Admin
23 Sep, 2020
Holomisa submission to the state capture commission: the real mastermind behind state capture
Deputy Chief Justice RMM Zondo Chairperson of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into State Capture PO Box 31322 Braamfontein 2017 Per the acting Secretary of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into State Capture Dear Sir SUBMISSION TO THE COMMISSION: THE REAL MASTERMIND BEHIND STATE CAPTURE 1. Corruption: a cancerous tumour 1.1. One of government’s major mistakes is delaying the implementation process to deal with corruption and addressing maladministration. It is evident that incompetence and corruption has collapsed and downgraded this country, thereby costing our economy billions of Rands. As a result of this undesirable culture, many municipalities have crumbled, because there are no effective structures to stop corruption, and to prevent maladministration and mismanagement of funds. 1.2. We acknowledge that measures have been taken, such as the formation of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into State Capture (‘the Commission’) so that it may establish who has captured the state, but the process has been laborious and, in our view, not nearly far-reaching enough. 1.3. The former Public Protector, Professor Thuli Madonsela, had revealed that the Gupta family had effectively captured the state, however, as it turns out, the real architect of corruption is the ruling party itself, the African National Congress (ANC). 1.4. Accordingly, the Commission has been making the ruling party’s head honchos account for their alleged acts of corruption, but there is much more to this iceberg than what is presented to the public. Although the media and opposition parties, like the United Democratic Movement, have exposed some of the ANC and their leaders’ misdeeds, I believe most of it is kept diligently under wraps, because it might be the lurking iceberg that finally sinks the ANC Titanic. 1.5. The ANC and its leaders have misused state funds through companies like Bosasa, Chancellor House, Mohlaleng Media and Maverick State, to mention but a few. Looting from public resources has become a habitual act to fund the ANC by whatever means necessary, whether it be by paying its cadres’ exorbitant salaries or financing their election campaigns by any means necessary. 1.6. It is repulsive that this brazen looting takes place right under the noses of the authorities, whilst parliament’s oversight has not been effective either. The powers of the accounting officers have been usurped by the executive, consequently it has also affected the performance of state-owned enterprises. 1.7. The Commission’s terms of reference states that your work shall be guided by the Public Protector’s state capture report and we have noticed from the testimony that other accounts of corruption have been creeping out of the woodwork. It is therefore evident that there is a ‘big picture’ corruption that must be looked at. 1.8. Whilst much is made of Guptagate implicating former President Zuma and some other insatiable cadres, the fact that the corruption and looting at all spheres of government is to the benefit of the ANC itself, is negated. The Commission should therefore investigate the involvement of the ANC in acts of corruption, in totality. 1.9. This institutionalised corruption is not new, and it can be traced back through the previous decades. Even the Commission of inquiry into allegations of impropriety regarding Public Investment Corporation (‘PIC Commission’) quoted my testimony where I said that: “One of the most difficult tasks regarding dealing with the type of corruption that is alleged to have happened at the PIC is the sophisticated nature of the transactions. Corruption can come in two forms, legal and illegal corruption. Legal corruption occurs when the elite build a legal framework that protects corruption or manipulate existing legal framework without necessarily breaking the law.” 1.10. The PIC Commission concurred with my statement when they said in their report to the President that: “When going through the story of Harith, these words resonate. The layering of legal entities (state owned corporations, pension funds, banks, companies and trusts and partnerships etc.), when applied by financiers and corporate structure experts, can make finding the substance, and not form, of a transaction or series of transactions complex and quite perplexing. These layers also give the players in such a formation use ‘plausible deniability’ most effectively, as looking through all the conducts is challenging and time consuming.” 1.11. This designed incompetence permeates our law enforcement agencies, such as the police, the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation (Hawks), the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) and the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), which all have dismally failed to investigate and prosecute the reported culprits. One must be honest in one’s assessment of the competence of the state’s investigative and judicial resources. It is a given that the state lacks such competence in all respects, whilst the same is further exacerbated by means of prevalent corruption within the ranks of these institutions themselves. 1.12. The gate keepers of maladministration are the incompetent key administrative personnel who have been deliberately appointed (deployed) to accomplish the agenda of looting state resources on behalf of the ANC and, of course, to feed their own personal greed. It must be borne in mind that the ANC’s cadre deployment policy is just another form of corruption. It is called nepotism for a reason, because making appointments based on party affiliation, friendship and familial connections violate the statute books and is patently wrong. Cadre deployment deprives our civil service of talented individuals and we have thousands of young South Africans with degrees who cannot find jobs. 1.13. Epidemic levels of corruption handicaps service delivery which results in many violent protests. Not only that, prospective international investors shun South Africa because of the high levels of corruption and sadly our people are paying the price. Ultimately, corruption is destroying the gains of our freedom and patriotic South Africans have lost all hope and endlessly question the so-called measures put in place to address this untenable situation, whilst the ruling party itself perpetuates corruption in order to sustain itself. 1.14. Let us remind ourselves of what the late, former President Nelson Mandela admitted, already in 1998, about corruption in South Africa: “Unfortunately there are officials who betray their calling… this is part of the wider cancer of corruption that is undermining our efforts in all areas of society. We have learnt now that even those people with whom we fought the struggle against apartheid’s corruption can themselves become corrupted.” 1.15. The sad state of affairs is that the liberators of yesteryear have become the perpetuators of this immoral pillaging of state resources, whilst we are misdirected in our focus on the Gupta’s involvement in state capture. 1.16. The true architects of state capture are those who run government and its institutions in collusion with certain elements within the private sector. The private sector, which particularly benefits from government tenders, is represented by individuals who are shareholders in large corporations. These individuals appear to represent the private sector, but instead they use corporate fronts that merely return the loot to the ANC. These individuals also represent the corrupt interests of the ruling party in that they are either ANC stalwarts or that they are connected in one or other compromising manner to that party, politically or otherwise. 2. A Nelson Mandela Bay example: Mohlaleng Media, the ANC’s access to public funds 2.1. The purpose of this letter is to request the Commission to investigate the mechanisms used in government institutions to misuse state funds, especially at local government level. 2.2. I was recently briefed, on the matters which I raise below, by Mr Werner Wiehart, a persecuted forensic investigator formerly employed by the Nelson Mandela Bay (NMB) Metropolitan Municipality. He indicated to me that he had forwarded the information to numerous political parties and as well as the Commission (See Annexure A), but I took the liberty to meet with him last week and wish to report the matter to you formally. 2.3. The matter centres on how municipal funds have been looted by the ANC over, at least, the past fifteen years in NMB. Some information is already in the public domain including those that have been reported to the police, Hawks, NPA and the Public Protector. 2.4. The documentary evidence, which I have in my possession, convinced me that there is prima facie evidence that NMB municipal funds were looted for the ANC’s benefit, to fund its operations and to sustain itself. Questionable entities or companies (which are non-compliant with tax obligations and also lack related tax and billing clearances) and the registration of multiple enterprises simultaneously, are used as tools to achieve their dastardly goals. 2.5. Furthermore, I noted that law enforcement agencies remain actionless where corruption in the NMB municipality, more often than not, remains uninvestigated – in some cases, for more than three years. I cannot over-emphasise my concern if this is the alacrity with which this government is driving the fight against corruption, whilst little or nothing is achieved to start off with. 2.6. The widely publicised NMB Integrated Public Transport System (IPTS) scandal, in which National Treasury is implicated, is simply not being addressed, except for a single case in court. National Treasury, with particular reference the Chief Director, Mr Jan Hatting, had apparently been informed in writing during October 2012 of the large-scale looting, yet with such knowledge National Treasury continued to make payments thus feeding the large-scale looting scheme over a period of a further three years. So, nothing is happening, whilst the thieves are still trawling through personal protective equipment (PPE) tenders to rake in money to fund the ANC’s campaign for the 2021 municipal elections. 2.7. The evidence in my possession shows that, according to Mr Wiehart, there were three key players from Luthuli House involved, namely, Mr Pravin Gordhan (then Minister of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs), Dr Crispian Olver (famous author of “How to Steal a City: The Battle for Nelson Mandela Bay: An Inside Account) and Mr Cheslyn Mostert (a well-known ANC operator), who presented themselves as those mandated to address the NMB municipality’s issues; a process which led to the appointment of Mr Danny Jordaan as executive mayor and Mr Johann Mettler as acting city manager. 2.8. The same process led to the suspension (with full pay) of some municipal officials and their subsequent resignations, as well as some limited dismissals. Amongst others, these suspensions and resignations were caused by the allegations that some of the employees benefited from the IPTS deal. 2.9. Prior to the aforementioned ‘Luthuli House intervention”, the opposition, the media and the people were voicing out their anger about the IPTS corruption and as a result our Mr Mongameli Bobani, an ordinary councillor at that point in time, asked the Public Protector in October 2014 to investigate the matter. The Public Protector’s Advocate Tom had apparently investigated, but the final report was never made public. The municipality had appointed legal firms which have cost the rate payer more than R100 million over three years. 2.10. The evidence shows that the hand of Dr Olver extends beyond ‘helping the municipality’, but that he also played a role in the mismanagement of funds which were channelled to the ANC through a company called Mohlaleng Media, which served exclusively as the propaganda machinery of the ruling party in NMB. In this email Dr Olver informs the acting city manager that: “Here are the two CVs from Cheslyn, together with the draft letter to be signed and sent back to him, and the rates for the resources has set out in the SLA. The start date in the letter needs to be changed to Monday Next Week.” 2.12. A “tender” for R7,5 million was awarded to Mohlaleng Media, however the municipality failed to comply with its obligations in terms of the Municipal Finance Management Act to conclude the prescribed SLA which had to be signed between the municipality and Mohlaleng Media prior to commencement of any services. In fact, on assessment of the information, it is evident that Mohlaleng Media’s bid is riddled with fraudulent information, whilst even the entire procurement process was rigged from inception in favour of Mohlaleng Media. 2.13. Mohlaleng Media operated from December 2014 to February 2016 before any so-called SLA was signed on a fraudulent basis and of course the ratepayer footed the bill. This so-called SLA is referred to as an addendum to a former SLA, which never existed, hence, fraud. The tender/contract period entailed three years, however the bid value of R7,5 million had already been exhausted within the first ten months of the contract period. 2.14. Documentary evidence reveals that Mohlaleng Media invoices merely claimed monthly “resource cost” which eventually reached the amount of more than R21 million versus the actual approved bid value of R7,5 million over three years. These invoices were specifically created in such a manner to conceal the true nature of the work/service performed by this ANC aligned communications machine. 3. Mohlaleng Media forensic investigations, the cover-up and harassment of an investigator 3.1. One of the things I noticed as I went through these files is the harassment of Mr Wiehart by the office of the then Democratic Alliance executive mayor, Mr Athol Trollip, and his chief of staff together with the then acting city manager, Mr Johann Mettler. The harassment resulted in the malicious suspension of one of the municipal auditors based on fabricated and trumped-up charges and who was eventually expelled in a collusive manner. 3.2. The quarrel stemmed from Mohlaleng Media, which was used to generate ANC campaign material for the 2016 local government elections. (see pictures on the right) 3.3. An internal investigation had been done regarding Mohlaleng Media during which the Chief Audit Executive and forensic investigator, Mr Wiehart, questioned Mr Mettler’s involvement, which clearly caused discomfort in some quarters given the backlash that followed. 3.4. After Mr Trollip became aware that Mr Mettler and Dr Olver were implicated in the internal investigation on Mohlaleng Media, he had the terms of reference that was prepared by the internal audit team changed and, in essence, had it watered down in order to intentionally and actively conceal ANC corruption using an external forensic inquiry. In fact, Mr Mettler drafted the terms of reference for the external audit, which was a clear conflict of interest. The new terms of reference did not require the investigation of Mr Mettler and Dr Olver’s involvement, which was obviously intentional and self-serving. 3.5. A certain Morrison and Vermeulen were appointed on 31 May 2017, with the new terms of reference, whilst Mr Wiehart was placed on compulsory special leave, during which he was persecuted on the basis of fabricated charges of misconduct. Morrison and Vermeulen apparently performed very poorly, and in fact showed little progress. Mr Morrison furnished a preliminary report on 6 November 2017. 3.6. Mr Morrison’s final report does not contain the factual findings that were communicated to him since May 2017, nor did he make any reference to evidence furnished to him by a whistle-blower whose disclosures are included in the documents that I have now studied. 3.7. Same resulted in the comprehensive Chief Audit Executive review queries in that Mr Morrison had simply not performed, but more concerning is the fact that he collusively acted with Mr Mettler in concealment of impropriety by Mr Mettler, Dr Olver and others. 3.8. From the evidence before me, Mr Morrison is in all probability a compromised individual who did not render the service that he was appointed and paid for. This is how entrenched corruption is in our society, that even external forensic consultants are prepared to engage in the very same cancerous agenda that society is attempting to eradicate. 3.9. According to Mr Wiehart, Mr Trollip had even gone so far as to hide documents at his residence for a period of twenty-six months after a forensic report was furnished to a Hawks investigator in March 2018. Mr Trollip may say that he was the one who mandated the investigation, yet he must be made to account for his collusive actions in protection of corrupt officials and politicians. 3.10. This entire narrative raises a concern, which is that “the system” used in NMB to loot funds through companies like Mohlaleng Media could be, and probably is, “the system” that is replicated in other municipalities (and even other spheres of government) in favour of the corrupt and looting ruling party. 4. The leaked CR17 campaign bank statements: the same names crop up 4.1. Mr Wiehart further took me into confidence and shared information with me that relates to Linkd Environmental Services of which Dr Olver is, at the moment, the sole director. This three-man operation in 2017 entered into an SLA with Ria Tenda Trust (which belongs to President Ramaphosa) to provide accounting and financial services (https://www.thepresidency.gov.za/download/file/fid/1649) This is rather odd, because Linkd Environmental Services is not a financial services or accounting firm at all. What had apparently piqued Mr Wiehart interest had been that, given what had transpired in NMB, that this might be a case of history repeating itself. 4.2. I was shown some of the various leaked bank statements, that are quite easily accessible on social media platforms and, even though they have been sealed by the court , they therefore can never enjoy protection from public scrutiny. 4.3. What can be seen from these bank statements is that a bank account was utilised to channel alleged CR17 campaign funding. I find it questionable that the principals segregated so-called day to day business operations, with alleged campaign donations, as one would expect that separate trust accounts be opened and be managed in a transparent manner. 4.4. What was however of much interest to me, given the context of this submission, was that these statements showed the involvement of the very same individuals involved in the NMB/Mohlaleng Media corruption. They are Maverick State (formerly known as Mohlaleng Media), Crispian Olver, Cheslyn Mostert, Grant Pascoe, Vukile Pokwana and some others. 4.5. I was also shocked by some of the names of the listed beneficiaries, where I saw that many members of the ANC received money, totalling millions of Rands, in their personal bank accounts. Although, I hold no brief for the ANC as an organisation, I am concerned about Crispian Olver and Cheslyn Mostert’s seeming endgame. Whilst on the one hand, their hands may loom large in the corruption that has been taking place in NMB and on the other hand, Dr Olver’s company is alleged to have distributed millions of Rands to ANC members. There seems to be a strange disconnect between those actions. 4.6. That said, my concern is that, from where exactly did the funding in Dr Olver’s company bank account originate. On review of the deposits, it is evident that these origins are not vested in well-known and/or credible corporate resources from the private sector. Considering how Mohlaleng Media was used to fund and sustain the ruling party’s ever-hungry hyenas in NMB, one cannot believe that there is any legitimacy behind the so-called donor funding from private individuals or corporations. 4.7. Who are the real ‘donors’ and from where does such funding truly originate? Looking closely at the methodology used by Bosasa, and what could possibly be used by Linkd Environmental Services, one is left with unanswered questions as to who the real architects of state capture are. This is the actual question that must be considered, and investigated, by the Commission. 4.8. The innocuous words ‘donor funds’ are constantly used, whilst the biggest and most important ‘donor’ is the state through the looting of public funds. These so-called donor funds emanate directly from state contracts and government tenders and not from happy and morally complacent ANC supporters. 5. Conclusion 5.1. To verify the authenticity of the information contained in this submission, the Commission should consider conducting a preliminary investigation by engaging Mr Werner Wiehart. All the documentation I have scrutinised is available on request. 5.2. Furthermore, to aid its work, the Commission would be well advised to request the Public Protector’s report on its 2014/15 investigation of the NMB municipality’s IPTS system, as well as all the NMB corruption cases that have been reported to the police, Hawks, SIU and the NPA. 6. Parting shot: the money must be recovered from the ANC 6.1. We, at the moment, spend a lot of time talking about corruption and plumbing its depths, which is of course right. But we must also emphasise the imperative that all the moneys that have been pilfered through tender rigging, as was done with the eye-opening Bosasa shenanigans, in favour of ANC linked companies, or ANC leaders and linked individuals or the party itself, must be recuperated. 6.2. Tracing exactly into whose pocket the money went might look like an insurmountable task, and it probably will be a massive operation. But not tackling this task, would be short-changing South Africans from the moneys that should have been spent to make manifest their constitutional rights. Simple as that. 8. I remain at your disposal. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement Copied to: • President of the Republic, Mr Cyril Ramaphosa • Minister of Finance, Mr Tito Mboweni • Speaker of the National Assembly, Ms Thandi Modise, for the relevant portfolio committees’ attention • NMB acting Executive Mayor, Cllr Thsonono Buyeye • NMB acting City Manager, Mr Mandla George
Admin
09 Jan, 2018
State Capture Inquiry should look into R350m Hlano deal to ascertain ANC & Zonkizizwe involvement
Deputy Chief Justice Raymond Zondo Private Bag X1 Constitution Hill Braamfontein 2017 Dear Sir STATE CAPTURE INQUIRY: INVESTIGATION NEEDED INTO AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS AND ZONKIZIZWE INVESTMENTS’ INVOLVEMENT IN GAUTENG ROU HOUSING LOAN PORTFOLIO DEAL BETWEEN HLANO FINANCIAL SERVICES AND THE GAUTENG DEPARTMENT OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS To provide context, we refer you to a 2016 agreement between Hlano Financial Services, Nimble Collection Services and the Department of Human Settlements regarding the resolution of Hlano Financial Services’ ROU housing loan portfolio – see attached. We in particular refer you to a November 2015 collection mandate between Hlano Financial Services, and Nimble Collection Services and NMI Housing Solutions in respect of the Gauteng ROU housing loan portfolio. We point you to a “bulk settlement” of R350 million, specified on page 6 of the document, which government was requested to consider and approve as the aggregate outstanding balance of R443 million in respect of 5,159 properties located in the Gauteng region over which Hlano held mortgage bonds. On a Zonkizizwe invoice, dated 16 August 2018, (attached) African National Congress (ANC) Treasurer General Paul Mashatile, was invoiced for “consultancy services” rendered in terms of “collection of Hlano Financial Services; Gauteng Housing Loan Portfolio at 3% of R350,000,000.00”. It is clear that something untoward is going on here. The origins of Zonkizizwe Investments are common knowledge and like with former ANC Treasurer General Dr Zweli Mkhize’s involvement in the Afric Oil/Public Investment Corporation loan mess, it seems as if the incumbent ANC Treasurer General is also involved in odd transactions involving the ANC, Zonkizizwe Investments and government. I further draw your attention to a letter dated 22 March 2017, regarding a further 2016/2017 budget adjustment request, from the national department of human settlements to its Gauteng counterpart which lists an approved amount of R200 million for “Hlano Financial Services”. What is the connection between this R200 million-item to the aforementioned R350 million? What was the money used for and, if it relates to the same deal, where did the balance of R150 million go? Perhaps Zonkizizwe’s management and Mr Mashatile should be made to explain if they had any involvement in this? Given the above information, it is clear that there might be some elements of state capture in this deal and the United Democratic Movement humbly requests that the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into Allegations of State Capture also investigates this matter. Lastly Sir, even if claims were to be made that any or all pertinent documents were lost in last year’s fatal fire that destroyed Gauteng Health, Human Settlements and Co-operative Government and Traditional Affairs’ office building, it would be easy enough to have a look at the bank statements to see how much money were paid into whose bank accounts. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
Admin
25 Jan, 2018
President Zuma signs state capture commission TOR; but what will it uncover?
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) notes, and of course welcomes, that President Zuma at last, on the 23rd of January, signed the terms of reference (TOR) for the judicial commission of inquiry into allegations of state capture, corruption and fraud in the public sector, including organs of state. We hope that the six months, it will take Deputy Chief Justice Zondo and his Commission to conduct the inquiry will kick off as soon as possible and no time is wasted, or the process further delayed. Time is of the essence and South Africa must lance this boil and get to the bottom of the question of state capture. Although the TOR seems quite inclusive, in terms of whom and which entities should be investigated, the UDM wonders who else will go down on the sinking Zupta ship? Who also had their hands in the cookie jar? The Nation might be in for a rude awakening. Let’s hope for the best. The UDM wishes the Deputy Chief Justice Zondo and his Commission the best of luck in timeously completing this onerous task; the country’s future rides on your shoulders and if we are to clean-up our government, you will have to leave no stone unturned. Issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP and UDM President
Admin
10 Jan, 2018
#StateCapture inquiry D/Chief Justice Zondo’s team must have forensic people and TOR must be based on Thuli Madonsela’s good work
Deputy Chief Justice Raymond Zondo Private Bag X1 Constitution Hill Braamfontein 2017 Dear Sir STATE CAPTURE INQUIRY NEEDS A STRONG TEAM COMPRISED OF VARIOUS EXPERTS AND THE FORMER PUBLIC PROTECTOR’S FINDINGS AND REMEDIAL ACTIONS MUST FEATURE STRONGLY IN THE TERMS OF REFERENCE The United Democratic Movement (UDM) congratulates you on your appointment as the head of the inquiry into State Capture that has been instituted based on the prima facie evidence uncovered by, and the advised course of action of, the former Public Projector Thuli Madonsela. You have an enormous task ahead of you that will require in-detail investigation, sober minds, strict adherence to the law. To describe this inquiry as “tricky” is a somewhat of an understatement. The UDM wishes to submit that you should be surrounded by strong team which includes forensic audit experts, and representatives of the Hawks, to ensure that no stone is left unturned, and that the paper trails are followed to exhaustion. It would also be advisable that the National Intelligence Agency NOT be involved in any shape or form. Regarding the terms of reference for the inquiry, the prima facie evidence and remedial actions, as stated by the former Public Protector, should form the basis thereof. It is the work of the former Public Protector, her findings and remedial actions which saw the UDM and other parties in and out of court to force the matter to fruition; we have at last reached that point, where the truth will be revealed. We would however suggest that one of your urgent first stops should be a meeting with all the banks where the Gupta family held accounts to establish exactly how money was laundered and why, in fact, their accounts had been closed. This will of course require a detailed forensic auditing as well. The second aspect that bears urgent scrutiny is, which State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) had tainted relationships – no matter how tenuous it may seem at face value – with the Gupta family, but in particular which individuals and/or political parties may have benefitted from shady dealings and corruption. We wish you the best in this onerous task and hope that you will thresh the corn from the chaff to get to the bottom of State Capture and that any and all guilty parties will be brought to book. Lastly Sir, you will agree that time is of the essence. To have any delay in starting your work, or to have a drawn-out affair would not serve justice. We are not proposing that thorough investigation should be sacrificed for speediness, but the Nation deserves the full truth as soon as humanly possible. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
Admin
31 Jan, 2018
#StateCapture: does the rot stop with the President? Let the mother of inquiries commence!
South Africa is facing the real and present danger of political, economic, social and administrative collapse from unbridled corruption and state capture. President Jacob Zuma consistently appeals every court judgement where he is involved… the Nation might even give him a new nickname! He even seeks to appeal against the decision by Judge Dunstan Mlambo that Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng chooses the judge to head up the commission of inquiry into state capture. Why? What is going on behind the curtains of the President’s continuous counter actions in the various courts? Why this dogged reaction and, we hear in this case, accusing the court of erring in law sixteen times? Why not just lance the boil and get it over and done with? Should this inquiry go ahead unhindered, and there is a forensic auditing component, might it be that some folks are fearing where the breadcrumbs might lead? The next question could therefore be: is there, maybe, a deal in the wind between the President Zuma and his party – or at least some individuals in the African National Congress (ANC), or maybe even a few cabinet ministers? Which leads to these inescapable questions: who (really) is being protected by whom, and why? Is President Zuma in fact acting as a lightning conductor to delay matters, as far as he is able, to avoid an enormous scandal before 2019? Maybe there are too many individual hands in the proverbial cookie jar of the past ten years; or did Luthuli House itself benefit from state capture? Not only does this inquiry potentially threaten political bigwigs, but one wonders which big businesses and/or business people might also have to come clean. If there is any truth (even just a wisp) in this line of thinking, it could be the ANC’s death knell just before a major election that stands to have the political course of South Africa – and the fortunes of some individuals – changed. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) therefore calls upon all South Africans to unite against corruption and state capture on the widest and most complete front which includes assumptive political posturing. We call on you to turn to political leadership dedicated to the establishment and management of successful coalitions for the benefit of all and not in service of personal and party-political power and positioning. Let us exert pressure from every corner to have this inquiry take place long before 2019; the Nation requires the truth about the people who they’ve elected into power. If these leaders are innocent, they can stand proudly after being tested in the inquiry… but, if they are guilty, they must go to jail. The UDM will continue to promote, and to build, and to support cohesive and sustainable coalitions where baasskap and bullying, and both personal and party self-interest are eliminated to empower governments for service delivery. Issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP and UDM President
