Keynote address by Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans, Maj. Gen. (Ret) Bantu Holomisa, MP at the Defence Industry Lekgotla – 21 July 2026 Ministry of Defence and Military Veterans of the Republic of South Africa Programme Director; Honourable Minister of Defence and Military Veterans; Members of the Executive; Members of Parliament; Chief of the South African National Defence Force; Chiefs of Service and Divisions; Representatives of the defence industry; Representatives of Armscor, Denel, the CSIR and other research and development institutions; Representatives of the private sector, organised business, academia and labour; Distinguished guests; Ladies and gentlemen; Good morning. The purpose of this session of the Defence Industry Lekgotla is not simply to speak about the defence industry. It is to ask a more fundamental question: What must we do, together, to ensure that South Africa retains a capable, sustainable and sovereign defence capability in an environment of limited public resources and rapidly changing security threats? My assignment today is simple, but the consequences of how we approach it are significant: I have been tasked with speaking about Public-Private Partnerships and, more importantly, how we can move from discussion to practical implementation. Let us begin with honesty. We know many of the challenges confronting the Department of Defence and the defence industry. We know that there are significant infrastructure backlogs. We know that many military facilities require rehabilitation, modernisation and maintenance. We know that the Department has significant requirements in relation to prime mission equipment and the sustainability of existing capabilities. We know that there are challenges relating to military housing, health facilities, logistics infrastructure and other support systems. We know that our defence industry faces challenges relating to demand, funding, skills, research and development, industrial sustainability and access to markets. These challenges are not new. We have spoken about them for many years. The 2015 Defence Review already warned that inadequate levels of defence spending had placed the defence force and the local defence industry under severe pressure. More recently, Parliament has again highlighted the serious funding constraints facing the Department of Defence. For the 2026/27 financial year, the Department has been allocated approximately R57.6 billion, while Parliament has continued to emphasise the need for a sustainable funding model for defence. The reality is that the Department has substantial responsibilities, but the resources available to meet all those responsibilities are limited. We cannot pretend otherwise. The question before us is therefore not whether the problems exist. The Department cannot simply assume that every infrastructure backlog, every equipment requirement and every modernisation project will be fully funded through additional allocations from the National Treasury. That is not a realistic assumption. At the same time, we cannot accept the gradual deterioration of strategic defence capabilities as inevitable. We cannot allow our military bases to deteriorate indefinitely. We cannot allow our personnel to live in conditions that undermine their dignity and morale. We cannot allow critical infrastructure and equipment to reach a point where the cost of replacement becomes greater than the cost of timely intervention. We must therefore consider additional and innovative ways of mobilising capital and expertise. The timing of this conference is great because Cabinet has approved the Journey to Greatness, meaning the Defence Budget will look different and be in line with the instruction of the President that the Defence defunding must be arrested and the defence budget should grow to a favourable 1.5% of the GDP. This is where I believe the discussion on Public-Private Partnerships becomes important. 1. PPPs as a strategic instrument Let me be clear. When I speak about Public-Private Partnerships, I am not speaking about selling off the assets of the Department of Defence. I am not speaking about selling military land to the highest bidder. I am not speaking about compromising national security. I am speaking about using a lawful, transparent and carefully structured instrument to mobilise private capital and expertise in areas where this can assist the State to deliver infrastructure and services more efficiently. South Africa's PPP framework exists precisely because government recognises that the private sector can, under appropriate conditions, contribute capital, expertise, innovation and long-term operational capacity to public infrastructure projects. 2. Defence land as a strategic asset One of the important advantages of the defence portfolio is that the State possesses significant land and other strategic assets. The National Defence White Paper has previously recorded that the SANDF controls approximately 500 000 hectares of state-owned land, while also emphasising the need for the cost-effective utilisation and rationalisation of military land. This land is not simply a commercial asset. It is a strategic national asset. There may be opportunities for carefully structured partnerships in which the State retains ownership and control while private partners provide capital, construction expertise, technology or operational capacity. This could include, subject to proper feasibility studies and all applicable legal and security requirements: • Military housing; • Health and hospital infrastructure; • Logistics and maintenance facilities; • Training and support infrastructure; • Modernisation of selected military bases; and • Other infrastructure required to support the SANDF. The question is not whether we should commercialise the defence estate. The question is whether we can use our existing assets more intelligently to support the defence mission. 3. Military housing and the dignity of the soldier Let us consider the question of military housing. A soldier who serves the Republic should not be expected to live indefinitely in conditions that undermine his or her dignity. In some instances, military personnel live far from their formations or in informal settlements because suitable accommodation is not available. This is not only a housing issue. It is a military readiness issue. It affects morale, discipline, operational availability and the relationship between a soldier and the institution they serve. We must therefore explore whether partnerships with credible property developers, financial institutions and institutional investors can assist in addressing the military housing backlog. The model could be structured in such a way that the State provides access to appropriate land, while a private or institutional partner provides capital and development capacity. The State could then make structured payments over an agreed period, subject to a properly designed contract and demonstrated value for money. This is not a proposal to give away defence land. It is a proposal to investigate whether the land already owned by the State can help us secure the infrastructure required by the defence force. 4. A military city for the future We must also think beyond individual projects. In Pretoria, for example, various defence-related functions and institutions are spread across different locations, while the State incurs substantial expenditure on rented office accommodation. We should ask ourselves whether there is a better long-term model. Can we consolidate appropriate defence functions? Can we make better use of defence-owned land? Can we create a modern, integrated military precinct that brings together appropriate military, administrative, training, housing and support functions? I am not suggesting that every military function should be placed in one location. Nor am I suggesting that security considerations can be ignored. But we should at least investigate the feasibility of a modern military city or integrated defence precinct where appropriate. Such a project could be designed around modern principles of planning, sustainability, technology and efficiency. We now have access to advanced design technologies, including artificial intelligence-enabled tools, that can assist with planning and modelling. The objective should be to develop infrastructure that is fit for purpose, cost-effective and appropriate for the needs of a modern defence force. 5. The role of institutional investors We should also engage seriously with institutional investors. The Public Investment Corporation, for example, manages substantial institutional capital and has established experience in property and unlisted investments. However, it has also suffered significant losses in the past on certain unlisted investments involving billions of rands in pensioners’ money. Its property investment activities include development and investment in sectors such as office, industrial, specialised property and student accommodation. This raises an important question. Can the Department of Defence, together with the relevant government departments and agencies, engage institutional investors to explore carefully structured, long-term infrastructure investment opportunities? The principle is straightforward. A credible investor provides capital for a project. The project is constructed and maintained according to agreed standards. The State obtains the required infrastructure and service. The investor receives an agreed return over an agreed period. At the end of the agreed arrangement, the asset may return to the State in accordance with the terms of the contract. But let me emphasise: No such arrangement should be entered into merely because money is available. Every proposal must be tested against: • National security requirements; • Value for money; • Affordability; • Long-term fiscal implications; • Ownership and control; • Procurement law; • Security legislation; • Risk allocation; • Local industrial participation; and • The broader national interest. 6. Border security Where border infrastructure requires substantial investment in fencing, surveillance, sensors, communications and other capabilities, can we identify innovative models that allow the State to obtain the required capability more quickly and cost-effectively? 7. The navy and the defence industry The South African Navy requires a sustainable maritime infrastructure and industrial ecosystem. Where facilities require modernisation, including naval support infrastructure, we must ask whether there are credible partners who can bring capital, technical expertise and industrial capability into the equation. Such partnerships must, of course, protect the strategic interests of the Republic. 8. Prime mission equipment The discussion must also extend to prime mission equipment. The defence force cannot be effective without sustainable and modern capabilities across the land, air, maritime and other domains. But the acquisition of equipment cannot be separated from questions of affordability, maintenance, life-cycle costs, technology transfer and local industrial capability. One gets worried that should the SANDF get a deployment outside of our borders after our SAMIDRC withdrawal, would we have equipment that is in line with the mission requirements? The role of the defence industry must therefore extend beyond simply supplying equipment. We need to ask: • Can we improve maintenance, repair and overhaul capability? • Can we extend the life of existing platforms where appropriate? • Can we develop local manufacturing and technology capabilities? • Can we improve the sustainability of equipment already in service? • Can we use partnerships to develop new capabilities where this is strategically and economically viable? The role of institutions such as Armscor, the CSIR, Denel and the broader defence industry is critical in this regard. The CSIR already has capabilities across aerospace, landward sciences, command and control, cybersecurity, integrated security, radar, electronic warfare and other areas of defence research and technology. That is how we build a sustainable defence industrial ecosystem. 9. Youth, skills and technology I agree with the previous speakers, the future of defence is increasingly shaped by artificial intelligence, cybersecurity, autonomous systems, advanced manufacturing, robotics and other emerging technologies. These are already transforming military capability, and South Africa must ensure that it does not fall behind. We must therefore invest in our young people and create pathways from schools and universities into research, industry and the defence sector. My engagements with countries including Pakistan, India, Türkiye, the United Kingdom, France and Ethiopia have reinforced one lesson: countries that take defence seriously invest in their youth, technology and research. Institutions such as the CSIR, universities, Armscor, Denel and industry must work together to develop the skills, research and innovation required to build a sustainable and competitive South African defence industry. 10. International partnerships International partnerships must also be used to advance South Africa’s transformation objectives, particularly through meaningful Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment. We must ensure that partnerships create opportunities for South African companies, especially emerging black-owned enterprises and young entrepreneurs, to gain access to markets, technology, mentorship, skills development and practical experience in the defence industry. Our young people must not remain spectators while major international companies participate in South Africa’s defence economy. Through properly structured partnerships and BBBEE commitments, young South Africans must be given opportunities to enter the defence value chain, develop their businesses, gain exposure to international standards and build the experience required to become future manufacturers, innovators and exporters. 11. A new approach to partnership I believe we need a new approach. We must move away from thinking about the defence industry only in terms of annual procurement. We must think in terms of long-term capability. We must move away from isolated projects. We must think in terms of integrated systems. We must move away from the assumption that every challenge can only be solved through a larger allocation from the fiscus. We must ask what can be achieved through better planning, better partnerships, better use of existing assets and more innovative financing models. But I must also emphasise that partnerships must not become an excuse for the State to abdicate its responsibilities. 12. The way forward I would therefore like to propose that this Lekgotla should not end with a list of challenges. We already know many of the challenges. South Africa already has a policy framework for Public-Private Partnerships, including the framework issued by National Treasury. The Department of Defence also has a dedicated team which has been familiarising themselves with the National Treasury’s PPP Policies, comprised of Mr Lebelo of the Defence Secretariat and the incoming Chief of Staff, General Xundu, which will engage the various formations of the SANDF, including the Army, Air Force, Navy and SAMHS, to identify priority areas requiring partnership. We must develop a clear menu of these requirements, aligned with the National Treasury framework, and present it to the defence industry so that potential investors can identify where they can contribute. The objective is to move from broad discussions to specific, structured and implementable opportunities. The Honourable Minister has made it clear that we must move with urgency and ensure that this Lekgotla does not become another talk shop. Following this engagement, the defence leadership must convene a focused roundtable to finalise priority areas so that, when industry approaches us, we are ready to direct them towards clear and well-defined opportunities. That said, it would be in our best interests for us to develop a practical partnership roadmap. This roadmap should identify: First, the major infrastructure and capability backlogs that require urgent attention. Second, which of these areas are suitable for PPP or other partnership models. Third, what role should be played by the Department of Defence, the Department of Public Works and Infrastructure, Armscor, Denel, the defence industry, institutional investors, research institutions and other stakeholders. Fourth, what regulatory and policy interventions may be required. Fifth, how we protect national security and sovereign capabilities. Sixth, how we ensure local industrial participation, skills development, youth opportunities and technology transfer. And finally: What can be implemented, and by when? I would like to see the development of a practical PPP Action Plan that moves beyond general statements and identifies actual projects, potential partners, funding models, risks, responsibilities and timelines. The Department of Defence is not going anywhere. The SANDF is not going anywhere. As long as South Africa exists as a sovereign state, it will require a defence capability. This means that defence is, by its very nature, a long-term investment. The question is whether we will continue to respond to our needs only when the crisis has already emerged, or whether we will develop a long-term model that allows us to plan, invest, modernise and sustain our defence capabilities. To avoid this from being a talk shop, I am requesting that my Colleagues in Parliament, the Portfolio Committee and the Joint Standing Committee on Defence to ensure that this PPP discussion becomes a standing agenda in all their meetings. This will help monitor implementation. I thank you.
Statement by President of the United Democratic Movement, Deputy Minister Bantu Holomisa, MP The United Democratic Movement and our President, Major General (Ret) Bantu Holomisa, extend our heartfelt condolences to the families, loved ones and colleagues of the two South African National Defence Force (SANDF) members who tragically lost their lives after falling into an abandoned mineshaft during an operation against illegal mining. We also convey our deepest sympathies to the Chief of the SANDF, the broader defence community and all those mourning this devastating loss. The deaths of these two soldiers are a painful reminder of the dangers faced by the men and women entrusted with serving and protecting the Republic. Their dedication and sacrifice in the service of South Africa will not be forgotten. This tragedy also draws renewed attention to the serious dangers associated with illegal mining and the continued existence of unsecured and abandoned mine shafts across the country. Illegal mining is not a victimless crime. It endangers surrounding communities, undermines the rule of law, damages the environment and enables organised criminal networks. It also exposes members of the SANDF, the South African Police Service and other security personnel to extremely hazardous conditions. The UDM strongly condemns illegal mining and the criminal syndicates that organise, finance and profit from it. These networks must be identified, investigated and dismantled through coordinated and sustained law enforcement action. The UDM calls for a comprehensive investigation into the circumstances surrounding this tragic incident and urges all relevant authorities to accelerate efforts to identify, secure and rehabilitate abandoned mineshafts to prevent further loss of life among security personnel and civilians alike. Greater cooperation is required between mining companies and the departments responsible for mineral resources, defence, policing, local government and environmental management. Mining companies must also be held accountable for properly securing and rehabilitating disused mining infrastructure. South Africa cannot allow abandoned mineshafts to remain accessible to criminal enterprises while posing a continuing danger to communities and those entrusted with enforcing the law. The UDM honours the memory of the two fallen soldiers and extends its support and deepest sympathies to their families, the SANDF and the entire defence community during this time of grief. May their courage, dedication and sacrifice continue to inspire all South Africans. May their souls rest in eternal peace.
Speech for Deputy Minister Bantu Holomisa, MP and President of the United Democratic Movement at the State of the Nation Address 2026 debate CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY Honourable Speaker Honourable Members The Government of National Unity (GNU) will not be judged by the promises tabled during the opening of Parliament, but by whether that skeletal plan is implemented with urgency, discipline and measurable results. South Africans have heard plans before. What they demand now is execution. 1. Security is the foundation of development The State of the Nation Address (SONA) emphasised economic recovery and energy stability, but sustainable growth also depends on protecting our environment and critical infrastructure from vandalism, illegal mining and sabotage that damage ecosystems and investor confidence. We are strengthening enforcement, deploying coordinated security and accelerating prosecutions because environmental protection, stability and growth are inseparable. The GNU further recognises that development cannot flourish without security. We therefore welcome: • The deployment of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) in support of South African Police Service (SAPS) in crime epicentres such as the Cape Flats and the broader Western Cape, and areas such as Randfontein in Gauteng. • The elevation of the security cluster as a national priority. • The use of Artificial Intelligence-driven systems for predictive policing and intelligence coordination. In line with the orders issued by the Commander-in-Chief, President Ramaphosa, I confirm that the Department of Defence is seized with operational requirements to support stabilisation interventions in consultation with the security cluster. This is just phase one of restoring normality. 2. Crime and consequences: the era of impunity is over Mqwathi, mandikuqinisekise amasela ixesha lawo liphelile. Yekani ii Law Enforcement Agencies zenze umsebenzi wazo, singaphazanyiswa. The honeymoon is over. Corruption and maladministration have not merely touched the state, they have engulfed it, reaching even into our law enforcement agencies. The rot did not spare the Department of Defence either. That is why we acknowledge the President’s decision to sign the proclamation authorising the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) to investigate these matters and more. Accountability cannot be selective. It must be decisive and it must reach everywhere. At a briefing to the Portfolio Committee and Joint Standing Committee on Defence, the SIU, the Military Police, and the Hawks assured us that we have recovered over R1.6 billion linked to corruption and mismanagement within Defence. This is just a start of restoring the image of our defence force. That is consequence management in action. If Special Courts could be established by the Department of Justice in partnership with the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), this will assist to accelerate the resolution of all pending military cases. Crime and corruption embarrass this country. They damage investor confidence. They weaken sovereignty. We have no choice but to confronting them head-on. 3. No country survives without law No country can function if its laws are optional, and anyone who comes to this country legally must be prepared to abide by the law or they will be shipped out. Fellow South Africans, you deserve a state that works, systems that speak to each other, and early warning mechanisms that stop crime before it spreads. Without accurate Financial Intelligence Centre Act (FICA) registration, South African Revenue Service (SARS) cannot collect revenue from all traders operating in our economy. Furthermore, law enforcement cannot properly trace or dismantle criminal syndicates operating in the underworld. South Africa urgently needs a coordinated security response plan with time frames and the strengthening of the NPA as to be functional. South Africa’s liberation history teaches us solidarity. But protection must be credible and enforceable. If a person is granted asylum yet voluntarily returns to the very country they claim to be fleeing during holiday season, that status must be reviewed. You cannot be in danger today and on holiday tomorrow. Accountability is not hostility. It is fairness. It is security. It is sovereignty. 4. The Public Investment Corporation Mr President, in 2023 you called on the Minister of Finance to address the pension queries of former civil servants. The affected community is still waiting for feedback and progress reports. People are dying while the system drags its feet, and each day of delay is a day of injustice. It is even more painful to see that the funds meant to secure these pensions are being looted by the elite through the Isibaya Fund at the Public Investment Corporation. Resources meant for ordinary South Africa are being diverted to enrich a few, deepening inequality and betraying public trust. How we wish that money could instead be invested in South Africa’s infrastructure, generating real returns for the country and creating jobs. This is a guaranteed investment in the nation, not in private greed. The people deserve accountability and action, not corruption. 5. Skills development: from training to productivity We welcome the review of the Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs) as a corrective measure to ensure that skills funding delivers measurable results. Within Defence, the South African National Service Institute (SANSI) recently passed out over 500 young people. Mr President, do consider ring-fencing and redirecting SETA funding towards: • Funding into structured, outcome-based programmes such as SANSI. • Standardised study guides in mathematics, languages, accounting and entrepreneurship. • Mandatory practical and technical skill components. In 2001, Matt Matthys, Chantal Mulder, the President South African Institute of Chartered Accountants (SAICA), Ignatius Sehoole, and I spearheaded the Thuthuka Project, providing English, Mathematics, and Accounting study guides for Grades 9 to 12. Today, that project has produced over 2,000 Black Chartered Accountants. We may need to have a tailor-made, or similar setup into skills development. 6. Prevention of Hate Crimes and Combating of Hate Speech Act The Prevention of Hate Crimes and Combating of Hate Speech Act, though intended to protect dignity and equality, goes beyond what our Constitution permits and places freedom of religion at risk. It criminalises expression using vague and undefined concepts and expands protected grounds without legal certainty. In a constitutional democracy, believers must be free to express their faith without fear of prosecution. Equality must never be advanced by eroding religious freedom. We therefore urge that the Act be constitutionally aligned through appropriate amendments before it comes into operation. 7. Conclusion: restoring dignity, restoring the state No country survives without law. No economy grows without stability. No democracy thrives without accountability. South Africans want safety, fairness, opportunity and a state that works. Through decisive, coordinated action on security reform, border integrity, infrastructure protection, skills development and consequence management, we will deliver. Judge us not by our words, but by the order we restore, the stability we secure and the future we build together. I thank you.
Honourable Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP Parliament Leader of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) Parliament of the Republic of South Africa Cape Town Dear Honourable Kwankwa, Year-in-review report on my role as Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans within the Government of National Unity I trust this letter finds you in good health and high resolve. BACKGROUND AND PURPOSE Since my appointment as Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans in July 2024, I have had the privilege of engaging meaningfully with various parliamentary structures, state institutions, and formations within the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), as well as in certain instances, alongside the Minister - as evidently drawn in a summative table below, there was no space to breathe. These engagements have highlighted both the strengths and the structural weaknesses within our broader governance ecosystem. Most of the issues identified are of a legacy nature. The Auditor-General’s report has been instrumental in guiding the new Ministry, the Joint Standing Committee on Defence, and the Portfolio Committee on Defence, providing critical insight into the terrain we are expected to navigate. It is clear that the Department of Defence did not escape the effects of state capture. The ongoing SIU investigations initiated through proclamations signed by the President and the fact that the former Minister is still before the courts highlight the depth of the challenges we face. These realities point to a protracted process of restoring the integrity and capacity of the SANDF, a task further complicated by years of chronic underfunding. Another matter that garnered considerable public and institutional attention was the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) debacle, which placed the Department of Defence under intense scrutiny. This incident raised serious concerns about the overall capacity, preparedness, and logistical readiness of the SANDF to effectively carry out its continental peacekeeping and combat obligations. It further brought into question the adequacy of our planning processes, resource allocation, and strategic command structures in high-risk deployments. The DRC episode served as a stark reminder of the urgent need to review and strengthen our defence capabilities, particularly in the context of multinational operations under the auspices of SADC or the African Union. Adding to the ongoing concerns is the increasing impact of climate change, which continues to present new and evolving threats to our country’s security and humanitarian stability. This changing climate landscape is testing the capacity of the SANDF to respond swiftly and effectively, particularly in the deployment of rescue equipment and disaster relief operations. A case in point is the devastating floods in the Eastern Cape, which tragically claimed the lives of at least 92 people, though the final death toll is yet to be confirmed. Despite the scale of the disaster, only one Oryx helicopter was deployed for rescue and relief efforts days after the disaster had occurred, highlighting the severe limitations in our aerial response capabilities during emergencies. This highlights the urgent need to improve SANDF’s disaster response readiness in alignment with the growing frequency and intensity of climate-related events. The purpose of this letter is twofold: To provide you, as Parliamentary Leader of the United Democratic Movement (UDM), with a concise reflection on the nature of oversight and executive engagement I have undertaken since assuming office; and To urge, in the strongest terms, the reactivation and intensification of Parliament’s role in holding the Executive accountable on several unresolved matters of national importance, especially those the UDM has historically championed. It is my belief that the UDM’s principled, consistent, and people-centred voice must now take a more assertive role in ensuring that findings, commissions, and legislative frameworks lead to real consequences and reform. SUMMARY OF ALL ENGAGEMENTS This Meetings Summary Table outlines the scope of my official engagements over the reporting period. It serves as a record of the work I have undertaken in the execution of my duties as Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans. The engagements span parliamentary responsibilities, oversight of the Department and the SANDF, Cabinet cluster coordination, and international cooperation. I have always believed that public office must be anchored in accountability and purpose-driven action. Each meeting reflected in this table represents a deliberate effort to advance the priorities of our defence mandate, strengthen operational efficiency, and respond to the needs of our servicemen and women, veterans, and broader society. Whether meeting with international partners, military leadership, parliamentary committees, or community stakeholders, my focus has remained on upholding the integrity of the portfolio and ensuring that decisions are informed, inclusive, and responsive to our evolving national and global context. This table is therefore more than a schedule - it is a transparent demonstration of the work done, the responsibilities carried, and the trust placed in my office to serve with diligence, consistency, and impact. Meeting Type / Category Total Meeting Count Summary Description Department of Defence (DoD) related meetings 63 Strategic meetings with Armscor, Denel, Defence Secretariat, AG compliance briefings, logistics planning, HR and CMIS oversight, force design sessions, budget alignment talks, and NCACC duties. SANDF Service Formations 42 Operational visits and reviews at SA Army HQ, Navy HQ, AFB Waterkloof, Military Police, Defence Intelligence, SAMHS, Logistics HQ, CMIS, and SF Brigade; command parades and capability briefings. Joint Standing Committee on Defence (JSCD) 12 Defence oversight briefings, acquisition performance reviews, and coordination with Treasury and Armscor. Portfolio Committee on Defence & MV 58 Parliamentary meetings focused on oversight of military veterans, departmental annual reports, and policy matters. Cabinet & Cluster Meetings 33 Engagements in JCPS and ICTS Cabinet Clusters, Deputy Ministers forums, Cabinet Lekgotla, executive caucuses, and inter-cluster alignments. International & Diplomatic Engagements 51 Bilateral engagements with Turkey, Italy, Pakistan, Spain, China, Cuba, India, the US, Japan, France, Russia, and multilateral meetings including BRICS, Ethiopia, AU Peace & Security Council sessions, arms control dialogues, the Thabo Mbeki Foundation dialogue on peace and security, various conferences on peace and security, and embassy briefings. Countries Visited on Bilateral Missions 6 Ethiopia, India, Pakistan, Cuba, Japan, and France. Community / Civic Engagements 19 Veteran forums, traditional leadership sessions, Youth Day, Women’s events, rural civic visits, and local councillor engagements. MILITARY DIPLOMACY AND STRATEGIC BILATERAL ENGAGEMENTS Over the course of this reporting period, I have placed a strong emphasis on advancing South Africa’s military diplomacy through a series of targeted bilateral and multilateral engagements. These efforts are aimed at deepening defence cooperation, strengthening strategic partnerships, and safeguarding our national interests in a dynamic and often volatile global environment. In meetings with representatives of foreign governments, military attachés, and international defence institutions, I have consistently advocated for the expansion of opportunities for our officers to attend foreign staff courses and specialised military training programmes. Building the intellectual and leadership capacity of the SANDF remains a top priority, and external training partnerships are central to that goal. Furthermore, I have worked to promote the interests of South Africa’s defence industry, calling for increased collaboration in manufacturing, technology transfer, and procurement opportunities. By encouraging reciprocal engagement between our state-owned and private defence entities and their international counterparts, we have opened new avenues for innovation and market access. These engagements have not been ceremonial. In some instances, we have used quiet diplomacy to de-escalate tensions, clarify miscommunications, and avert diplomatic fallout that could have had far-reaching implications for our defence posture and foreign relations. I remain committed to ensuring that every interaction, whether at a reception, conference, or strategic roundtable, serves the broader purpose of peace, preparedness, and prosperity for our nation and the region. IMPLEMENTATION OF THE 2015 DEFENCE REVIEW In terms of the FY2023/24 Ministerial Priorities as agreed to with the President on 18 July 2023, the Minister of Defence and Military Veterans was set the target of “Conducting an Evaluation of the Defence Review 2015 and Action Plan” for completion by 31 October 2024. The Department completed the draft documents in fulfilment of both the FY2023/24 Ministerial Priorities, as well as the subsequent direction as was given by the President during a bilateral engagement on 24 January 2024. The above- mentioned work-in-progress was formally submitted to the Presidency before the said 31 October 2024 deadline. PROCESS UNDERTAKEN The work-in-progress includes (inter alia): A concise PESTEL(M) Analysis of the Strategic Environment at the Global, Continental, Regional and National (GCRN) Dimensions. A Draft Defence Capstone Policy Concept for the Republic of South Africa. A Draft Military Capstone Strategizing Concept for the Defence and Protection of the Republic of South Africa. A Draft South African Military Strategy, Force Design and Force Structure for the period 2025 – 2055. The Journey to Greatness (Long Term Planning Intent). It was envisaged that a planned series of engagements and consultations would be pursued with the President and other critical stakeholders under the direction of the Minister before such work is formally tabled in Cabinet and in Parliament. Consequently, the South African National Security Council (SANSC) has directed the South African National Security Secretariat (SANSS) to develop a Report on the Reviewing of the Defence Review 2015 and the considerations for “investing in a sustainable modern Defence Force”. An initial engagement took place with the SANSS on 17 March 2025, where it was decided that a one-day workshop between the Department and the SANSS would be planned for the near future. This second engagement took place on Friday 13 June 2025. The work was well received and positive support was expressed in terms of the 1.5% of GDP Defence Funding Target as set by the President. The SANSS subsequently resolved to establish a small team of DGs (including the DG of the National Treasury) to engage on the fiscal strategy for attaining the goal as set by the President. Once endorsed by the National Treasury and the Ministry of Finance, this matter will proceed to the National Security Council and possibly Cabinet for further endorsement. Furthermore, the Minister will also be engaging with the Speaker and the Chairs of Parliamentary Committees on modalities for engagement with the relevant oversight bodies, so as to add value to this important work. The Department of Defence met the deadline as it was set by the Presidency. However, the Department cannot issue copies of the documents in question to the Portfolio Committee, or any structure beyond those explicitly identified for initial consultation, until a formal directive or clearance is received from the President. The decision on whether these documents may be distributed to oversight bodies rests with the Presidency, and the Department remains bound by that process. OVERSIGHT ROLE IN THE NATIONAL CONVENTIONAL ARMS CONTROL COMMITTEE (NCACC) As part of our collective responsibilities in the National Conventional Arms Control Committee (NCACC), we have actively contributed to the clearing of a significant backlog of arms control applications and export permits. Regular sittings of the Committee have ensured that due process is followed while maintaining the momentum necessary to support South Africa’s defence trade and associated industries. The backlog, which had affected operational timelines and contract fulfilment, has been systematically addressed except in instances where further verification or end-user clarity is still required. Our approach has balanced national security interests with economic imperatives, ensuring that compliant transactions are processed without unnecessary delay. Importantly, this work has direct fiscal implications. Every approved permit contributes to sustaining the country’s defence manufacturing base, securing jobs, and increasing state revenue. The NCACC therefore functions not only as a regulatory mechanism but also as a strategic enabler of industrial and economic resilience. We remain convinced that if the recovery and growth plans presented by Denel and Armscor are implemented with urgency and alignment, these state-owned entities can be repositioned toward institutional ascendancy. Through coordinated support and policy certainty, we can restore their role as vital components of South Africa’s defence capability and global competitiveness. ENGAGEMENTS WITH DEFENCE INDUSTRY STAKEHOLDERS Recent engagements with stakeholders across the defence industry were held as part of ongoing efforts to advance the implementation of public-private partnership (PPP) resolutions adopted during previous national platforms. These interactions served both as progress reviews and as strategic exchanges aimed at deepening cooperation in critical capability areas, including artillery systems, weapons testing, and industrial modernisation. The engagements also reaffirmed a shared commitment to leveraging the local defence industry as a cornerstone of national security and economic growth. A central focus of these engagements was the increasing interest, both domestically and internationally, in concluding memoranda of understanding (MoUs) with South African partners. These MoUs are expected to strengthen collaboration in advanced defence manufacturing and testing, helping position South Africa as a serious global player in next-generation defence systems. Discussions also centred on developing a coherent industry roll-out strategy that aligns local capabilities with global demand, enables technology transfer, and revitalises underutilised infrastructure for defence innovation. Stakeholders noted some progress since the last formal conference, but also expressed concern over regulatory delays, particularly those related to the issuing of permits by oversight bodies. These delays have disrupted momentum on several priority projects, thereby limiting the speed and scale of PPP execution. On a positive note, regulatory engagements with National Treasury have yielded revised guidelines, effective June 2025, that provide broader space for PPPs in areas such as prime mission equipment maintenance and upgrades. Concurrent consultations with the SANDF are also underway to ensure that industry proposals respond directly to operational requirements. One of the most significant recommendations arising from these discussions is the proposal to establish a dedicated PPP Directorate within the Department of Defence. This unit would serve as the central coordinating body for all PPP-related initiatives, reporting directly to senior leadership and working closely with oversight structures such as the Council on Defence and SANDF command. Stakeholders further recommended that the scope of PPPs be expanded beyond weapons systems to include strategic infrastructure development such as military hospitals, new bases, and the rehabilitation of command and logistics centres, thereby enabling comprehensive capability renewal. These engagements concluded with a unified commitment to intensify coordination between government, the defence force, state-owned entities, and industry partners. The focus going forward is to finalise a practical implementation roadmap for PPPs, remove regulatory bottlenecks, and institutionalise a mechanism to drive delivery on key resolutions. Stakeholders reiterated their readiness to support the Department’s efforts in positioning the local defence industry as a strategic, responsive, and globally competitive contributor to national development and security imperatives. ISSUES FACED BY MILITARY VETERANS One of the critical departments currently facing significant challenges is the Department of Military Veterans (DMV), particularly with regard to the prolonged delays in filling vacant posts. In response, we have convened a series of strategic sessions aimed at resolving these longstanding issues. These efforts have included the development of structured data management procedures, the compilation of a comprehensive implementation plan, and the establishment of a reliable and up-to-date veterans database. Through these targeted interventions, we are confident that tangible progress will be achieved, ensuring improved service delivery and greater satisfaction for military veterans across the country. Furthermore, we are working in close collaboration with the Presidential Task Team (PTT) to accelerate the resolution of the pressing issues identified above. This partnership is anchored in a shared commitment to restoring dignity and improving the quality of life for military veterans. The PTT serves as a vital coordinating mechanism, bringing together various stakeholders across government to ensure alignment, expedite decision-making, and remove bureaucratic obstacles. PARLIAMENTARY ENGAGEMENTS TO DATE In adherence to the principles of transparency and executive accountability, I have participated in a wide range of key engagements since assuming office, as reflected in the Meetings Summary Table above. These include: Portfolio Committee on Defence and Military Veterans – Regular attendance and formal submissions on matters affecting strategic capability, force readiness, and the well-being of military veterans, including oversight on departmental performance and policy execution. Joint Standing Committee on Defence – Active participation in joint oversight sessions, with specific focus on defence budget alignment, acquisition oversight, interdepartmental coordination, and strengthening the operational posture of the South African National Defence Force. Parliamentary Budget Votes and Debates – Participation in defence-related budget vote debates, including presenting key departmental priorities, defending expenditure patterns, and outlining performance targets in support of the Vote 23 allocation. Questions and Answers in Parliament – Engagements in plenary sessions involving questions to the President and Deputy President, as well as oral and written responses to parliamentary queries related to peace and security, military procurement, international cooperation, and veterans’ affairs. The nature of these engagements has not only reinforced the importance of parliamentary oversight but has also highlighted the urgent need for meaningful and enforceable accountability across all arms of the state. These engagements reveal systemic weaknesses, recurring audit disclaimers, and a dangerous normalisation of underperformance in service delivery and defence operations. In this context, the United Democratic Movement must position itself at the forefront of revitalising Parliament’s role. We must not only build on previous oversight work, but also be uncompromising in demanding implementation, consequence management, and institutional reform. Whether dealing with state-owned entities, public funds, or post-commission reform, the UDM must lead efforts to restore ethical and effective governance. ENGAGEMENTS WITH SANDF SERVICE FORMATIONS AND DEFENCE INDUSTRY ENTITIES In line with my executive responsibilities and the constitutional duty to ensure responsive governance, we have conducted a series of structured engagements with the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) and its associated defence industry institutions. These engagements have been instrumental in mapping the operational posture, resource gaps, institutional dysfunctions, and potential areas of reform within the defence ecosystem. Within the SANDF, we have exercised oversight on the following service formations and divisions: South African Army South African Air Force South African Navy South African Military Health Service (SAMHS) Military Police Division Logistics Division Human Resources Division Military Intelligence Division, among others. Each of these components performs a critical function in safeguarding the territorial integrity, sovereignty, and national interests of the Republic. However, these briefings have revealed a pattern of declining capacity, exacerbated by chronic underfunding, outdated equipment, infrastructure backlogs, and skills attrition. ENGAGEMENTS WITH THE DEFENCE INDUSTRY: DENEL AND ARMSCOR In addition to these military briefings, we have participated in oversight and strategic discussions with the two most significant players in our domestic defence industrial base - Denel and Armscor. These engagements have been instrumental in reaffirming the defence function not as an expense, but as a constitutional guarantee of sovereignty, stability, and peacekeeping in the region. However, without strategic intervention by Parliament, the SANDF risks organisational stagnation. The effectiveness of Parliament has been ambiguous for some time, with many struggling to comprehend that portfolio committees, particularly those overseeing Defence, have been raising alarms over a continued decline, yet the resolutions have largely amounted to little more than talk shops over the years. Every week, we report to the portfolio committees on these issues, but when it comes to Parliament’s role in capacitating these committees and ensuring the protection of our country, tangible support has been lacking. Even when in 2023 the President issued a directive to increase defence funding from 0.57% to 1.5% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), subsequent Cabinet meetings reduced these urgent calls to mere rhetoric, and the National Treasury failed to allocate the necessary funds. Parliament and the Government of National Unity must establish a structured, accountable process to implement resolutions, especially those related to Defence and oversight bodies such as SCOPA. PARLIAMENT’S OVERSIGHT MANDATE: LEGISLATIVE AND CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK Parliament’s oversight function is grounded in our democratic Constitution and further supported by key legislation that empowers Members of Parliament to act decisively: Section 55(2) of the Constitution mandates the National Assembly to “provide for mechanisms to ensure that all executive organs of state in the national sphere of government are accountable to it”; Section 92(2) and (3) of the Constitution holds Cabinet members individually and collectively accountable to Parliament; Rules of the National Assembly empower committees to summon any person to provide evidence, produce documents, or account for their actions; The Financial Management of Parliament and Provincial Legislatures Act (Act 10 of 2009) and the Money Bills Amendment Procedure and Related Matters Act (Act 9 of 2009) outline Parliament’s role in fiscal scrutiny and resource allocation oversight. This framework makes it clear: Parliament is not a passive observer. It is a constitutional watchdog with the authority and duty to demand accountability, transparency, and implementation. URGENT NATIONAL PRIORITIES DEMANDING PARLIAMENTARY ACTION Considering the background outlined above, I respectfully urge you to deploy the full weight of your office and the UDM’s parliamentary caucus to intensify oversight and push for finality on the following critical matters: Implementation of the Zondo Commission Findings The State Capture Commission unveiled an architecture of corruption that compromised state institutions and undermined public trust. Yet, implementation of its findings remains inconsistent and slow. The UDM, through Parliamentary procedures must: Demand detailed progress reports from the Presidency and the NPA; Ensure asset recovery is expedited and transparent; Create a dedicated oversight structure within Parliament to track implementation and prevent institutional regression; Introduce reforms to seal procurement loopholes and reinforce the independence of law enforcement bodies. Champion and expedite the enactment of legislation that enshrines the Commission’s rulings into law, effectively safeguarding the state from future attempts of corruption in any form. Public Investment Corporation (PIC) Accountability The Mpati Commission laid bare the mismanagement and undue influence within the PIC, risking public servants’ pensions. The UDM, through Parliamentary procedures must: Demand a detailed and public implementation report from Treasury and the PIC; Reinforce transparency in investment decisions; Re-evaluate laws governing the PIC to insulate it from political and commercial abuse. State Response to Ex-Mineworkers The UDM has long championed justice for ex-mineworkers, many of whom continue to suffer from occupational illnesses without compensation. Despite acknowledgment from former President Mbeki, implementation remains weak. The UDM, through Parliamentary procedures must: Pursue diligent follow-up on all correspondence directed to the Presidency and the Department of Labour during the tenure of former Minister Thulas Nxesi, wherein the UDM formally submitted numerous letters concerning this matter. Demand a policy framework with timelines and budget allocations for redress; Establish an interdepartmental task team to coordinate response efforts; Oversee enforcement of legal rulings and settlement payouts to affected mineworkers and their families. Land Reform and Restitution Delays The backlog in land claims, particularly post-1998 claims, continues to disenfranchise communities. The UDM, through Parliamentary procedures must: Demand a revised, time-bound implementation plan from the Commission on Restitution of Land Rights; Introduce clearer legislative frameworks for expediting land restitution and tenure security. Collapse of Provincial Health Systems and NHI Readiness While the National Health Insurance (NHI) Bill signals intent for universal healthcare, existing infrastructure and corruption in the provincial health systems raise serious concerns where many are destitute. The UDM, through Parliamentary procedures must: Demand provincial audits on hospital infrastructure and medical staffing; Scrutinise funding flows in aim to prevent tender manipulation; Insist on a phased, measurable NHI roll-out plan with clear reporting mechanisms to Parliament. The other issue is the pension of the South Africa Transkei Bophuthatswana Venda Ciskei (SATBVC) states , President Ramaphosa during the State of the Nation Address (SoNA) instructed the minister of Finance to address the matter, but Treasury once more ignored this call, however, we managed to bring it back to Parliament and are simply asking him to monitor the progress of the finalisation of this enquiry and address the concerns of these pensioners. The other pressing matter is that which relates to the remuneration of the herdsman (iiBhodi). Numerous engagements with the Presidency, National Treasury, and COGTA had been initiated by the UDM in the 6th administration, and it my plea that your office further escalates the matter to ensure that there is action in as far as this issue concerned. Youth Unemployment and Skills Mismatch The UDM, through Parliamentary procedures must also confront the unacceptably high rate of youth unemployment, now surpassing 60% in some areas. Despite billions spent on education and skills development, graduates remain locked out of the economy. The UDM should demand: Full audits of SETAs and the National Skills Fund; Reforms linking training programmes directly to identified economic sectors; State procurement policies that prioritise youth-owned enterprises and cooperatives. CONCLUSION This report serves as a summative reflection on the engagements, responsibilities, and strategic interventions undertaken over the reporting period. It captures not only the scope of work executed in alignment with my portfolio duties, but also reflects the broader institutional and policy challenges we continue to confront as public representatives. The insights and data provided herein are intended to inform, support, and empower the critical oversight role played by your office and by Parliament more broadly. Honourable Kwankwa, we are at a historical juncture. Public confidence in democratic institutions is eroding. The gap between policy and implementation continues to widen. It is in this context that the UDM’s voice and leadership in Parliament must grow louder and more decisive. I remain committed to providing assistance wherever possible, fully appreciating the established reporting protocols given my deployment within the Executive. Nonetheless, I wish to emphasise with conviction that when these critical matters are brought forth by your esteemed office, they are far more likely to gain the necessary traction, visibility, and momentum. This will significantly amplify the many voices we represent in Parliament and ensure that our concerns receive the urgent attention they deserve. We must insist on accountability, demand justice for the forgotten, and champion ethical governance as a pillar of transformation. Through your leadership, Parliament must become a place where reports are not only tabled, but implemented; where corruption is not only debated, but punished; and where vulnerable communities are not only heard, but served. With a thorough understanding of the dynamics within the Government of National Unity (GNU), I intend to formally raise these concerns at the forthcoming Bosberaad of GNU leaders, convened as per the President’s suggestion in response to the recent budgetary challenges and the discontent expressed by other political parties regarding aspects of the decision-making process. It is particularly notable that the African National Congress (ANC) and the Democratic Alliance (DA) are, in posture, seen to be undermining other parties and excluding them in all decision-making processes. The aim of this Bosberaad is to view the priority areas that need alignment and rethinking. Please be assured of my continued cooperation and support in pursuit of this collective national duty. Yours sincerely, Maj. Gen. (Ret.) BH Holomisa President of the United Democratic Movement Deputy Minister of Defence & Military Veterans
• Honourable Chairperson • Honourable Minister and Deputy Minister • Secretary of Defence • Fellow Committee Members and Parliamentarians • Ladies and gentlemen 1. Thank you Allow me this opportunity to thank our Chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Defence and Military Veterans, Mr VC Xaba, MP, for the opportunity to address you today. 2. Introduction In a time of war, the politics and society are willing to accept that the military has a just cause and its own set of values and standards, because we believe that they act for a higher good. The majority of the populace is happy to believe that the military is acting on its behalf and that it will do so with honour and justness. We have two familiar examples in our history where this is true: The South African Border War and the Armed Struggle. In both cases “the people”, or at the very least, certain sections of society, approved of, and supported and believed in, those armed actions. However, upon the dawn of true democracy, government was challenged by the necessity to make a paradigm shift, in which the South African National Defence Force simultaneously had to build an institution that is transparent, accountable and representative of the societal demographics. In addition, the former statutory and non-statutory armies had to be moulded into one united force. Both tall orders and as I discovered in my work with the Defence Force Service Commission, we, after 25 years, are still struggling to get right. As a quick example, many defence force men and women, who came from the various former armed forces retained their force numbers. There is no uniformity in the system and it has led to discrimination in promotions. We can, however, all agree that there must be a balance between having a well-funded and strong military to defend the state’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and well-being of its citizenry, and one that is subservient enough to not threaten the state and the people. But most of all, we need to guard against a military that is abused by government to quash dissent and destroy human rights and freedoms. We just have to look at our own history to understand how serious such a situation can be. 3. Parliament and laws keep us from running the risk of repeating the past The relationship between the military and civil society is sometimes a fickle one. On the continent, it has happened that the people look to the military to almost “save” them from the abuse of severe governmental corruption and looting of resources. In South Africa, there has for good reason, been a marked constitutional shift from “doing things the old way”, where military decisions were taken at security council level without consulting parliament. Which, in a certain way, meant that the military held government and the people at ransom. We can be thankful that our constitution now dictates that parliament has an imperative role to play in terms of monitoring our defence force’s readiness and sanctioning military action should the country be in imminent danger. Parliament must be kept abreast of the goings-on in the military, such as budget and operational needs, which talks to civilian oversight in its strongest and purest form. The laws governing the military and defence reviews (1998 and 2012/3) are the tools used to ensure that the civil-military relations in South Africa are healthy, trustable and that this relationship is kept stable and intact. 4. What could the business of the defence force be if we are not at war Not all threats are what we could traditionally consider the business of a defence force. The role of the defence force is not only to protect our people from outside military threats as, sometimes, the problem arises from within our borders. That is why the military should from time to time work in support of the police. Serious crime in various guises threaten the internal safety of our citizens and the security of our country. • There is a form of “economic espionage” where the intellectual property of Denel and Armscor is pillaged. • South Africans with links to foreign countries make use of our porous borders to fuel the drug trade to where it has become a pandemic. • Hijacked vehicles find their way across our borders in a matter of hours. Aside from the obvious role the defence force, for instance, plays in peacekeeping operations and emergency assist in case of natural disasters, it is clear that we need to let our minds go to see where the defence force can also play a meaningful role. 5. Secretary of Defence: is the civilian component inside the department effective? I want to zone into a very specific mechanism of civilian oversight in terms of the department of defence. As the system stands, for day-to-day administration and the coordination of strategic processes, the Minister of Defence and Military Veterans relies on the Defence Secretariat; which is the civilian component within the department. The system of having a Secretary of Defence primarily works well in developed countries, which have their own military conscription programmes, which in turn means there is a general understanding of how the military works. There is therefore a deep appreciation for the basic underpinnings of defence, which are speed, control and discipline. Even so, normally, the person who holds the post of Secretary of Defence has likely studied defence as a profession and is steeped in military culture. We need to understand that in a country where this is not the case, this leads to tensions. For instance, during my period of service on the Defence Force Service Commission, many frustrations were registered with us regarding the Secretary of Defence. On our tours across the country, interacting with the defence professionals and military careerists, the delays in decision-making and implementation was a hot topic. Commanders reported that they were constantly embarrassed when they were forced to go to the rank and file to try and explain why certain decisions were not yet implemented. This is not military culture. The Defence Force Service Commission quite often heard of scenarios where the office of the Secretary for Defence was blamed for delays. It seemed to them that the Secretary spent far too much time outside the country, for whatever reason, and was not preoccupied with making the defence force a well-oiled machine. We can all agree that the work of our defence force is by its very nature based on its ability and need to make quick decisions and ensure effective implementation. It is therefore counter-intuitive, that a civilian non-professional would be the lynchpin in this process. As currently implemented, civilian oversight has evolved into the appointment of civilians in the highest decision-making positions in a manner that undermines the ability of the security forces to manage their operations effectively. In my view, we need to take a look at the practicality of the current system of civilian oversight in the department of defence. Do we still need the Secretary of Defence to be an accounting officer? I personally favour that the commander of the defence force plays this role. Civilian oversight can reside with the office of the minister with constant liaison with parliament. Because, after all, how can the Secretary of Defence play the role of oversight and be the accounting officer? It’s just not common sense. In addition, it would be good if the defence force leadership could directly indicate their budgetary requirements to National Treasury. This will go a long way in making it an effective force that can serve this country well, and keep us safe. 6. Closing We can all agree that there is a careful, if not sometimes precarious, balance between the legislature, civil society and the military. Given our country’s history, it is all the more important that we continue to maintain this balance that we have struck over the past 25 years, but we must also be realistic about what works and what does not. It is of no use to cling to that which does not work at the expense of our country’s safety and the ability of the defence force to fulfil its constitutional mandate, in particular that “The defence force must be structured and managed as a disciplined military force”. I thank you.
Address by Mr BH Holomisa, MP (UDM President) on Budget Vote 22: Defence and Military Veterans on 23 July 2014 in the National Assembly Chairperson Honourable Minister and Deputy Minister Honourable Members The United Democratic Movement supports budget vote 22. The department is one of the fortunate to have retained its Minister after 2014 elections therefore promising continuity of strategy and direction. As a member of the Defence Service Commission, I concur with defence force programme and plans as announced by the Minister today. Whilst appreciating minister’s input, however, as a country we need to look at some of the mandates given to us especially peace keeping related tasks. South Africa must always consider these tasks against its own safety, the safety of the troops deployed and its people. Conditions of service and equipment of the South African National Defence Force has not yet reached the expected standards and levels, much still need to be done. This situation is further exacerbated by a bloated bureaucracy and lack of professionalism within the defence force. Whilst the concept of civilian oversight, we all endorse, this house need to evaluate as to what extent is the approach affecting the capacity of the defence force in discharging its Constitutional mandate. The defence is an instruction based institution underpinned by key fundamental principles of high level discipline, speed and control. President Zuma, in 2010 appointed an Interim Force Service Commission to look at the challenges confronting the defence force at the time, as we all know the findings of the commission are well documented. The frustrating part is the slow pace in implementing the recommendations of the commission. It becomes more frustrating learning that some allocated budgets are under-utilised and returned to the fiscus. The United Democratic Movement recommends that this house, reconsider returning the Accounting Officer’s powers back to the Commander of the Defence Force and retain the civilian oversight in the Minister’s office. Such a bold step shall drastically increase the speed at which the conditions of service of our Defence Force are improved. It will further reduce the amount of bureaucratic red tape. Thank you
Address by Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP in the Parliamentary Debate on deployment of SA National Defence Force to Central African Republic 23 April 2013 Mister Speaker, Mister President and Honourable Members, “They had gone to CAR to assist. We never anticipated that we would be attacked. Somebody said when they were interviewing me, is it that maybe we were failed by our intelligence that had not picked up that we were going to be attacked”. This is what the Honourable Minister of Defence told the Nation two weeks ago. The Minister would have given better answers had she demanded an operational report from her Commanders. Her argument that she “did not anticipate to be attacked” is incomprehensible, considering that the CAR government briefed her of the imminent offensive from the rebel forces during her visit to that country late last year. It was during this meeting that the CAR government requested reinforcement from the South Africa government. The Minister came back and briefed the President about this request. Subsequently, President Zuma announced the deployment of an additional 400 troops in CAR with the mandate to disarm, demobilise and integrate the rebel forces into the army as well as protect the SANDF’s 26 trainers in CAR. Given this unambiguous mandate, it is puzzling to hear the Honourable Minister claim that she and her Commanders did not anticipate to be attacked. The existence of the operational report mentioned above would have given us specifics on details about the people who failed our troops in CAR and in the process disgraced our country. This report is important if we are to avoid making similar mistakes in future and to ensure that we take punitive steps against those who did not carry out orders. The same report would interrogate the allegations that our troops were deployed in that country to protect former President Bozizé and the business interests and assets of some politically connected South Africans. While talking of former President Bozizé, he made a startling revelation in December last year, when he publicly complained that his government was being targeted for giving mining rights to South Africa and China. The question now remains: “To what extent have these mining rights been diverted away from South African State owned mining companies in favour of a select few politically connected individuals and companies, such as Chancellor House, as reported?” It is becoming a norm in the African continent for countries to help other countries in exchange for their resources. In light of all the above, we should ask ourselves whether our presence in CAR served national interests or narrow party political interests. However, the reluctance of Government to establish a Commission of Inquiry to look into this matter compels us to be in agreement with those who claim that our troops in CAR were used to ensure that the looting spree in that country continued unabated. I wish to conclude by stating that, no amount of cover-ups and misinformation will prevent the truth about what happened in CAR from eventually coming out. Thank you.
Statement issued by the Co-leaders of the UDM The UDM congratulates Lt. Gen. Nyanda with his appointment as chief of the South African National Defense Force. The UDM believes that his appointment will enhance the completion of the transformation process in the SANDF. We call on Lt. Gen. Nyanda to build a united military core, able to fulfill its changed role and ready to serve the people of South Africa.