture Unit must not dilly dally and get to work. Advocate Motau’s report will remain a piece of paper until the President takes direct and urgent action. The paper trail of the millions of rands that were given to certain individuals must be followed with a view to recoup the money. Each account much be investigated, and this includes money that was allegedly spent on an “ANC gala dinner event”. The chickens are coming to roost on the Comrades in Corruption! For further comment: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
Admin
10 Oct, 2018
The PIC commission should start now that Nene has been fired
We welcome President Ramaphosa’s decision to show Nhlanhla Nene the door. We have consistently been calling on the President to act with speed in instituting a commission of inquiry regarding the Public Investment Corporation (PIC). The Gupta scandal makes the exploitation of the PIC look like a Sunday picnic and the President should take immediate action so that the rot may be exposed. We now know why Nene was dragging his feet when it came time for him to institute the PIC commission of inquiry. He was protecting certain individuals at the PIC, given the involvement of his son. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) has consistently called upon President Ramaphosa to make certain that the cancerous tumour of corruption, that envelopes the PIC, should be cut out. The UDM had, a couple of weeks ago, handed over our files on the whole PIC saga to Advocate Budlender SC which included the details of the Mozambican oil deal scandal. It showed the role of the PIC CEO and certain Fidelis Madavo in this mess. The President’s focus should now be on publishing the terms of reference for the commission of inquiry and the appointment the commissioners. The terms of reference for the PIC commission of inquiry should include all the questionable deals that went through the system whilst Nene was board chairperson. It would also be important to scrutinise any other suspicious deals that were approved by previous board chairpersons.
Admin
29 Sep, 2018
To give PIC CEO Dan Matjila a golden handshake is preposterous
We are all aware that there will be a commission of inquiry which shall investigate the mess at the Public Investment Corporation (PIC). Despite the announcement, we have for several months waited with bated breath to hear who will serve on the commission and what the terms of reference will be. We, in today’s Mail and Guardian, read that PIC chief executive officer Dr Daniel Matjila has approached the President with a view to exit through the back door with a golden handshake. This is preposterous and is tantamount to the police giving the get-away car’s key to a bank robber. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) rejects this notion outright. Matjila should be suspended immediately and be made to explain himself to a commission of inquiry. Most importantly, he, and the current board, should face the music and pay the price should they be guilty of wrong-doing. There seems to be scurrying about in the corridors of power to say a quick farewell to Matjila before he spills the beans. It’s not only several prominent families and powerful individuals who might have their hands caught in the cookie jar, but possibly a few political parties. We have certainly heard Zonkizizwe Investments being mentioned, which we all know is an ANC enterprise. Bizarrely, we have even heard how Matjila’s alleged girlfriend benefited from PIC cash. It leaves a bitter taste in the mouth when you chew on the fact that Finance Minister Nene, who once served as PIC board chairperson, now must drive the process of putting a commission together. This might shed some light on why it’s taking so long to get the commission off the ground. I will be interviewed today by Advocate Budlender SC and his team of forensic auditors to give guidance on how the UDM would see this matter pan out. The commission should establish which methods and schemes were used to syphon money from the PIC and make recommendations on how to prevent this kind of crime in future. This is exactly why Matjila should not be allowed the easy way out; he certainly has much explaining to do.
Admin
26 Sep, 2018
Public Protector to investigate allegations of corruption by Min Zweli Mkhize re PIC deals
The United Democratic Movement earlier this year wrote to President Cyril Ramaphosa wherein we revealed possible corruption that involved the Public Investment Corporation (PIC), Zonkizizwe Investments (which we understand to be solely owned by the ANC), some ANC heavy weights and Afric Oil. The alleged broker between the PIC and e.g. VBS Mutual Bank and the various municipalities was Minister Zweli Mkhize. We have been reliably informed that the Public Protector will be investigating the allegations with the affected individuals being subpoenaed to appear before the Public Protector on the 4th of October 2018. All those involved in syphoning money from the PIC are to explain themselves and their conduct; this includes the people who brokered any suspicious deals with the PIC. We call on the Public Protector to leave no stone unturned in teasing out who was involved and to what extent the allegations are true. Issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
Admin
16 Sep, 2018
Harassment of PIC whistle blowers
In reference to an article published on Fin24 (https://www.fin24.com/Economy/pic-moves-to-discipline-another-executive-20180914?isapp=true) the United Democratic Movement (UDM) condemns what can only be called permitted harassment of whistle blowers at the Public Investment Corporation (PIC). One is suspicious at government i.e. Minister Nene and President Ramaphosa’s handling of the matter of instituting the commission of inquiry into the PIC. To make matters worse the terms of reference has not yet been published, nor have the commissioners been appointed. Something is very wrong here; it does seem as if government is pulling all the stops to delay the process. Only they will know the reason. The UDM has persisted in calling for Dr Dan Matjila, PIC’s chief executive officer, to be suspended because of the possible influence he might bear at the PIC until the commission kicks off its work. The UDM calls on government to institute a total moratorium on disciplinary processes at the PIC until the commission’s work is done and its findings are made public. Government is playing a game that could have dire consequences for the Government Employees Pension Fund. Issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
Admin
17 Aug, 2018
PIC commission to start it’s work in “due course”
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) has noted that President Ramaphosa has announced the appointment of a commission of inquiry to probe the Public Investment Corporation (PIC) and the dark cloud of corruption allegations hanging over the institution. It is however frustrating that the names of the chair of the commission and the supporting team, as well as the detailed terms of reference will be announced “in due course”. What does National Treasury mean with “in due course”? They have been saying this for the last three weeks or so; it would appear that this could be months from now, which is enough time for the guilty to send the proof of the misdeeds to the shredder; if it has not happened already. The UDM outright rejects the idea that the PIC board – which includes CEO Dr Dan Matjila who is also under the cloud of suspicion – should be given the task of appointing the forensic company. The board appointing the audit firm is tantamount to a thief appointing his own judge and jury. National Treasury or the commission itself should appoint such a forensic company. To make matters worse, the board has neglected its fiduciary duty by outsourcing the decision to suspend the CEO to the forensic auditors. The UDM reiterates our call that Dr Matjila must be immediately suspended until the commission concludes its work.
Admin
14 Aug, 2018
Holomisa discusses The “Rainbow Nation” and the Political Culture of South Africa in new SA
• Programme Director • The faculty dean, Prof Van Wyk • Our hostess, Ms Busi Khaba • Staff members • Monash students • Ladies and gentlemen 1. Opening I want to thank our hostess, Ms Khaba, for reaching out to me and inviting me to have a chat with you today. I see many fresh faces in front of me and it is heartening to see young South Africans still interested in politics as a field of study. Well done to you and your teachers. I say this because millions of young South Africans are apathetic towards politics; not seeing the link between politics, government and their daily lives. This is a gospel you need to spread, especially amongst your peers. 2. The link between my world and your world It would not be wrong to say that in most fields of study, we have – on the one side – the academics and researchers and – on the other – the practitioners. I am of course a practitioner that started my political career, just before Madiba dragged an unwilling nation into what Archbishop Desmond Tutu called “the rainbow nation.” What a breath-taking image this is; that our diversity can be moulded into a thing as special as a rainbow. 3. The miracle of 1994 You might be too young to really appreciate the miracle of 1994 and what the rainbow nation meant. We very narrowly escaped a full-blown bloody civil war. The fear and anger that ruled the hearts of both the oppressor and the oppressed would have seen this country in flames. You have of course studied this, but I want you to internalise what Madiba must have felt, having been given the task to be president of the new South Africa. He must have asked himself: • How do we unite a nation with this deep gorge separating them? • How do we bring the ultra-left and ultra-right to the table e.g. those who incited fear of a black rule and those who thought him a sell-out to the whites? • How do we convince the millions of ordinary South Africans, who found themselves in the middle, that everything is, simply put, going to be okay? Can you imagine this responsibility? 4. The induction of the rainbow nation Madiba clearly thought there was merit in Desmond Tutu’s idea of a rainbow nation and it was immortalised in his inaugural speech: “We have triumphed in the effort to implant hope in the breasts of the millions of our people. We enter into a covenant that we shall build the society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity – a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world.” 5. Politics in the new South Africa: trusting democracy Even though we entered a democratic era with the so-called rainbow nation, we had (and still have) much to learn about democracy. Saying that we should be on par with the “established democracies” is an error in thought. Some of these established democracies, makes the twenty-four years we have been on the road, look like chump change. We still have a long way to go before South Africa has two main parties vying for political supremacy. It is still early days and we have already seen the majority party losing support as time has gone by. We have seen old foes disappear and the arrival of new kids on the block. It makes for exciting material for you to study I am sure. There is an old joke about democracy, that, in retrospect, 10 million voters can be wrong. But that’s the way democracy of course works. What we need to question in terms of our own democratic system is that the gap between public representatives and the voters is too wide. Yes, our proportional system allows for the voice of the smaller parties to be heard, but the average South African would not be able to tell you which member of parliament (MP) serves their interests in a particular area. I doubt whether the MPs know either. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) has campaigned for quite some time that ours should be a mixed electoral system: A) a constituency-based system that allows for greater accountability and B) a proportional system that still gives space for minority voices to be heard. The UDM also argues that the president of the country should be elected directly by the people. Just think, if we used this method, how differently the terms of office of our former president could have played out. 6. Politics in the new South Africa: the slippery slope of corruption After Madiba handed over the baton to his successors, the country started sliding down the slippery slope of corruption. It is a sad fact that South Africa has indeed regressed from the ideals of 1994. In fact – to illustrate this point – in the mid to late nineties, one could not even whisper the word corruption in Luthuli House’s corridors. It was a big taboo and it could lead to one’s expulsion from the African National Congress so fast it could make your head spin. I speak from experience! Institutionalised corruption presents an interesting philosophical conundrum i.e.: are all individuals corrupt to varying degrees and we should expect no less? Or is there corruption because we tolerate or even laud it? Maybe it is a little of both? What we do know is that corruption invariably hurts the man and woman on the street; those who can least afford it. For example, we today have commissions of inquiry that have been tasked to get to the bottom of some of the worst singular acts of corruption in South Africa ever. The state capture inquiry being one of them, as well as the yet to be convened inquiry into the allegations of corruption at the Public Investment Corporation (PIC). The alleged looting of your parents’ retirement moneys, invested at the PIC, literally runs into billions of rands!! Simply put, the hyenas have stripped the nation of the “easy meat”, as shown by the Auditor General’s report, and have now turned their immoral jaws onto the PIC with bogus black economic empowerment (BEE) deals. What is clear from these transactions is that selected cadres, close to the ruling elite, have been using the BEE policy to concoct unsustainable schemes in the name of empowerment and job creation. A serious and responsible government would not have jeopardised people’s retirement monies in such a reckless fashion. Instead of creating a national fund to empower all South Africans, the PIC’s resources have been tapped to line the pockets of the “lucky few”. Of course, as we have seen with the Steinhoff scandal, corruption is not only the domain of political appointees, government officials and public representatives. One can however argue that corruption in government has, of late, been at an all-time worst. This brings the UDM’s argument full circle i.e. how different our country would have been managed if the people were directly represented in parliament. You will tell me in the question and answer session whether you think the UDM’s idea of direct representation has merit. 7. Politics in the new South Africa: the land debate Because the land debate is at the front of our minds, I want to share a few quick ideas with you. We must all agree that, as we ushered in the new South Africa, the issue of land was placed on the backburner. Political emancipation was item number one on the agenda. The land issue, as a tool to achieve economic emancipation, should have been addressed much sooner to avoid the emotional tug-and-pull we are now witnessing. On this score, the UDM has long argued that there should be an economic Codesa of some description, where we can all gather under one roof to discuss the macro economy with land at the apex of this debate. I dare say, that if the powers that be had listened to the UDM, South Africa would have had a smoother ride on the road to economic freedom. 8. Politics in the new South Africa: a government of national unity Lastly, I want to address the constitutional provision of a government of national unity. This is an idea that echoes from 1994, but it has again become relevant as we march on to the 2019 national and provincial elections. People think it’s a cliché, or a redundant argument, that “every vote counts”. You will tell me if you differ from this point of view. It is easy to see how each person’s vote gets lost in the millions of votes cast, but the 2019 elections could possibly be a watershed moment in South African politics. Political pundits have predicted that it is not likely that the coming elections will produce an outright victor. This is the first time in the history of the new South Africa that this is likely to happen and brings the importance of each of our votes to the fore. The so-called king-makers will therefore be the “small” political parties. This will be a test for democracy in our country; I am sure that you as students and lecturers will watch the run-up to the elections and the results like hawks. Enjoy the viewing pleasure. 9. Conclusion People sometimes say that they live in the most exciting part of a country’s history, but irrespective of which era we live in, this remains true. You certainly live in an exciting time in South Africa’s history and you have a responsibility to participate. It will be remis of me, as a politician, to not encourage you to vote for the UDM, but the more important point is that you should at least vote. If you have not already, go and register and encourage your peers to do the same… make a fun outing of it and go and register. Take to heart my message that if you don’t participate, other people will make decisions on your behalf. You will sit dry-mouthed on the side-lines and murmur your dissatisfaction to an indifferent government. I sincerely hope that you, young people, will dip your feet in politics for we certainly need young blood to be infused in government and South African politics. Thank You
Admin
04 Jun, 2018
Allegations of misconduct against the Nelson Mandela Bay city manager Mr Johann Mettler
OPEN LETTER TO NMBM SPEAKER LAWACK The Speaker of Council NMBM Attention: Councillor Lawack RE – ALLEGATIONS OF MISCONDUCT AGAINST THE CITY MANAGER: MR JOHANN METTLER This correspondence serves to inform you that the UDM has brought some serious allegations of misconduct against the City Manager, Mr Johann Mettler to the attention of the Executive Mayor, Councillor Trollip on 22 May 2018. A copy of such a letter was copied to you as a Speaker of council. The UDM’s intention was for such allegations against the current City Manager to be tabled and considered by a municipal council as provided for in regulation 5 (1) of the Disciplinary Regulation for Senior Managers, 2010 promulgated in terms of the Municipal Systems Act, 2000. The Executive Mayor is, in terms of regulation 5 (2) of the above-mentioned disciplinary procedure, legally obliged to table these serious allegations of misconduct against the City Manager in council within seven (7) days of receipt thereof. The Executive Mayor has unfortunately not yet directly responded to my correspondence as to the way forward on these serious allegations against the City Manager other than conceding in the Herald dated 25 May 2018 to the fact that an act of misconduct has indeed been committed by the City Manager. I am therefore addressing this correspondence directly to you based on the provisions of both the Disciplinary Regulations for Senior Managers, 2010 and the Municipal Regulations on Financial Misconduct Procedures and Criminal Proceedings, 2014. The above two (2) pieces of municipal regulations are extremely significant as they constitute a cornerstone for dealing with all forms of misconduct committed by municipal senior managers. Relevant sections of these regulations are outlined here below. Disciplinary Regulations for Senior Managers, 2010 Regulation 5 (1) clearly stipulates that any allegation of misconduct against a senior manager must be brought to the attention of a municipal council. Regulation 5 (2) stipulates that any allegation referred to in sub-regulation (1) must be tabled by the mayor or municipal manager, as the case may be, before municipal council not later than seven (7) days after receipt thereof, failing which the mayor may request the speaker to convene a special council meeting within seven days to consider the said report. Municipal Regulations on financial misconduct Procedures and Criminal Proceedings, 2014 Regulation 3 (1) states that any person must report an allegation of financial misconduct against the Accounting Officer; a senior manager or chief financial officer of the municipality to the municipal council, the Provincial Treasury and the National Treasury. Regulation 3 (2) states that the mayor, the accounting officer or chairperson of the board of directors, as the case may be, must table an allegation referred to in sub-regulation (1) before the municipal council or board of directors in the case of a municipal entities, not later than seven (7) days after receipt thereof or at the next sitting of the council or the board of directors. Regulation 10 (2) states that if there is a likelihood of further financial loss for a municipality or municipal entity as a result of a financial offence, the accounting officer, council, board of directors must report the matter without delay to the South African Police Services and not wait the completion of any investigation referred to in regulation 5 and 6 related to the financial offence. The above regulations are in line with section 173 (1) of the Municipal Finance Management Act, 2003 which clearly stipulates that the Accounting Officer of a municipality is guilty of an offence if that Accounting Officer fails to take all reasonable steps to prevent unauthorised, irregular or fruitless and wasteful expenditure. In view of the above, the UDM unequivocally re-iterates its demand of tabling and considerations by council of all the following allegations of serious misconduct against the City Manager, Mr Mettler: a) Unlawful extension of scope of work of Mohlaleng Media b) Irregular appointment of the former Acting Executive Director: Corporate Services through her company – Logodisa c) irregular termination of employment contracts of senior managers d) Irregular appointment of Senior Managers (section 56 managers) e) Misappropriation of municipal funds for the implementation of M-SCOA f) Irregular appointment of Sebata Municipal Solutions g) Irregular appointment and improper conduct of Gray Moodliar Attorneys h) Political Interference in municipal administration particularly on forensic investigations and human resources management matters (h) Irregular purchasing of Murray and Roberts building by a municipality (i) Misappropriation of funds on N.U 29 Housing demolition Project (j) Irregular commissioning of Wi-Fi Project through High Mast Light All the above allegations of serious misconduct against the City Manager, Mr Mettler have been elaborated upon in my letter dated 22 May 2018 addressed to the Executive Mayor and copied to you Your attention is specifically drawn to the fact that the Executive Mayor has already conceded in public that the act of irregular conduct by both the City Manager and Ms Zitumane has been committed. It is with this in mind that the UDM directs this correspondence to you as the Speaker of council so as to ensure that a report containing all the allegations of serious misconduct against the City Manager, Mr Mettler are tabled in council for its consideration as provided for in both the Disciplinary Regulations for Senior Managers, 2010 and the Municipal Regulations on Financial Misconduct Procedures and Criminal Proceedings, 2014. I also wish to remind you that the continuation of the alleged irregular expenditure as highlighted above in respect of all the allegations against the City Manager is costing this municipality ernomous amounts of money and the sooner these allegations are tabled in council, the better. I must not hesitate to mention that this is a legal requirement which must be adhered to by everyone and not an individual opinion seeking exercise. Your response is awaited in this regard Yours Sincerely Councillor M. Bobani Copy: Head of Special Investigation Unit: Adv L. Mothibi MEC: Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs : MEC Xhasa Auditor-General of South Africa: Mr Makwethu Director-General: National Treasury – Mr Dondo NMBM Executive Mayor: Councillor Athol Trollip EFF: Councillor Vena AIC: Councillor Buyeye COPE: Councillor Sijadu ANC: Councillor Suka PA: Councillor Daniels United Front: Councillor Mtsila ACDP: Councillor Grootboom SAMWU: Mr Nodongwe
Admin
31 May, 2018
@PresidencyZA, UDM writes to #PresidentRamaphosa abt #corruption in #PIC: Mr President plz walk the talk! Scandal bigger than #Guptas?
Mr CM Ramaphosa President of the Republic of South Africa Union Buildings Private Bag X 1000 Pretoria 0001 and Deputy Chief Justice RMM Zondo Chairperson of the Commission of Inquiry into State Capture Private Bag X1 Constitution Hill Braamfontein 2017 Dear Mr President and Deputy Chief Justice THE PUBLIC INVESTMENT CORPORATION, THE GOVERNMENT EMPLOYEE PENSION FUND AND SUSPECTED CORRUPTION; A SCANDAL BIGGER THAN THE GUPTA-FAMILY’S STATE CAPTURE? 1. I refer to the below information which is a summary of the alleged corruption involving, in main, the Chief Executive Officer of the Public Investment Corporation (PIC) Dr Daniel Matjila. 2. The allegations contained therein describes serious corruption, dodging of due diligence, misrepresentation, money laundering and purging of staff (possibly for a cover-up) in deals of the PIC, which could only be the tip of the proverbial iceberg. 3. The extent of the rot could in fact be worth billions of rands, which makes it potentially bigger than the Gupta Scandal. Through PIC, Dr Matjila appears to have tentacles across various sectors of society – from unions, political parties and possibly parts of the fourth estate. He seems to have built a platform that has so far protected him from scrutiny and they have been protecting him against accusations of serious corruption. 4. There are many other nauseating examples of corruption which the media (like amaBhungane Centre for Investigative Journalism) have uncovered and have put in the public domain. Yet we have not seen the authorities do anything about the allegations of corruption and irregular deals, especially those within the past nine years. 5. It is therefore the United Democratic Movement’s urgent request that this matter forms part of the inquiry into state capture, because of the potential scope of the corruption. The commission’s terms of reference could be widened to include these allegations, especially considering that this could only be the tip of the iceberg and that more corruption will be exposed in its investigations 6. Because of the sophistication with which this alleged wheeling and dealing in the PIC was done, we suggest that a team of specialist professionals (including but not limited to forensic auditors, as well as finance and investment experts), should speedily investigate this matter, before proof of these misdeeds are ferreted away. 7. Mr President, you have categorically stated that you will root out corruption in government, which includes State Owned enterprises; but in this instance it will also directly affect hundreds of thousands of families for whom this is a life or death situation. Yours in stamping out corruption Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President Re: Investigation of CEO, Dr Daniel Matjila, with regards to irregularities at PIC Background Public Investment Corporation (PIC) is one of the largest asset manager managing South African government public funds. Its biggest client is the Government Employee Pension Fund (GEPF), which constitute approximately 90% of its fund under management. GEPF is a defined benefit fund, which means it is guaranteed by the employer. Employer, with regards to GEPF, is the South African Government. Any shortfall in member benefits or liabilities are therefore guaranteed by the government. It is for this reason that any maladministration from the asset/investment management is detriment to both the members of the fund and the fiscus. There have been several irregularities that have been raised in the media which are of concern and could impairment the ability of GEPF to meet its obligations over the long-term, such eventuality could trigger support from the fiscus. The following deals need further investigations by an independent party: Steinhoff Steinhoff on the unlisted side where PIC gave R 9.3 billion to an entity led by Jayendra Naidoo called Lancaster01. The shareholding of Lancaster01 is as follows is as follows: GEPF 50%, J Naidoo, 25% and community trust 25%. (Why such a narrow-based BEE structure with one person getting 25% of the deal? Does the community trust a front?). The transaction was done in two phases: • Phase 1 PIC gave Lancaster R 9.3 billion secured by both shares and collar structure if share price decline for capital preservation. • Phase 2 was the restructuring of the transaction wherein PIC was to partially forego its security to another lender Citibank. Citibank funded Lancaster02 Investment in STAR worth over R 6 billion. • Compromising of the security package in favour of J Naidoo in phase 2 resulted in impairment amount worth billions of rands. (could be up to R 5 billion possible loss for doing a favour to J Naidoo and Citibank) Ayo Technologies Ltd • Ayo Technologies Ltd, a start-up company, listed on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange and due diligence was waived. Funds were disbursed without a condition precedent – put option being in place. Put option is an insurance instrument that would protect PIC if the share price declines. • PIC was the only material participant in the private placement despite media reports of oversubscription. • Lack of market participation could be indicative of the poor underlying investment value. The share price has remained below listing price and have experience very limited liquidity. • PIC invested R 4.3 billion, current market value is R 3.3 billion. Already lost R 1 billion on market to market basis. Sagarmantha Technologies • The CEO lobbied the investment committee members even by using letters from unions and convenient press release from a political party. Has the CEO allowed governance processes within PIC to breakdown to such a level that he felt better outsourcing the function of PIC Investment Committee to the political and union formations? Why did he deem it fit to have the letters from unions be sent to investment committees if he believes in the internal process that they will do the right thing? What was his intention to have these letters given to members of investment committee? • Despite the lobbying, the deal was declined due to critical media scrutiny. • Sagarmatha technology proposal lacked investment rationale and largely mirrored the same methodology used to get R 4.3 billion for AYO technology and backed by the same sponsor –Iqbal Surve. • GEPF was expected to invest a minimum of R 3 billion. S&S Oil Refinery • S&S Oil Refinery in Mozambique. PIC funds are tied in an asset that is currently not producing much of what have been projected? And the sponsor-Momade Rassul is alleged to be an underworld figure. Rassul is based Nacala in Northern Province of Mozambique was arrested on 29 June 2017 facing an assortment of serious charges including money laundering, illicit enrichment, tax fraud, foreign currency manipulation, smuggling and misappropriation. • Total investment at risk of full write down is R 1 billion. Erin Energy Media reported on a dodgy deal concluded with an American – Nigerian businessman – Kase Lawal. The ownership of the underlying oil asset by Erin Energy was disputed at the point of PIC investment, but the PIC proceeded. Erin Energy failed to get full ownership of the asset. Considering the PIC’s $270-million equity investment and the fact that Erin had drawn $65.6-million against the $100-million PIC-backed loan but held $9.1-million in cash security, the PIC could lose roughly R 4 billion. The girlfriend story • PIC utilisation of CSI budget to fund the project introduced by the girlfriend of the CEO. • CEO asked an Investee company to financially assist the girlfriend. Note that the CEO has not disputed this. It borders on money laundering and serous conflict of interest, this is subject to Police investigations. Other issues for further investigations: Corporate finance Advisory on deals seem to be for selected few. • Sao Capital has been an advisor on many deals. Why does the company have such a great strike rate within PIC? How many deals have they done through PIC? • Kurhisani has been an advisor in many deals – MOGS, Distell, etc. Why does the company have such a great strike rate within PIC? How many deals have they done through PIC? Recent purging of staff Head of risk is fired. Head of IT, IT security and Company secretary are under suspension. Over the last few years the PIC has victimised a lot of black professionals. Independent investigations of the staff issues will show the extent of the rot.
Admin
25 Jan, 2018
President Zuma signs state capture commission TOR; but what will it uncover?
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) notes, and of course welcomes, that President Zuma at last, on the 23rd of January, signed the terms of reference (TOR) for the judicial commission of inquiry into allegations of state capture, corruption and fraud in the public sector, including organs of state. We hope that the six months, it will take Deputy Chief Justice Zondo and his Commission to conduct the inquiry will kick off as soon as possible and no time is wasted, or the process further delayed. Time is of the essence and South Africa must lance this boil and get to the bottom of the question of state capture. Although the TOR seems quite inclusive, in terms of whom and which entities should be investigated, the UDM wonders who else will go down on the sinking Zupta ship? Who also had their hands in the cookie jar? The Nation might be in for a rude awakening. Let’s hope for the best. The UDM wishes the Deputy Chief Justice Zondo and his Commission the best of luck in timeously completing this onerous task; the country’s future rides on your shoulders and if we are to clean-up our government, you will have to leave no stone unturned. Issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP and UDM President
Admin
10 Jan, 2018
#StateCapture inquiry D/Chief Justice Zondo’s team must have forensic people and TOR must be based on Thuli Madonsela’s good work
Deputy Chief Justice Raymond Zondo Private Bag X1 Constitution Hill Braamfontein 2017 Dear Sir STATE CAPTURE INQUIRY NEEDS A STRONG TEAM COMPRISED OF VARIOUS EXPERTS AND THE FORMER PUBLIC PROTECTOR’S FINDINGS AND REMEDIAL ACTIONS MUST FEATURE STRONGLY IN THE TERMS OF REFERENCE The United Democratic Movement (UDM) congratulates you on your appointment as the head of the inquiry into State Capture that has been instituted based on the prima facie evidence uncovered by, and the advised course of action of, the former Public Projector Thuli Madonsela. You have an enormous task ahead of you that will require in-detail investigation, sober minds, strict adherence to the law. To describe this inquiry as “tricky” is a somewhat of an understatement. The UDM wishes to submit that you should be surrounded by strong team which includes forensic audit experts, and representatives of the Hawks, to ensure that no stone is left unturned, and that the paper trails are followed to exhaustion. It would also be advisable that the National Intelligence Agency NOT be involved in any shape or form. Regarding the terms of reference for the inquiry, the prima facie evidence and remedial actions, as stated by the former Public Protector, should form the basis thereof. It is the work of the former Public Protector, her findings and remedial actions which saw the UDM and other parties in and out of court to force the matter to fruition; we have at last reached that point, where the truth will be revealed. We would however suggest that one of your urgent first stops should be a meeting with all the banks where the Gupta family held accounts to establish exactly how money was laundered and why, in fact, their accounts had been closed. This will of course require a detailed forensic auditing as well. The second aspect that bears urgent scrutiny is, which State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) had tainted relationships – no matter how tenuous it may seem at face value – with the Gupta family, but in particular which individuals and/or political parties may have benefitted from shady dealings and corruption. We wish you the best in this onerous task and hope that you will thresh the corn from the chaff to get to the bottom of State Capture and that any and all guilty parties will be brought to book. Lastly Sir, you will agree that time is of the essence. To have any delay in starting your work, or to have a drawn-out affair would not serve justice. We are not proposing that thorough investigation should be sacrificed for speediness, but the Nation deserves the full truth as soon as humanly possible. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
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06 Jan, 2018
#PatriciaDeLille: Hypocritical Democratic Alliance gets a “Nee Baas!” in Cape Town
The similarities between the Democratic Alliance’s (DA) political manipulation in Cape Town and in Nelson Mandela Bay confirm a pattern of deceit that makes a mockery of the DA’s claims to a better alternative for good governance. In Cape Town, on Friday, DA Councillors, most probably unwittingly (or maybe mindfully) stood up against deceit conceived, calculated and commanded by their leadership. Perchance, the DA councillors had even learned from the connivance of their leaders when the deputy mayor of the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality (NMBMM) was removed in 2017. Councillors, and that includes executive mayors, cannot be removed but by council after exhaustive investigative and prescribed disciplinary procedures. In the NMBMM, the DA conspired to remove the United Democratic Movement’s (UDM) Deputy Executive Mayor Mongameli Bobani, by relying on a draft third party report devoid of any and all Council involvement. They went ahead to eliminate the office of deputy mayor completely, in order to silence any possible voice against DA baasskap, which cannot survive under any form of criticism or review. The DA deceived councillors into believing that Cllr Bobani was crooked by referring to this “draft report” which the it never shared with anyone outside of its conspiring cabal, because the report did not comply with the International Standards on Auditing and no opinions in the report had been expressed based on these standards. PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC), who was forced to provide some report in time for the DA’s total onslaught against all political propriety in the very city that bears the name of the father of our democracy, called the report “for the exclusive use” of the recipient(s), and declared in writing, that it “will not accept any responsibility to any other party to whom our report may be shown or into whose hands it may come”. Cape Town Executive Mayor Patricia de Lille on Friday refused to resign on grounds that she had already informed legal firm Bowman Gilfillan that their report into her alleged wrongdoing contained “factual inaccuracies” reported to them yet ignored, which led to inappropriate conclusions and recommendations. Council had similarly been informed. Mayor de Lille added that she had not been charged and, obviously, not been found guilty of any wrongdoing. “It’s not a matter of being pushed, it’s a matter of asking to be treated fairly, to be afforded a fair opportunity in terms of natural justice to state my side of the case, to be afforded an open and transparent opportunity for an independent body to come to a conclusion where I am found guilty of anything and then at that stage I will consider what my options are,” Mayor de Lille said. Council had, on Friday, resolved to investigate Mayor de Lille for misconduct. Perhaps the NMBMM council should also have resolved to rather investigate its deputy mayor, UDM Councillor Bobani, and not simply have said “ja baas” to the DA political bully and Nelson Mandela Bay Executive Mayor Athol Trollip’s contrived removal of his deputy, and subsequent elimination of the deputy office. At least the Cape Town DA councillors had the benefit of having learned from the manipulated NMBMM DA councillors. The Cape Town DA councillors refused the impugnable instructions of DA Federal Leader Mmusi Maimane, who desperately tried to keep the removal of Mayor de Lille out of Council’s domain. Chief Whip Shaun August even admitted to the African National Congress opposition in Council that his instructions, by Maimane and DA Federal Executive Chairperson James Selfe, to severely limit debate in the De Lille matter were ill-advised and he granted the opposition its rightful time allocation to address Council. The DA Councillors eventually voted for a Council probe in commendable disregard of the irregular, if not illegal pressure by Maimane and Selfe. By the way, and this is of extreme importance and conclusively indicative of DA connivance, the final PwC Report has since been delivered to the Nelson Mandela Bay Executive Mayor and the report is silent on the accusations Trollip conjured against his deputy; against a councillor of his coalition government. And, the DA had, to date, not apologised for its false accusations and its deplorable self-serving deceit, nor corrected the noisome results of its obvious conspiracy. Trust to the DA for “good governance” at your peril, South Africa! Not only have you been warned; you have witnessed baasskap politics, apartheid dressed in a cheap tuxedo, first hand in Nelson Mandela Bay and in Cape Town. Issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP and UDM President
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31 Jan, 2018
#StateCapture: does the rot stop with the President? Let the mother of inquiries commence!
South Africa is facing the real and present danger of political, economic, social and administrative collapse from unbridled corruption and state capture. President Jacob Zuma consistently appeals every court judgement where he is involved… the Nation might even give him a new nickname! He even seeks to appeal against the decision by Judge Dunstan Mlambo that Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng chooses the judge to head up the commission of inquiry into state capture. Why? What is going on behind the curtains of the President’s continuous counter actions in the various courts? Why this dogged reaction and, we hear in this case, accusing the court of erring in law sixteen times? Why not just lance the boil and get it over and done with? Should this inquiry go ahead unhindered, and there is a forensic auditing component, might it be that some folks are fearing where the breadcrumbs might lead? The next question could therefore be: is there, maybe, a deal in the wind between the President Zuma and his party – or at least some individuals in the African National Congress (ANC), or maybe even a few cabinet ministers? Which leads to these inescapable questions: who (really) is being protected by whom, and why? Is President Zuma in fact acting as a lightning conductor to delay matters, as far as he is able, to avoid an enormous scandal before 2019? Maybe there are too many individual hands in the proverbial cookie jar of the past ten years; or did Luthuli House itself benefit from state capture? Not only does this inquiry potentially threaten political bigwigs, but one wonders which big businesses and/or business people might also have to come clean. If there is any truth (even just a wisp) in this line of thinking, it could be the ANC’s death knell just before a major election that stands to have the political course of South Africa – and the fortunes of some individuals – changed. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) therefore calls upon all South Africans to unite against corruption and state capture on the widest and most complete front which includes assumptive political posturing. We call on you to turn to political leadership dedicated to the establishment and management of successful coalitions for the benefit of all and not in service of personal and party-political power and positioning. Let us exert pressure from every corner to have this inquiry take place long before 2019; the Nation requires the truth about the people who they’ve elected into power. If these leaders are innocent, they can stand proudly after being tested in the inquiry… but, if they are guilty, they must go to jail. The UDM will continue to promote, and to build, and to support cohesive and sustainable coalitions where baasskap and bullying, and both personal and party self-interest are eliminated to empower governments for service delivery. Issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP and UDM President
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29 Dec, 2017
#PIC #GEPF: employees lost R12bn of pension money with Steinhoff corruption! Any political party that (may) have benefitted through #Steinhoff should: #PayBackTheirMoney
Of course, the call to “pay back the money” was a legitimate demand for the return of taxpayer money illegitimately used to fund Nkandla, the “Gupta industry” and other sinister personal gains. Right now, there are other monies that should be paid back; that should be returned from whence it came. The Steinhoff debacle shows that corruption and unethical behaviour place people in the path of clear and present danger. The Public Investment Corporation (PIC) who invests and manages funds on behalf of the Government Employees Pension Fund (GEPF) announced on 13 December, a week after the Steinhoff collapse that: “It is important to note that notwithstanding the collapse in the Steinhoff share, the GEPF portfolio remains financially healthy, because of its diversified nature. It is also important to note that GEPF members’ benefits will not be changed by these developments, given that the GEPF is a defined benefit pension fund.” GEPF’s Steinhoff loss was 0.6% of its portfolio on 6 December. This means that for every R100 of GEPF value sixty cents were lost. Even if this could be described as a manageable setback, the reality remains that the Steinhoff debacle cost the PIC R12 billion! This is a dangerous situation, where civil servants’ pensions are adversely affected no matter who downplays the scenario. The Steinhoff powers that be should provide guarantees that this R12 billion will not disappear into nothing and that the money shall be paid back to government employees. On another note, perhaps the Steinhoff saga is also a turning point in private political party funding looking at the African National Congress and the Democratic Alliance’s refusal to lay bare their books. If perhaps they, or any other political party, benefitted in any way from Steinhoff they should also be held to account. Given that the PIC has invested in Steinhoff, each and every political leader, should own up and confirm or deny that their parties (and/or functionaries) have accepted money from any source associated with Steinhoff profits. Any and all Steinhoff related money, and every cent, must be returned, with interest, to the coffers of the providers of compromised money, to set off that R12 billion loss in government pensions. Why should workers lose money to greed and corruption? Issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP and UDM President
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25 Oct, 2017
#MTBSP2017 Mini-budget: Minister Gigaba is reaping what he sowed
Finance Minister Malusi Gigaba’s maiden Medium-Term Budget Policy speech was unimpressive. In fact, it seemed a mere rehash of his predecessors’ old proposals. He was so non-committal, that there is very little hope that we will soon see agencies rate South Africa higher than ‘junk status’. The reaction of the Rand, to his speech, might be a sign of worse things to come. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) notes that South Africa’s current debt stands at R2.32 trillion, whilst the 2020/21 forecast is at a chilling R3,4 trillion. Our debt service cost stands at R146.5 billion per annum, with the projected cost (in just three years’ time) at R223.4 billion. This is cause for serious concern. Minister Gigaba’s lukewarm proposals and vague statements did not speak to this existing, nor the looming – even bigger – financial crisis. The reality of the situation is that Minister Gigaba, and therefore the Country, has become the victim of the mess he created whilst he was still Minister of Public Enterprises. The calamitous management of many State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), like Eskom and SAA, happened on his watch. Might Minister Gigaba have been non-committal in today’s speech, because he is walking on egg shells, trying to appease both factions of the African National Congress going to their elective congress in December? The UDM however does commend Minister Gigaba on the steps he has taken to improve governance at SAA. We hope that things change for the better. Regarding SOEs, the UDM had warned in the past that Government’s over-commitment in terms of contingent liabilities is a recipe for disaster. Those warnings were laughed off and we see Minister Gigaba and his department scrambling and wanting to channel funds away from service delivery. What’s the use of doing a people-driven budget, if you don’t stick to it? Minister Gigaba’s commitment, to combat corruption and curb wasteful expenditure, has the credibility of a cat conducting a commission of inquiry into the disappearance of mice. Statement by: Mr Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP UDM Deputy President and Chief Whip
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26 Sep, 2017
UDM rejects Government’s attempts to tap into PIC funds to bail out failing SOEs
The allegations that the Ministry of Finance is trying to access Public Investment Corporation (PIC) funds to bail out failing State Owned Enterprises (SOEs) confirm the United Democratic Movement’s (UDM’s) long-held suspicion that the mafia styled ruling elite would, once cash-strapped, extend its grubby hands to workers’ pensions entrusted to them for safekeeping. The true intention of these transactions is not to bail out struggling SOEs, but rather to ensure that there is enough state resources to plunder for those “whose turn it is to eat”! We therefore reject any attempts by government to use PIC funds to fund failing SOEs. Bearing the aforementioned in mind, the UDM believes that steps should be taken to develop a mechanism to protect workers’ assets against abuse and misuse by government. Such a mechanism should, among others, also ensure that workers, as a key stakeholder, have a voice in how and where their assets are invested and accessed. In addition, steps should be taken to restructure the PIC board to ensure that other stakeholders are accommodated and that it is not under the full control of government. We call for the implementation of more checks and balances, with minimal bureaucracy, such as risk mitigation systems and a watertight Code of Ethics. We demand a comprehensive investigation of all transactions since 2009, as we believe that under Mr Zuma, the PIC may have been used as a source of funding for suspicious deals that have nothing to do with growing an inclusive and distributive economy. Statement issued by: Mr Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP UDM Deputy President and Chief Whip
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31 Aug, 2017
UDM rejects DA’s dirty tricks campaign
Statement issued by UDM President Bantu Holomisa, MP Since the outrageous DA orchestrated ousting of Deputy Executive Mayor Mongameli Bobani from the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan coalition government, such senior DA leaders as Mmusi Maimane, James Selfe, and Athol Trollip have relentlessly attacked the UDM, its loyal coalition partner until the DA breached the relationship. I trust that the High Court will separate fact from fiction and that the honourable court will see through the DA’s politicking and identify the DA’s smear campaign against Bobani and the UDM. The UDM is taking a dim view of the irresponsible statement by DA Leader Maimane, to the effect that the UDM, in defending Bobani, is in fact also covering up corruption. The UDM rejects this false and loaded accusation by Maimane with deserved contempt. A civil application in the High Court is launched today, to interdict and restrain the municipality from implementing the August 24 decision to remove Deputy Executive Mayor Bobani; and to reinstate him. The UDM argues that the mechanics of the introduction and acceptance of, and the voting on, and the decision of Council to pass a motion of no confidence in the Deputy Executive Mayor was unconstitutional and unlawful from the outset and should be set aside. And, in any event, a majority of council members of the Municipality were not present during the vote. The DA, claiming good governance at every turn, should have known better than to have proceeded with the motion; should know better than to defend the illicit decision to remove the Deputy Executive Mayor. What the DA claims, and what the DA does; what the DA promises, and what the DA delivers, remain alarmingly divergent. The motion of no confidence is both unreasonable and irrational because there is no factual or legal grounds for the removal of the Deputy Executive Mayor. Councillor Bobani had not been formally accused of any wrongdoing; councillor Bobani had not been granted any opportunity to defend himself, or even to be heard on the alleged accusations of wrongdoing. The architect of this outrageous political plot, DA Executive Mayor Trollip, refers only to some forensic report by PricewaterhouseCoopers, a report produced without any input from the Executive Deputy Mayor apparently compromised by the findings. The flagrant DA double standard in dealing with its own, as the current Bongi Madikizela birthday party matter in the Western Cape Legislature clearly indicates, is unconscionable and offensive. The PwC report was never even tabled in council. All the so-called “evidence of corruption” was kept in DA briefcases. The DA has been making noise about these unfounded allegations against councillor Bobani, but the DA did not, and the DA would not share the information with its fellow leaders in the coalition. Trollip did not even refer the so called misbehaviour of Bobani to the Ethics Committee as required by municipal regulations. It is clear that a DA Kangaroo court presided over Bobani in his absence It is a fact that a coalition multi party enquiry levelled accusations of wrongdoing against both Trollip and Bobani; only Bobani had been sanctioned by Council. Again, the flagrant, unmitigated double standard is as appalling as it is shameful. It is a fact that the DA encouraged and pressured Members of Parliament to vote their conscience in the August 8 motion of no confidence in President Zuma, and are now sanctioning Bobani for his considered voting record in Council. Yet again, the flagrant, unmitigated double standard is as appalling as it is shameful. In typical DA baasskap style, the DA ordered an acolyte, Patriotic Alliance (PA) councillor Marlon Daniels, won over with a mayoral committee seat, and unilaterally invited to join the coalition government, to table the motion is so insulting that more than half the councillors walked out in disgust while the DA Speaker hastily counted remaining heads in an emptying chamber. The UDM, a loyal, and the largest DA coalition partner at the time, had not even been consulted on the PA joining ranks. Accordingly, the PA’s inclusion in the coalition government is invalid and of no force and effect. The PA was, apparently, sneaked in to front its new master’s dirty work. Quite ridiculous. If the DA can ever be said to be transparent, it is because the DA’s intimidation tactics are so transparent. Bullying is most certainly not conducive to mature coalitions. The DA’s current coalition management appears to be a bridge too far for an assumptive political party with some 1 in 4 voter support. Given its current political management, the DA can hardly be expected to lead a national coalition government by Apartheid style baasskap dressed up in a cheap tuxedo. As it is becoming all too evident that the DA cannot manage coalitions, the UDM will step up to strengthen the developing mechanics of coalition governance in the run-up to 2019, when coalition governance is expected to become the norm in the next chapter of South Africa’s maturing democracy. To this end the UDM is seeking relief against DA intimidation in the High Court not because the UDM is belligerent, or annoyed, or insulted, but because the UDM is determined to expose the empty DA promise of working coalitions against corruption. The court will have to rule on the DA’s underhanded, treacherous tactics in the vain attempt to get rid of a “coalition partner” not willing to dance to the exact tune of the lordly DA clan master. The UDM will not abandon the people of the NMB Metro. The UDM will not abandon the people of South Africa while the biggest opposition party continues to try to enforce itself by intimidation, in the absence of substantive vision. The UDM is committed to strengthening governance in all spheres. Because the UDM stands for inclusive government, not exclusive, disdainful lordliness by some arrogated superiority. End
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03 Aug, 2017
Johannesburg: UDM commends Mayor Mashaba’s action regarding Cllr Peetz
Statement issued by Thandi Nontenja – UDM Councillor in the City of Johannesburg The United Democratic Movement (UDM) commends Johannesburg Mayor Herman Mashaba for the swift action regarding allegations of corruption by MMC for Economic Development Cllr Sharon Peetz. Corruption has no colour or political affiliation and this administration of the City of Johannesburg is here to root out corruption regardless of who commits it. It must be made clear that no one is above the law; irrespective of a person’s high office. Justice must take its course. The UDM is also interested to see what actions the Democratic Alliance will take regarding their councillor’s alleged misconduct. End
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18 Jul, 2017
Illegal and immoral death threats on prominent South Africans
Statement issued by Bongani Msomi – UDM Secretary General The United Democratic Movement (UDM) is extremely concerned over reports of continued and growing intimidation of anyone who dares to dissent from the ruling party; or maybe just from certain elements within its ranks? This seems to be the go-to response, these days, when any unfortunate soul ventures to point out any wrong-doing in Government. It has been reported that South African Social Security Agency (Sassa) Chief Executive Officer who has since resigned, Thokozani Magwaza, allegedly received death threats because of the Sassa/SA Post Office contract which is to replace disgraced Cash Paymaster Services. This blackmail culture means that government employees, who does their jobs properly, or who refuses to be coerced, runs the risk of (at the least) losing their jobs or (at the most) losing their lives. This phenomenon speaks of a Nation held at ransom and the UDM condemns this illegal and immoral trend in no uncertain terms. Whether some people believe that their power or pockets are to be affected, there is no justification for issuing death threats. The South Africa Constitution states clearly that “everyone has the right to freedom and security of the person” and that we shall be “free from all forms of violence from either public or private sources”. What makes matters worse is that authorities seem to be turning a blind eye. No-one, irrespective of political affiliation or standing, is above the law. These alleged threats cannot be ignored and law enforcement must be proactive by investigating each threat and finding the culprits. End
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13 Jul, 2017
Opposition parties met in Pretoria to discuss pressing issues
The following parties; ACDP, APC, COPE, DA, EFF, IFP and the UDM met today to discuss a number of burning political issues. 1. Secret Ballot or not? The 22 June Constitutional Court judgment We welcome the Constitutional Court judgement on the Speaker’s discretion to decide whether a vote on a no-confidence motion in the President of the Republic should be secret or not. Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng, has given the Speaker of the National Assembly wise advice in the Court’s judgement: “South Africa is a constitutional democracy – a government of the people, by the people and for the people through the instrumentality of the Constitution. It is a system of governance that “we the people” consciously and purposefully opted for to create a truly free, just and united nation. Central to this vision is the improvement of the quality of life of all citizens and the optimisation of the potential of each through good governance.” About the power of those in public office the Constitutional Court said: “They are therefore not to be used for the advancement of personal or sectarian interests. Amandla awethu, mannda ndiashu, maatla ke a rona or matimba ya hina (power belongs to us) and mayibuye iAfrika (restore Africa and its wealth) are much more than mere excitement-generating slogans.” Some political parties in Parliament have already begun to make their submissions to the Speaker to further motivate for a secret ballot. However, we reinforce the ruling that it is within her discretion to make a determination. We hope that for once, she will be impartial and take a decision for the benefit of South Africa. We note her instructions to the ANC MPs to vote in favour of their President; the Speaker is patently biased and therefore compromised. She cannot preside over the debate. To add to this, Ms Mbete will act as President in the event of the success of the no-confidence-vote which makes her even more conflicted. 2. Activities on the day of the Motion of No-Confidence Regarding activities scheduled for the 8th of August, the date on which the vote on the no-confidence motion will take place in the National Assembly, we call all South Africans to converge in Cape Town and march to Parliament in support of a better South Africa without a incompetent President at the helm. Those who are not able to make it to Cape Town must engage in activities in their villages, townships and towns. We call on the entire civil society sector, religious institutions, traditional leaders, unions, and everybody, to stand up to a scandalous President. 3. Speaker’s worrying comments on the judiciary We are concerned about Ms Baleka Mbete’s accusations that certain judges are biased against her party. This undermines her duty to act as a liaison between Parliament as an institution and the other arms of State. This means that she still fails to separate her role as the head of the National Assembly and that of the African National Congress (ANC) Chairperson. 4. Attack on the media We, in the strongest terms, condemn the Black First Land First-led onslaught on journalists. We reaffirm our commitment to a free and independent media whose right, to keep the nation informed, is guaranteed by the Constitution. We denounce this emerging foreign culture of intolerance we witness these days. 5. The Judicial Commission of Inquiry on State Capture We call on President Zuma to demonstrate, for once, that he is true to his words; telling the National Assembly that he is about to announce a Commission Inquiry on State Capture. He should with immediate effect withdraw his court challenge on the Public Protector’s State Capture Report and announce the Commission as per the remedial actions of the Public Protector. 6. The racially divisive Bell Pottinger’s agenda We reject the so-called apology by a racist prone Bell Pottinger. The ANC and its Gupta sponsors must explain why they allowed such rampant racism to divide the Nation, using resources which should have been dedicated to bettering the lives of all South Africans. The ANC and its government must come clean and explain how they ended up in the pockets of this racist company. 7. Public Protector We condemn the conduct of the Public Protector in terms of the remedial actions affecting the Reserve Bank. Her flip-flops on the matter does not paint a picture of an incontrovertible Public Protector. We call on Advocate Busisiwe Mkhwebane to unequivocally apologise to the Nation and that she immediately stops turning this office into a political side show that serves the interests of a destructive faction within the ruling party. We also call on the National Assembly Justice Portfolio Committee to summon Advocate Mkhwebane to account for her actions, in this regard. 8. The work of the Independent Electoral Commission With a view to improve the freeness and fairness of the 2019 National and Provincial Elections, opposition party leaders wish to soon meet with the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) to again discuss our perennial concerns; what their interventions are on that score; and also brief us on their state of readiness for 2019. 9. Party funding Public funding of political parties is a critical tool to foster a healthy multi-party democracy. We are however worried about the intentions of the ruling party; in particular after their losing some metropolitan municipalities in 2016 and with them facing a strong possibility of losing the majority in 2019 National and Provincial Elections. Our position is that we must ensure equitable allocation of resources to all political parties in terms of the current legislation. We must first establish a common interpretation and application of the existing legislation and once that is done, we can think about further funding, if necessary. 10. Security of leaders of political parties The issue of the privacy and safety of political leaders has recently come to the fore. Over the past few months many reports have surfaced of an alleged rogue intelligence unit spying on leaders. Most recently, the emails and documents obtained through the #GuptaLeaksshowed how the family spied on prominent South Africans. We have resolved to ask the Parliamentary Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence to request a briefing from the State security apparatus on the media reports; especially in cases where some leaders have apparently been targeted for assassination. Thank you By Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP On behalf of Opposition Parties represented in the National Assembly. Burgers Park Hotel, Pretoria on 13 July 2017
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22 Jun, 2017
Victory for SA! Constitutional Court ruling on secret ballot
Statement issued by Mr Bantu Holomisa – UDM President The United Democratic Movement (UDM) has been vindicated with the Constitutional Court’s ruling that the Speaker of the National Assembly could facilitate a secret ballot in a no-confidence motion in President Zuma. We thank our legal team, as well as political parties and civil society organisations who supported us all the way. The risk of Members of Parliament (MPs) being victimised if they don’t vote according the Party-line is very real. In fact, the President has unequivocally stated that ruling party MPs who vote for his removal will do so at their own peril. The Constitutional Court has today recognised the seriousness of this threat and have made it possible for MPs to vote according to their conscience. The ball is now in the Speaker’s court and Ms Baleka Mbete is obliged to uphold her oath of office and prove that she’s not a ruling party toady. We therefore call on the Speaker, irrespective of her political affiliation, to do the right thing and grant a secret ballot for a vote of no-confidence in President Zuma. The proof is however in the pudding and the mettle of MPs will be tested in a vote of no-confidence. The UDM hopes that those ruling party MPs, who recognise that their party and president have lost the plot, will help us to take the first step to free the Country from “state capture”. End
