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21 Jan, 2020
Dismissal of corrupt managers at the SABC is not enough!
The United Democratic Movement is of the view that the reports that shows the South African Broadcast Corporation (SABC) has lost 1.5Billion in revenue over the period of 2018/19 is unacceptable to the core. The dismissal and disciplinary measures by the Public broadcaster are not enough punishable measures for the perpetrators. The public has heard enough of this. The SABC, recently got a bailout of 2.1Billion rand for their incompetence, irregular expenditure, irregular discounts and corruption milking the public broadcaster’s purse. These unacceptable practices is continuously putting pressure, load on the public purse to save the corporation. If top management does not play blind into irregularities at the SABC, taxpayers would not have to bail this SOE. Seemingly, the current SABC board is also failing to bring about positive and effective change, the board knew exactly what was happening at the public broadcaster since taking over from infamous Hlaudi Motsoeneng’s board. They promised to bring about change as they claimed to have a turn-around strategy. The South Africans were prepared to give them a sympathetic ear but have been let down again. The UDM call for the Minister Stella Ndabeni-Abrahams to be decisive in taking harsh stance and heads must roll at the SABC starting from the board members. We demand that criminal charges be brought forth to all those involved in this corruption with impunity. We need to see them behind bars. The youth of South Africa is yearning for opportunities of employment in order to realise their dreams as producers, presenters and directors at the public broadcaster, however, some greedy individuals are taking away all those dreams from them. The UDM can no longer be by-standers and watch our future becoming bleak every minute. How long will these SOE’s milk South African’s hard earned money that would have been used to create much needed opportunities, building a winning nation with a thriving economy. We are tired of incompetence and it should end now! — end – Issued By: Bongani Msomi UDM SECRETARY GENERAL
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08 Mar, 2016
Bantu Holomisa writes to SABC about ANC hijacking of Imvuselelo
Honourable Minister F Muthambi, The Chairperson of the SABC Board, The Provincial Manager of Umhlobo Wenene ANC HIJACKING OF THE SABC – UMHLOBO WENENE IMVUSELELO PROGRAMME The above matter has reference. I am an ardent follower of the Imvuselelo Programme broadcasted by SABC by Umhlobo Wenene Radio Station. Every Sunday evening, I invest time to listen to this spiritually building programme since the time of the late Reverend Lufafa from the then Radio Transkei. When it was integrated into the programmes of Umhlobo Wenene, I continued following it. In the past the programme was purely religious in every aspect. Today, the African National Congress (ANC) Government has hijacked the programme with Members of the Executive Council and Mayors using public money. It has been captured by an unethical ruling party and turned it to be its campaigning platform. After the elections of 2014 it raised eyebrows when this programme went to Bhisho to wash the premier’s feet, even though it was known that he was under investigation, because an amount of R200 000 from monies earmarked for former President Mandela’s funeral ended up in his personal account. Every time the programme airs, you find these Executive Members at centre stage of the church and are given a podium to campaign for their political party. I attended one of these services in Mthatha and it was most repulsive to see the ANC Women’s League Members wearing their uniforms. I was told that when this programme was recently broadcasted from Sterkspruit and Mancam Village in Mqanduli that one would not be amiss to think that it was an ANC gathering. ANC flags and other campaign material were paraded during what is supposed to be a religious gathering for all citizens irrespective of their political affiliation. If you were to listen to the recording of the service in Mancam, the MEC of Social Development made no bones of praising her party and bringing service delivery to the people. She went on praising the role of ANC stalwarts. You tell me if that is not political campaigning. Writing this letter, I also consulted some party leaders who informed me that the same abuse is true of a religious programme on Radio Lesedi called Mafulong a Matala. I fail to understand why the SABC, as the public broadcaster, would allow itself to be used for political gain by a ruling party. If public funds are used for the benefit of the public, the SABC should extend participation to all political parties represented in the area where the programme is held to air views on a specific issue affecting all citizens. It would be important that the SABC goes back to basics and run this programme using its own budget. Programmes like Imvuselelo should not be funded through provincial and/or local fiscus as such will come with conditions that will undermine the independence of the SABC. After all this money they are using is to bring services to the poor, such as roads, water and electricity and not to brainwash them with ANC propaganda. If the SABC charges the Guptas for the breakfast show on SABC TV2 from monies they receive from SEOs, such as Eskom, Transnet, etc. they certainly could afford this expense. SABC should refuse to be used as a mobilising vehicle of the ruling party using the platforms created to develop citizens spiritually. It is a public broadcaster and should be above party politics, at best it should create a separate programme for all political parties to use the public space equally. Should the SABC not stop this blatant bias in Imvuselelo, we shall be forced to instruct our members to attend these services in full party regalia, carrying party material, and insist that they on, the spot, be given a platform – as they do for the ANC – to address any topic they choose. I am sure other political parties would also welcome this opportunity, especially since talk-shows have been suspended by the SABC. Whilst you are pondering our demands in the meantime, could you please forward the schedule of these programmes so that we can tell our members to attend these services. I will always support Imvuselelo in the form that it was originally intended. I however outright reject the fact that the ANC has hijacked religious programmes for their own nefarious objectives. Our message is clear; the ANC must be stopped from hijacking SABC religious programmes. I hope this will be attended to urgently Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President Copied to: Secretary of the South African Council of Churches Party Political Leaders
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18 Feb, 2016
Bantu Holomisa writes to the Speaker of the NA re Gupta Family
• Mining Minister’s Gupta Trip • Name: Van Rooyen’s two Gupta ‘advisers’ who almost hijacked SA Treasury • Duarte denies abuse of office • Why the Gupta family’s alleged deal with Denel is dubious • Denel and Gupta venture ‘illegal’ • Gupta-Zuma Firm gets 10th of Richards Bay Coal Export Rights • Nuclear energy: Gupta’ power play (Shive Uranium) Dear Honourable Speaker THE THREAT PRESENTED BY THE GUPTA FAMILY TO THE SECURITY OF THE COUNTRY’S RESOURCES. The widely reported proximity between our head of state and the Gupta Family has reached unprecedented proportions and therefore demands an immediate intervention by an appropriate national legislative body. The reported transactions, some of which are attached, exposes that critical and strategic industries are targeted for influence and capture by this family and its associates, chiefly amongst others being the son of the President. Further disturbing reports are that, the cabinet seem to have been co-opted to an extent that they are obliged to be paraded during breakfast shows of SABC 2, organised by the New Age of the same family. These breakfast shows are directly funded by State Owned Enterprises (SOEs) yet our public broadcaster (SABC) gets zero and all the millions go to the Gupta family. The capture and control of the cabinet by this family has since gone beyond the breakfast shows, today the nation knows that, recently, the Minister of Mineral Resources accompanied this family to Switzerland to help snatch yet another coal mining deal. Already, some of the members of the cabinet are publicly undermined and embarrassed; as witnessed in the recent illegal joint venture with a State Owned Enterprise, Denel without the knowledge of the minister and compliance with the relevant regulatory framework, (PFMA) of our country. We are now told that the same family is snatching another coal exports rights through Richards Bay Coal Terminal. Once again, a direct family member of the President is part of this, we read. During the turmoil in our National Treasury caused by an abrupt and most devastating decision to unceremoniously remove a performing minister; the one-week minister came carrying as his hand bag, two so-called advisers, with highly questionable academic qualification, and not only allegedly linked to the same family, but one being a son in law of the Deputy Secretary General of the ruling party. These disturbing reports are a source of discomfort and threat to the already devastated economy of the country. They further undermine, the confidence of both local and outside investors. There is no reasonable and mindful business person who would be encouraged to invest his or her wealth in a country whose economy is run by a family. In this regard, the United Democratic Movement, request the Office of the Speaker to direct the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence to conduct hearings based on amongst others, these serious reports and allegations which are already undermining our economy and the country’s security. Kindly find attached reference articles listed above. Kindly advise Mr. Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement
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09 Oct, 2015
UDM reacts to SCA decision on SABC coup
Statement issued by President Bantu Holomisa, MP Statement on the Supreme Court of Appeal Judgement delivered on the 8th of October 2015 on a matter between SABC, Minister of Communication, Chief Operations Officer of the SABC and the Democratic Alliance The United Democratic Movement (UDM) welcomes the judgement delivered by the Supreme Court of Appeal (SCA) on the 8th of October 2015. This judgement vindicates what we have always understood to be the powers of the Office of the Public Protector. When everybody was shouting in Parliament about Nkandla, UDM soberly advised the President to take the report, findings and remedial actions of the Public Protector for judicial review. Yesterday’s SCA judgement has boxed the President into that corner in vindication of sober analysis and advice by the UDM. The SCA said amongst others…”an affected person” or institution aggrieved by a Public Protector’s findings could, in “appropriate circumstances” challenge it by way of review application. It further said “moreover, an individual or body affected by any finding, decision or remedial action taken by the Public Protector is not entitled to embark on a parallel investigation process to that of the Public Protector, and adopt the position that the outcome of that parallel process trumps the findings, decision or remedial actions taken by the Public Protector…” On the 20th of March 2015, I personally and as the Leader of the UDM in Parliament, penned a letter to the Speaker of the National Assembly, amongst others, highlighting to her the process that the NA was about to embark on, of referring the report of the Public Protector to the Minister of Police was flawed and that UDM shall not be part of undermining a Chapter Nine Institution and breaking the law. We were ignored. On the 6th of August 2015, during the question and answer session to the President, I asked the President: “Mr. President, The Public Protector investigated your private property, made findings and took appropriate remedial actions against you Not the cabinet nor this parliament, don’t you consider to save this House and the nation, by simply applying for a Judicial Review given that you have challenged her findings and this House cannot act as an appeal authority on a matter that DOES NOT BELONG HERE”. I see now other parties who were so keen in participating in a parallel process that seek to undermine a Chapter Nine Institution, have also came to this conclusion, and in the usual manner, act as if this has always been their stance. They can have their stolen thunder for the good of the nation. In light of all this, the UDM supports the call to establish a review board to find ways to strengthen Chapter Nine Institutions, such as the Public Protector’s Office and others. Clarification about legal powers of these institutions needs to be made if they are to play a complimentary oversight, assisting Parliament to do its work. Chapter Nine Institutions are there to help Parliament with oversight issues, and not merely act as watchdogs. Parliament needs to work in support of these institutions not to assist the axe against them.
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16 Apr, 2014
Holomisa contributes to The Daily Dispatch – Great Election Debate
• Moderator/Programme Director • The leaders of other political parties • Members of the audience • My fellow South Africans INTRODUCTION Thank you to the Daily Dispatch for giving the United Democratic Movement (UDM) the opportunity to discuss our points of view regarding our plans to transform South Africa into a Winning Nation. CORRUPTION FROM TOP TO BOTTOM Although some progress has been made over the past five years, corruption sticks out like a sore thumb. It is undeniable that South Africa finds itself on the slippery slope of more regular incidents of serious corruption. We have become a jaded nation where we only notice the misappropriation of funds if there are billions of Rands involved. We are witnessing a government that more and more resembles the dreaded apartheid regime. Here we think of the dissolution of the Scorpions, the introduction of the Information Bill, undermining press freedom, attacking Chapter 9 institutions and abuse of State Owned Enterprises (such as the SABC). The other alarming reality is that we have a president that does not know how state moneys were used to build his private residence… also, what happened to the so-called “spy tapes”? We are talking about a government that does not have the word “accountability” in their vocabulary. AN UNHEALTHY DEMOCRACY IN ACTION Our democratic constitution seeks to guarantee our freedom, but this can only be achieved if the socio-economic environment allows the Bill of Rights to be manifested i.e. a return to the original agenda to better the lives of all South Africans. As a result of the high rate of unemployment and poverty, our people have taken to the streets to voice their dissatisfaction. Sadly, government does not even bother to listen to their desperate plight and instead dispatches the police to silence them. IS THE PICTURE SO BLEAK THAT WE MIGHT AS WELL THROW IN THE TOWEL? The main question that a voter should ask of him/herself is this: “Do I want to suffer another five years at the hand of a party that loots state resources and celebrates corruption?”. The UDM believes the answer should be “no” and that we can still salvage the situation. WHAT WILL THE UDM DO IF GIVEN THE MANDATED TO GOVERN The UDM fundamentally believes that job creation is the ultimate weapon to combat poverty, but that the economy must be managed properly to achieve this goal. Strong government intervention is required to ensure that we have, amongst others, functioning roads, electrification, water irrigation and reticulation, and an efficient rail network, which are required to ensure economic growth. There are more details on what the UDM offers the nation in our 2014 Election manifesto, which is available on www.udm.org.za, but I would like to raise some salient points: A UDM government commits, amongst others, to: Good governance: a) Restore respect for the rule of law. b) Put in place the necessary checks and balances to ensure that government money is not wasted. c) Instil respect for the separation of powers of government, legislatures and the judiciary. d) Introduce courts dedicated to handle cases of corruption; to swiftly eradicate corruption. The economy and job creation: e) Remove the red-tape that prevent small businesses from flourishing so that our citizens become wealth creators rather than employment seekers. f) Invest in the economy with a properly planned “map of infrastructure development” with emphasis on transparency and cooperation between government and the people. g) To defuse the tensions between the government, labour and the private sector in an effort to harmonise relationships in an open and transparent manner. h) Treat all provinces the same way, instead of the current tendency where budget allocations are biased towards provinces from where powerful individuals hail. Feeding SA – food security and rural development i) Use agriculture as a tool to expand our economy, create jobs and generate wealth, especially in rural areas. j) Prioritise the needs of our commercial and emerging farmers by developing policies that will enable them to fairly compete against their international counterparts. k) Restore the respect due to traditional leaders and create space for them to constructively interact with councillors and involve them in the decision-making processes, especially where development projects are concerned. Education: l) Involve all the relevant stakeholders in curriculum development. m) Translate the large education budget into quality education by developing and maintaining an education system that produces school-leavers and graduates that are equipped with job related and life skills. Health care: n) Bring health care infrastructure and services closer to the poor. o) Ensure that the budget allocation is spent on the services for which it is intended and no “savings” or rollovers will be tolerated. THE EASTERN CAPE IN PARTICULAR It is common knowledge that the Eastern Cape is heavily under budgeted given the two homelands and townships’ infrastructure that had to be integrated into in the developed infrastructure that was inherited in 1994. This has not happened. The UDM has identified the following key objectives for this province: a) Address the democracy dividend deficiency so that it becomes a model province in terms of all development goals. b) Make the Eastern Cape one of the key economic growth areas in the country, so that it becomes the 4th fastest growing economy in South Africa by 2019. c) Improve on the quality of life of the poorest in the province, by bringing essential public services closer to the people and increase the capacity of the institutions that provide those services e.g. healthcare, education, food security and local employment opportunities. d) In particular, turn around the performance of the departments of health and education. e) Provide effective local governance through appropriate personnel employment, proper planning and utilisation of resources as well as performance management. f) Restore the correct relationships between politicians and officials. g) This province is endowed with the most spectacular and under-utilised resource in the form of our environment. Our environment is a priceless asset; and yes, development is necessary, but not at the expense of our natural heritage. Our environment can be preserved and also be used as a tool to create jobs through tourism. CONCLUSION We cannot afford to sit with our arms folded whilst the majority of our people live in abject poverty – future generations will judge us harshly, because we let things slide on our watch. The UDM election campaign is inspired by hope, and the certainty, that this nation can overcome its challenges and deliver a better future for all South Africans. 7 May is around the corner! Make your vote count! Vote UDM Thank you
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31 Oct, 2008
UDM input at the National Convention South African democracy at a crossroad: turning a new page
INTRODUCTION The debate about political realignment has long been in the minds of many people in this country. It has been discussed publicly and privately by writers, political parties, and other individuals. Also over the years we have seen developments such as the emergence of the DA, the dissolution of the NNP and its absorption into the ANC, as well as the formation of new political parties. All of these are signs of the impetus for political realignment. Those initiatives may not have been as effective as their architects may have hoped, but realignment is a process not an event. The UDM feels it will not be in the best interests of all South Africans if the debate is only about political alliances. Any serious discussion about realigning the political landscape should not be confined only to political parties, but should also embrace stakeholders from civil society. The re-alignment phenomenon, it must be clearly understood, is not an alliance of political parties. It is a re-writing of the political map, a re-alignment of ideas, the regrouping of people around new concepts that have been thrown up by the changes that have taken place. However, we must thank the people behind this current initiative because it is more inclusive than many of the previous efforts. The UDM welcomes the revival of this important discussion about political realignment. The people who have gathered for this convention reflect the demographics of this country, representing the various formations of our society. There are those who couldn’t be present for this gathering due to a lack of resources, but who pin their hopes on the possibility that there may emerge from this convention a statement of intent towards addressing the social ills of this country. Let us remind each other that the impact of the social forces that transformed a totalitarian racist regime to a democratic social order – founded on the most progressive principles to be enshrined in a bill of rights in any country in modern times – shook the social foundations that had hitherto provided the basis and rationale for the alignment of political groupings which characterized our political landscape prior to 1994. Our point of departure in nation building must not be an ideological paradigm predicated on intolerant nationalism. This would be an unfortunate repeat of the discredited and failed social orders such as apartheid and communism in the former eastern block countries. This view has been propounded by Dr Van Zyl Slabbert in his book. THE STATE OF THE NATION Our history demands an awareness and willingness from all South Africans to fight the resurgence of racial hostilities and conflicts. It is in recognition of this historical legacy of our society that the UDM has committed itself to the vision of a new South Africa. Our analysis of the changing socio–economic-political order in South Africa since 1994, indicates that there will be discernible political shifts along interest group divides, distinguished by common concerns and aspirations. This process will move towards the crystallization of two major political streams, which express the ethos of the beneficiaries of the established order, on the one hand, and the aspirations of the emerging major social groupings that are marginalized at present, on the other hand. This will necessitate the emergence of two major political formations representing these interest groups. The group of beneficiaries is composed among others of those in position of power who implement policies skewed towards the interests of a select elite. It is this crowd today which runs the government from outside government structures even to the extent of who should get tenders and contracts and who not. The same style of government in the last 14 years has actually produced multi-millionaires and billionaires who have been cuing for state tenders irrespective of their ability to delivery, but on the other hand the products and services they have delivered have often left much to be desired. It is no wonder that today those successful deployees-turned-businessmen can donate individually R10 million to their party which enriched them with taxpayer money. We can expect as we move forward that it is these people who will resist change and pay in order to discredit this convention. The marginalized groups we are talking about are those sections of the population that have been unable to participate significantly in the economy for decades. Those groups are losing hope because daily their socio-economic suffering increases. It is these people who hoped that after 1994 there would be a clear-cut programme to uplift them. Instead we have seen a new culture being introduced, a culture of dependence and handouts, which has been characterized by the politics of patronage. For example, in order to get a particular service, or RDP house, or employment, you need to belong to party X, and in the case of tenders you need to ‘donate’ a certain percentage back to that political party. It promotes marginalization and discrimination if a ruling party deploys only its own cadres to head Chapter 9 institutions and the top structures of the civil service. The same policy is applied in the parastatals. It is a further marginalization of the people in the country if the ruling party deploys only its own cadres to head businesses. That is precisely why it is so easy currently for state resources to be used to prop up the ruling party, for example the R11 million that was donated to the ANC in the PetroSA/Oilgate scandal. You don’t have to be a rocket science to see that this is a form of institutionalized corruption where there is a deliberate web to siphon off state money to benefit a particular party. This strategy of marginalizing the rest of the country from participating in the economy has been exacerbated by the ruling party’s failure to distinguish between the role of the party and the role of government. As a result of the blurring of the roles of party and government that when there is conflict in the ruling party, it spills over into government and service delivery suffers. All tiers of Government have been paralysed by these divisions in the ruling party. Squabbles have erupted at the SABC, the National Intelligence Agency, provincial administrations and many municipalities. Not to mention the systematic campaign to undermine and devalue institutions of the democratic state we have witnessed, which resulted in the establishment of the Hefer and Khampepe Commissions of Inquiry. There is therefore a compelling need for the nation to periodically meet, as we are doing at this convention, to do a prognosis and reflect on strategies to address our national challenges. One thing is certain, the strategy of giving one political party the mandate to address our national challenges has been a failure. Nor can we fold our arms and do nothing whilst people are engaging in cronyism, nepotism and corruption. We can’t look the other way just because the people committing these crimes against our society are hiding behind the ruling party’s liberation credentials. When we talk of the ANC, we must understand that there are certain emotional attachments for many people, because it led the Struggle that liberated everybody including the erstwhile oppressors. But equally so we have a right to raise questions when we witness unscrupulous people hijacking the democratic project to enrich themselves, break the law and loot the resources of the country. Indeed we can no longer say that the trust that was given to the ruling party as custodian of our Constitution is still deserved, when they embark on campaigns aimed at undermining aspects of the democratic order, such as the judiciary just because they want the judiciary to pronounce a verdict that is acceptable to the palace. In all our discussions in this debate our point of departure should be the recommitment to the principle of improving the quality of lives of the people of South Africa as a national objective agreed to by all parties during the negotiation process prior to 1994. It is particularly important since nearly 15 years into democracy research by credible institutions indicate that the gap between rich and poor is widening. If we follow this as a guideline, we will emerge from this convention as a group of South Africans, to send a strong message that this convention is not only about the needs of the elite, or angry people for that matter, contrary to what the ruling party’s leadership and some analysts have claimed. Focusing on the marginalization of the citizens in this country, as well as resisting anarchist lawless tendencies, are not elitist or exclusive exercises. You can’t continue to use these citizens, including the poorest of the poor, as voting cattle, but when you get a mandate to govern, you forget about them. How does the ruling party reconcile its urban-biased policies, for instance subsidizing urban housing for the poor, but forget to cater on a similar scale for the needs of the rural communities? A responsible government would have been expected to engage the citizens in the rural areas, some of whom were bundled there because of the old apartheid policies, to determine what their needs are. Perhaps it may not be subsidized housing, but rather irrigation schemes. Even those in the urban areas, such as the squatter camps along the N2 in Cape Town who have been there since the 1980s, do not receive the services that they require. That community has been reduced to a political football between the ruling party at national and provincial level and local government under the opposition, but their urgent housing needs remain unaddressed. That is why we have seen in the past few years all over the country how frustrated communities have resorted to barricading roads and acts of public unrest because of poor service delivery. SOCIO-ECONOMIC IMPERATIVES It should never be forgotten that our democratic Constitution seeks to guarantee our freedom, but this can only be achieved if the socio-economic environment allows the Bill of Rights to become a reality for all South Africans. Political freedom, without social and economic freedom is a hollow concept. The question that confronts us is: Has the political freedom gained in 1994 translated into social and economic freedom? We must deliberately measure our progress since 1994, because true freedom is not a once-off event but an ongoing process. The UDM understands that the growth of freedom depends on certain basic conditions that affect citizens’ physical ability but are also directly linked to their dignity, including the following: • Jobs. Without productive employment and a decent living wage people will not be able to experience the fruits of freedom. In the long term, food security can only be achieved and hunger beaten if people have jobs. • Education. Without knowledge and skills people cannot make informed decisions and achieve their goals, and so enhance their livelihoods. • Health. People need to be healthy and have adequate health care in order to reach their full potential and share in the benefits of a democratic society. • Security. People who feel under siege from criminals in their homes, neighbourhoods and places of work cannot fully concentrate on pursuing their aspirations. • Property ownership. Without ownership of land and property people are unable to participate actively in the economic and social life of the country. The architects of international institutions such as the World Trade Organisations (WTO) and even many developing countries like Brazil, China and India recognise the responsibility that they have towards their citizens and intervene to protect their domestic jobs and businesses. A Government that proposes anything less does not care about its people, and is not willing to accept responsibility for their welfare and prosperity. Whilst Apartheid undermined the majority’s dignity and freedom, the current levels of unemployment, poverty, crime and HIV/AIDS are taking many South Africans back to that same state of hardship and suffering experienced under Apartheid. The lack of coherent policy priorities to address these imbalances and backlogs, has led to the loss of hope by many South Africans. As a result of these contradictions in the implementation of policies South Africans are suspicious and mistrust Government, because of perceptions that it is not equitably distributing the resources of the country. There is an overwhelming view that there has never been a consensus on a macro-economic policy that can transform the economy in a manner that will create and spread wealth wider and improve the lot of the disadvantaged majority. There are, in particular, concerns about the inadequacies and contradictions of the fiscal and industrial policies. As a nation can we continue to allow the Minister of Finance and the Reserve Bank Governor to determine our economic fate exclusively on the basis of a narrow focus on inflation? This convention would’ve failed in its objective if it cannot resolve that there is a need for South Africans to meet again to discuss economic policy. We must resist the danger that economic policy will be determined by the ruling party’s donors. South Africans were too relaxed after 1994, thinking that there would be “jobs for all” as the ruling party promised. But the moment that it ascended to the Union Buildings it produced strange policies that led to jobless growth. There is a tendency to label people as ‘leftist’ when they call for the Government to do more for the people of this country. But when the Afrikaners were uplifted by their Government, it wasn’t called ‘leftist’. When the developed countries of the world subsidise their local agriculture and industry with trillions of dollars it is not called ‘leftist’. Just recently the governments of the US and Europe have intervened in their economies to the tune of hundreds of billions of dollars to rescue private banks, but they have not been labelled ‘leftist’. It is ridiculous to suggest that our government should fold its arms when millions of South Africans are wallowing in poverty, because to uplift them would be so-called ‘leftist’. Above all South Africans want an accountable, ethical and incorruptible government. A NEW POLITICAL PARTY? There is talk that this convention might culminate in the launching of a new political party in December this year. The UDM views this convention as the first phase in a process. Aside from the threat to our constitutional democracy that we are discussing at this convention, there are those that are looking for a political home. We should encourage those who want to launch a new political party in the meanwhile to do so and to publish their platform. The second phase would be a bigger national convention after the elections – which is as inclusive as possible – where likeminded parties could meet as equals to discuss how we can build a strong new movement which would articulate the issues arising from this convention. THREATS TO A NEW PARTY: PLAYING FIELD NOT LEVEL Indications are that the ruling party will not tolerate the launching of a new party; disrupting meetings and declaring no-go areas etc. This hostile environment was once experienced by the UDM when violence was used to deter people from joining the party. Added to this was a deliberate blackout by the public broadcaster of UDM policy positions when it was launched. Perhaps after a new political party has been launched it should delegate a representative to sit on the Multi-Party Forum steering committee, which has been engaging the IEC on a number of issues to level the playing field for the election. To assist the new party, the resolutions – that were adopted by all political parties after the IEC conference last year – are attached to this document. Our engagement with the IEC is informed by the AU and SADC concerns about electoral processes in various countries, where election results have been disputed, sometimes even leading to violence and civil war. Those who form this new party will discover that one of the biggest inhibiting factors is lack of access to the public broadcaster in order to publish their policies and positions. They will discover that they will be lucky to get four minutes on national news to present their manifesto to the nation during the election period, yet the SABC will give the ruling party’s manifesto launch and major rallies hours of live coverage. An abuse of state resources that even the old National Party never committed. Even recently the ANC Secretary General and President both were allowed to abuse the SABC to speak to the nation live in order to address party squabbles. The other major handicap that the new party will find is the hesitance of the IEC to implement changes that the political parties have identified as inhibiting factors to multi-party democracy; the only stakeholder they take seriously is the ruling party. They have so far failed to arrange a meeting between themselves, the SABC, ICASA and the political parties to discuss the levelling of the playing field, as they promised to do earlier this year. Indeed they have failed dismally so far to come clean on what role the National Intelligence Agency is playing in the awarding of tenders to companies involved in the running of the elections. Nor have they convinced us that the IEC is insulated from Government influence through the Department of Home Affairs. This issue of the IEC is one area that political parties should all take seriously. What is the point of endorsing the IEC Commissioners when they do not listen to stakeholder concerns? This convention would be committing a grave mistake if it did not pronounce itself strongly on this matter. The IEC has despite our concerns gone ahead and started appointing people to run the elections that belong to the tripartite alliance. Some of the people who might be forming this new political party, may have an experience of how things were done in the ruling party, such as the hiring of venues and catering, and the printing of propaganda material under the guise of government information, rolling out food parcels that after the election disappear again. This abuse of state resources to promote the ruling party must stop. If we fail to address the IEC being embedded in Government, as well as the behaviour of the SABC, all the issues we raise at this convention will be for naught. Collectively we may need to ask for a High Court/Constitutional Court to review whether the rights of all are being respected. We need guarantees before the next election; we can’t allow South Africans to be kept in the dark about the policies and views of parties other than the ruling party, as if we are in exile in our own country. In everything we are discussing here, we need to realise that time is a major issue. Two major factors can take us out of this dilemma: speed and control of the process. The masses are waiting to here from us on how do we rescue this country from the embarrassing situation we find ourselves in, when the ruling party violates such basic principles such as accountability, consultation, inclusiveness, respect and decency. WAY FORWARD South Africa is at a crossroad; due to the situation explained above. As we have converged here with a view to seek solutions to the challenges facing the nation, it would be important to emerge with a message of hope for the people of South Africa. The bottom-line is that the masses of this country are vulnerable. They have been treated shabbily and used as voting cattle. This should not just have been a meeting where we spoke and then nothing came of it. It is time to turn the page. We need to ask ourselves how our discussions here will affect our actions in five year’s time. Thus we need to develop a plan of action, with specific steps and deadlines. As a way forward we know that the immediate task before us is to prepare for the elections next year. We need to provide answers on how we will cooperate as political parties to ensure that those elections will be free and fair. The levelling of the playing field will necessitate that the IEC need to speedily convene a meeting of political party leaders to answer whether it will be business as usual as far as the SABC, the involvement of NIA, and the capturing of election results are concerned. The other immediate issue confronting some of the people at this convention, is for those who intend launching a political party in December, to be given the time to do so. But in the meantime they must familiarise themselves with the ins and outs regarding the upcoming elections. The issues that have been identified for discussion at this convention are relevant to all political parties. The resolutions taken here reflect the views of the nation and it is incumbent upon every political party to decide how those views will be reflected in their policies. I dare say that even the ruling party should take note of the resolutions of this convention. COOPERATION SCENARIOS Since the Polokwane Conference of the ruling party there has been tremendous pressure from the public asking why we in the opposition do not form a strong alternative to the ruling party. It is a debate that has dominated public and private discussions. The truth is that we can’t just bundle a group of political parties together at short notice because we represent specific voters and mandates. The 2009 election is near; if we had started this convention process in January this year we would’ve been in a better position, but now time is against us. However the following scenarios may be looked at: a. Come up with a cooperation model, without losing the identity of the political parties, but work together under one umbrella in the election. b. Another scenario would be to remain as separate parties, but cooperate on issues raised in the Multi-Party Forum, such as electoral processes. c. Electoral pacts are also a possibility, where political parties agree not to contest against each other, and ask their supporters in certain areas to vote for their partner in the pact. d. Political parties can also contest the election separately but consider coalitions after the election. e. Another scenario would be to disband all the likeminded parties and create one new political entity to contest the upcoming election, but given that parties operate under electoral and conference mandates between elections, that is unlikely. Whatever scenario is chosen, all political parties need to promote certain common campaign messages, such as the need for electoral reform and the need to call a CODESA-type indaba on the economy and education. All of us can state those objectives in our election manifestoes and tell the nation that collectively we will ensure that these reforms will be implemented before the 2012 local government elections. There is no harm for each and every party to have a common thread in our manifestoes to say that never again should this country be dominated by a two-thirds majority, in order to counter the ills we’ve identified and improve service delivery. South Africans need to spread the vote to promote a balance of power, and ensure that the interests of our diverse society are reflected in the legislatures and Executive. CONVENTION BEYOND 2009 ELECTION Now that we have started a serious debate in this country about political realignment and have embarked upon the first phase of achieving that objective, the UDM would propose the following steps to advance this debate: a. Engage in informal discussion with all stakeholders, as we have started this weekend, which will begin to identify the various policy positions that are needed to improve the lot of South Africans. b. If there is an emerging consensus to establish an alternative government, we should establish a Committee of Parties with equal status (it will need to include other stakeholders in society such as Labour, Business, Traditional institutions, Youth, Women, NGOs, etc). c. That Committee of Parties should, in consultation with their leaders, work out the following: i. a vision ii. a possible vehicle to drive the process, including the question of leadership iii. areas of agreement and disagreement on our values. d. If there is consensus, the Committee should call a Summit of Leaders to send a message that we are serious about political realignment in South Africa. It is at this Summit that the leaders may decide on what the next stage in the process will be. e. The UDM view is that an appropriate format for discussions will be a second bigger National Indaba/Convention of Political Parties and sectors of society. f. Such an Indaba/Convention can set up Commissions to deliberate on different policy areas. g. The Commissions would report their findings to the Indaba/Convention, indicating differences and agreements on key areas and principles underlying party platforms. h. It would be the responsibility of the Indaba/Convention to take resolutions, on the most important aspects of this process, which would be a commitment to an accepted common vision of an alternative government. If consensus is reached during the course outlined above, it is conceivable that the situation could result in a new political formation that would pursue the objective of an alternative government. We call upon South Africans in all political formations, civil society, the business sector, academic etc. to take stock and concede that we should leave the baggage of the past behind and embrace the opportunity to carry our society forward and write a new chapter in our history. We should commend the ANC for having been the mother of non-racialism. To demonstrate their bona fides they even welcomed the members of the dissolved National Party of PW Botha into their ranks. However we have noted the double standards in Parliament and public debates where they would vent their anger about the policies of the past by blaming the DA, yet the architects of apartheid have been rewarded inside the ANC and Government with cosy positions. As we meet here the emphasis should be on the Constitution of the country, rather than wasting our energy on who owns the Freedom Charter etc. We have a fresh founding document of democracy that we need to embrace and protect. The UDM remains committed to multi-party democracy, and we feel that this is an opportune time to turn the page on one-party dominance. May God bless us all to read from the same page and take our country forward.
