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12 Apr, 2019
Bantu Holomisa speaks at a Unisa panel discussion on the 2019 general elections
• Our hosts today • Dr Somadoda Fikeni, our moderator • Those who represent the various departments that sponsored this panel discussion • My colleagues from other political parties • Academics and students • Ladies and gentlemen Thank you for affording me the opportunity to have a chat with you today. 1. The UDM’s road of success The United Democratic Movement (UDM) has since its inception batted on the wicket of the ethics of good governance. In fact, the UDM in part owes its beginning to that principled stance. My testimony at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, about corruption in the former Transkei, got me unceremoniously kicked out of the African National Congress, because I refused to recant. Soon after that, the UDM was born and we have not stopped fighting for what is good and right in this world: • We opposed the immoral floor-crossing legislation that was eventually scrapped. • We succeeded in having the Independent Electoral Commission’s former Chief Electoral Officer, Pansy Tlakula, resign because of an irregular lease agreement she organised. • We were part of the legal action taken to preserve and protect the former Public Protector Thuli Madonsela’s report on state capture. • The UDM was the catalyst that saw coalitions form after the 2016 elections. • We did our part in forcing the former president to vacate his office, specifically taking the matter of the secret ballot to the Constitutional Court and organising one of the biggest marches to the Union Buildings. • The UDM were there with our colleagues from other opposition parties when we asked the Constitutional Court to order parliament to consider the former president’s conduct and whether he is impeachable. • We have asked President Ramaphosa to intervene in the malfunctioning and corruption-ridden SETAs. Nothing has yet been done about it, but we won’t give up. • Various communities will attest to the fact that the UDM has intervened on their behalf to have government, at municipal, provincial and national levels, attend to their service delivery complaints. • Most recently, the UDM exposed alleged corruption at the Public Investment Corporation amounting to billions of rands. This directly led to the establishment of the Mpati Commission of Inquiry at which I am sure you saw me testify. Once again at our post guarding against corruption. These are the actions of a party that is opposed to pervasive corruption, maladministration and malfeasance in government. 2. Fighting government corruption It is a sad reality that South Africans have become jaded when they talk about government corruption. There is too much of it and it’s demoralising our nation. They only sit up and listen when “things get serious”, as we see with the current commissions of inquiry. Things are indeed very serious with billions of Rands at play. For the UDM, integrity, commitment and hard work are required from everyone in government, as well as those in the private sector. No quarter shall be given to those who fail. Rewarding party loyalty is an evil, that should become a thing of the past. The best quality must be ensured in all appointments, so that merit, responsibility and integrity is guaranteed, and excellence is rewarded. Specifically, the UDM believes that special courts must be established to investigate and prosecute the corrupt in the public and private sector. Also, each province must have an independent anti-corruption task team to determine the depth of corruption and to immediately act. 3. Safety and security For the UDM, the long-term solution to crime and violence lies in our people committing to a concerted effort to reform our society, so that we do not simply address the symptoms, but also the root causes. Although there are a number of initiatives that the UDM would introduce to bring about safety and security, I wish to highlight two specific strategies for the purpose of today’s discussion. a) As far as we are concerned, the recruitment processes of the police, defence and intelligence services must be revamped. The aim of such a programme will be to allow communities to participate in keeping their environments safe and secure. Individuals who are interested in a career in law enforcement will be trained and assigned to serve their communities. This will allow for the monitoring of crime, the gathering of intelligence and combating lawlessness, whilst also creating much needed jobs. b) The coordination between the ministries of justice, police services, correctional services, defence and national intelligence must be stepped up. The UDM proposes that a crime prevention ministry be established to coordinate the work of these departments. Specific objectives and deadlines must be set for the departments to achieve their goals. 4. Free education • The UDM supports fee-free tertiary education for students from poor and working-class families. Such an expanded programme can be justified economically as free education is a strategic economic driver, because it is an investment by the state in the creation of a larger tax base in the long run. However, once implemented under a UDM government, students’ progress shall be monitored and managed as an investment. • We also think that the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NFSAS) is a big flop. It is hamstrung by chronic maladministration, corruption and a jobs-for-pals leadership scheme. In addition, the way in which NSFAS is structured produces graduates who end up mired in debt. Because of our under-performing job market, they will remain indebted with no hope of repaying their loans. Of course, the biggest challenge at the other end of this education process is making sure that our graduates have jobs. 5. Job creation The UDM has always said that a massive initiative focussing on job creation through infrastructure maintenance and development is one of the routes to go. This planned sustainable development project must be driven through the department of public works, in collaboration with all other departments. Furthermore, the UDM’s response to the challenge of unemployment includes: • Identifying markets for small firms, through promoting domestic and foreign connections to adequately address both the supply and demand side of the economy. • Developing capacity in the areas of improved business and entrepreneurial skills. • Identifying loan and capital sources, as well as facilitating loans and investments in community businesses. • Investing in sector-based planning and implementation, including the creation of sector-specific banks to provide financial assistance to historically disadvantaged groups and individuals. 6. Xenophobia Xenophobia in South Africa is not a new thing and, as a matter of fact, it is getting worse by the day. There are multiple causes of xenophobia, but at the risk of over-simplifying the matter, the UDM is of the view that the root cause lies in the unregulated and unfair competition for the poor’s meagre resources. The dearth of jobs is, for instance, part of this dynamic and complex situation. On the one hand, undocumented immigrants are exploited, because they are desperate enough to work for low wages. And, on the other, there are no job opportunities for South Africans that pay a decent wage. To add to the complexity of the matter we have the issue of undocumented foreigners illegally occupying dwellings. The owners of such buildings, should be brought to book as they exploit undocumented immigrants and, by default, also deprive South Africans of safe havens. Like it or not, much of the blame is to be laid at government’s feet as the impact of its inadequate control over the arrival of illegal immigrants, and lack of resettlement mechanisms, are not addressed. A UDM government will handle illegal immigration in a humane and holistic manner, in line with our continental and international obligations. We also make a call on undocumented immigrants to come forward and be registered. Finally, we recognise that legal immigrants contribute immensely to our society and our economy. We are home to, for instance, some of the best educators and academics who impart knowledge and do important research and development. The UDM believes that xenophobia has no place in our society, but we must also be cognisant of our responsibilities to our own people. It is entirely possible for both these ambitions to work harmoniously. 7. An Economic Indaba with land at the apex of its work As we worked on establishing a new South Africa, land was placed on the backburner. Political emancipation was our primary goal at that time. Land, as a tool to achieve economic emancipation and make reparation, should have been addressed straight after liberation. Matters would look very different if the land issue had been addressed timeously. We certainly would have avoided the destructive tug-and-pull we now witness. When the National Assembly took a resolution on the expropriation of land without compensation, the UDM voted in favour of this resolution after it was amended. The UDM certainly did not vote for free-for-all land grabs and evictions. In this regard, the UDM has long promoted the view that the matter can only be effectively resolved at our proposed Economic Indaba, where all stakeholders can congregate to discuss South Africa’s macro economy, with land at the apex of the debate. There are a number of pertinent questions that should be answered before we make any rash decisions. Those are, amongst others, the following: • Who exactly (individuals, companies and/or government) will be affected and how? • How does food security and economic stability impact implementation i.e. does it prevent expropriation in specific circumstances, and what those would be? • How will government handle rapid urbanisation and an ever-increasing need to make land available in cities and the concomitant denuding of rural communities and local economies? • How will traditional leaders and rural communities be affected? • How will entities such as the Ingonyama Trust be impacted? 8. Closing With these few words I leave you and invite you to ask me any questions you wish me to answer. Thank you
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28 Nov, 2018
Holomisa at the 5th RENAPRI stakeholder conference: speaking notes on Unlocking the economic potential of land through good governance
Speaking Notes by Mr BH Holomisa, (MP) and UDM President 5th RENAPRI STAKEHOLDER CONFERENCE: Unlocking the economic potential of land through good governance 28 – 29 November 2018, Zanzibar, Tanzania • Chairperson • Fellow panellists • Ladies and gentlemen 1. Land itself at the crux of the matter: the South African example As many of you will be aware, we in South Africa are in the middle of a heated national debate on land and the expropriation thereof without compensation. This debate is of course rooted in South Africa’s deeply divisive past; the reverberations of which we still feel today. Twenty-four years into our democracy and the emotions still run high on both sides i.e. those who held the land under colonial rule and the apartheid regime versus those who were deprived of their land sometimes using violence and/or abusing the law. I specifically launch from this point in my argument, precisely because having the conversation around the concepts of “land governance”, “economic transformation” and “agricultural transformation” is moot if one does not address property ownership and land tenure. Because those in South Africa who are debating the issue of land are pulling in opposite directions, it is clear that the matter of land ownership in my country will not be sorted out that easily. My political party, the United Democratic Movement, is of the view that the only way to find a meeting of the minds regarding land issues in South Africa, is for all stakeholders to gather under one roof and to have a constructive debate in order to find long lasting, sustainable solutions that will benefit all. In the end failure to resolve land issues increasingly becomes a barrier to achieving other development objectives, to fight poverty and inequality, and to promote sustainable inclusive growth. It is however true that the discourse on land in its manifestations is not merely about land as a physical item, but it is also about the reconstruction of society, inclusive economic growth and development, social development and power relations. 2. Land tenure and infrastructure development Land tenure and deeds of ownership is a key to giving people access to finance. This means that people are directly empowered to enter the formal finance and banking sector and obtain credit with their property serving as collateral. It is however vital to recognise that gaining access to land for collateral must first be preceded by infrastructure development or upgrading, since the lack or disrepair of infrastructure (especially in rural areas) negatively affects the value of the land. 3. Land tenure and rights under customary law and practice One example we will undoubtedly share, in terms of land tenure on the continent, is that much land is held under customary law and practice where land allocation and use are managed by customary traditions. Much of the agricultural activity in those areas is around subsistence farming, rather than having commercially viable enterprises that have higher productive profit-making farming, which will in turn create jobs and promote economic transformation in rural communities. Therefore, one of the primary concerns of any government should be rural revitalisation. For any individual emerging farmer, or a group of farmers, access to infrastructure and agricultural tools is vital. The creation of the necessary infrastructure will also generate jobs in rural communities and encourage the growth of more employment-creating agricultural-related enterprises. It is easy to see how these kinds of activities will incentivise rural communities to consider commercial farming over subsistence farming. 4. Land tenure; emerging versus commercial farmers In South Africa the disparity between emerging farmers and commercial farmers makes for a situation where the emerging farmer simply cannot compete with large scale farmers. The big farming concerns have easy access to financial resources and the tools of their trade. This will never change if the land tenure question is not addressed comprehensively. 5. Land tenure; the rights of women In particular, customary law and practices severely limit women’s rights to land and property. It has been argued that the agricultural sector in rural communities is underperforming in part because women, who are often a crucial resource in agriculture and the rural economy, face constraints that reduce their productivity. One of those constraints is land which means they tend to have less access to credit and insurance. However, many studies indicate that women would be able to achieve the same yields as men if they had equal access to land, production resources and services. In terms of government’s role in the matter, improving transformation, removing infrastructure constraints, and encouraging rural women’s participation in farmers’ organisations and cooperatives can help. 6. Tenure and government’s role • The sale of suitable state land to encourage local ownership for emerging and small commercial farmers to create jobs will enhance rural revitalisation. • A government must also make use of the opportunity where farmers are willing to sell their land to facilitate access for emerging farmers. • There is also an onus on government to acquire, or assist communities to acquire, land for development and agricultural enterprise. • Government must assist those accessing agricultural land in communal areas to make better productive use of their land. • Any government must have a comprehensive database for land use, planning and the efficient and sustainable use of agricultural resources throughout a country. The intention is to ensure that agricultural and other developments are sustainable and environmentally responsible, as well as ensuring that viable farmer settlement occurs. • Government must also ensure closer cooperation between its various departments involved in agricultural business. 7. Anticipating how the land issue will play out over the next 5 to 10 years I think that it will take longer than the next 5 to 10 years to make any long-term progress in settling the land issue in Sub-Saharan Africa. The wounds of the past are still fresh in many minds and to untangle the web that was spun during colonialism will take time. That said, I don’t think that it’s insurmountable, if enough pressure is brought to bear by communities, agriculturalists, non-profits, governments and conferences of this nature, changes will happen. Thank you
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11 May, 2018
2018 Budget Vote 39: Rural Development and Land Reform
Address by Mr ML Filtane, MP in the National Assembly Subject for Discussion: Budget Vote 39: Rural Development and Land Reform Honourable Chairperson and members The Preamble of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, states: “we … believing that South Africa belongs to all who live in it…” Question is, which part of South Africa actually belongs to the landless. Please respond by providing radical action to help them get their land back. Honourable Minister, hear the cry of the millions of the so-called South African citizens. They are crying out for land. Help them get what is in reality and constitutionally theirs, LAND. They want to belong to South Africa, they want to own South Africa, they want their acre of our beloved country. To them this budget means nothing, nothing because it talks about development programmes on land, yet they own no land, yet they own no land. So desperate are their circumstances, so dire is their situation, that 11 million of them are likely to go to bed tonight without a meal. They need land, on which to build family homes, from which to produce food for their families, from which to conduct business, on which their children will play, on which their budding sportsman and women can develop their talents. The people of Baziya and Highbury are painfully waiting for the finalisation of their land claim. Please Minister we need action and we need it NOW. They need land, which they can hold and horde for future generations, on which they can keep their livestock and milk their cows and feed their children, nutritionally. Minister, Africans will not ask for even one penny from you in order to do all the above. I have personally experienced this lifestyle in rural Transkei The much spoken about radical economic transformation needs radical legislation. The Bills that are with us now come nowhere near achieving that. Just over a year ago, I questioned the then Minister of Rural Development about this weak ESTA Bill and his response was that, that can only be done with a new Bill. Will you look into that as the new Minister, please. Farm workers continue to be evicted without getting much effective protection from government. Municipalities need land to resettle these evictees. Three weeks ago, I finally cleared the myth that Isilo owns Ingonyama Trust land. I took the committee through the Act clause by clause. The Ingonyama Trust Board Chairperson, Judge Ngwenya did not rebut my statement. So your department can now move in there and carryout the programme of securing land tenure for the inhabitants of that 2.9 million hector land. We have yet to see as the committee, a departmental report that as little as 1 000 supported entrepreneurs are earning just a R1 000 monthly for 12 months on the trot. In the absence of such a report this department does not qualify to be part of the economic cluster. It should be moved to the social cluster. But we support this pittance budget. Thank you
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19 Apr, 2018
#LandQuestion Indaba on 25/4 in Mthatha. Searching for solutions. Invitation to attend a Mthatha public meeting on: NA resolution on the EWC explained, and UDM position
The national leadership of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) noted the National Assembly’s resolution, taken on the 27th of February 2018, on the well-documented motion regarding the expropriation of land without compensation (EWC). This decision will affect communal, urban, government and privately-owned land and the UDM cordially invites all interested parties to attend an important public meeting to obtain more information on topic: Where? Mthatha City Hall. When? Wednesday, 25 April. Time? 10am. The UDM leadership has, as such, mandated me to reach out to all sectors of society, including but not limited to traditional and religious leaders, as well as communities to explain the: 1. meaning and implications of the resolution; 2. processes which parliament will follow in consulting with all stakeholders; and 3. mechanism to be used in making submissions to the parliamentary constitutional review committee. For your information, the UDM is on record saying that the issue of EWC must be addressed in terms of the following matters: • Who exactly (individuals, companies and/or government) will be affected and how? • How does food security and economic stability impact implementation – does it, for instance, prevent expropriation in specific circumstances, and what would those be? • How will government handle rapid urbanisation and an ever-increasing need to make land available in cities and the denuding in rural committees and those local economies? • How will traditional leaders, and rural communities be affected; • How will entities such as the Ingonyama Trust, among others, be impacted? • What will be the effect on the land tenure system? • What would the position be on the sale of [urban] land to foreigners? • How will the issuing of title deeds be sped up so that entrepreneurs may use this as collateral to secure capital for start-ups? Issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP UDM President
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27 Feb, 2018
Subject for Discussion: Expropriation of land without compensation
Address by Mr ML Filtane, MP in the National Assembly Honourable Deputy-Speaker and Honourable Members In November 1990, 85 churches met for the National Conference of Church Leaders in South Africa and produced what is well known as the Rustenburg Declaration. The central theme of the Conference was the expression of the contrition for the wrongs and sins of the past, and a call for action to repair those wrongs. In paragraph 2.4. of the declaration, the (Church Leaders) Conference said … “we know that without genuine repentance and practical restitution we cannot appropriate God’s forgiveness and that without justice true reconciliation is impossible”. The Conference said… “As a first step towards restitution, we call on the Government to return all land expropriated … to its original owners”. The call by the church leaders, would respond to what, today, seems to be glaringly missing in the debate about land. Notwithstanding the provisions of the constitution, the question of moral demand or rightness of not only changing land access and relationships, BUT of repairing the hurt, misery, brokenness, and trauma of people often violently ripped from their land for generations. In 2013, we marked the centenary of the 1913 Native Land Act, which heralded an extraordinary scale of land dispossession. Many South Africans, including members of this House, made moving observations and experiences about the viciousness of that Act and its subsequent impact on land ownership in South Africa. However, any talk on land, has still not translated into a legislative and policy landscape that recognises the question of land reform as a matter inclusive economic development, moral concern and legal justice. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) supports the wide and inclusive consultative process on this matter of nation interest. We want to remind citizens that the most lucrative and substantial amount of land was taken before the 19th of June 1913. The failure of the restitution programme, as found in the report of the High Panel, represents justice denied. The principle of justice, as would have been understood by the conference of Church Leaders, demands that where something was unjust acquired or taken away, it must be returned or given back. In simple language, if you steal my vehicle, I lay a claim to it, I deserve it back. I am not required to buy it back. This is what the moral and legal interpretation of what justice must be. Justice delayed is justice denied. It cannot be that to the victor go the spoils and so a “finder-keepers” situation. In fact, what may invite unending conflict, is not the return of land to its rightful owners, but the refusal to do so “… return the land to its rightful owners”. Given the historical reality of our society, the current economic challenges confronting the nation, the increasing levels of inequality and poverty, the UDM support, the motion. Thank you
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22 Dec, 2017
Let South Africans meet on your land expropriation decision Mr Ramaphosa!
After a plenary debate, so furious as to have threatened the collapse of its conference last Wednesday, the African National Congress (ANC) announced a decision to allow for land expropriation without compensation… subject to a “sustainability test” to ensure that food security is not threatened, and the economy not undermined. Is the new ANC President making populist noise for political positioning? Is he admitting continuing ANC land distribution failure? The decision has been criticised as being an “economic time bomb”; “economic suicide”. It is said that the decision is vague; that financial markets will divest; that investor confidence will be shattered. It is said that there is anger, but also acceptance for a sustainable solution. Only one fact is certain: people are in a panic and at best uncertain of the ANC’s renewed land expropriation drive. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) therefore urges Government to call an immediate summit of all stakeholders, including – but not limited to – political parties, business, agricultural and civil rights role-players, to clarify the intention and the procedure and the effect of the ANC’s land expropriation decision: • What is the exact meaning of “expropriation” in the decision? • Who will be affected? • What is the nature and what the variables of the “sustainability test”? • How does “food security” and “economic stability” impact implementation – does it, for instance, prevent expropriation in specific circumstances, and what would such circumstances be? • How will expropriation affect traditional leaders, and rural communities; how will entities such as the Ingonyama Trust, among others, be impacted? • What will be the effect of expropriation on the land tenure system? The summit, in considering land expropriation, should address also the direct and indirect impact of land decisions on the economy, poverty, unemployment and even on education. Land remains the matter screaming for resolution, ever since Codesa. Land speaks to the very heart of freedom: economic emancipation. A resolution is long overdue; the irresolution negligent; the ongoing uncertainty a dismal and continuing failure by the government. The effect of the ANC’s unilateral decision must be determined by all stakeholders; land expropriation cannot lie with ANC conference delegates alone. The UDM is ready and able to take its seat in addressing South Africa’s most pressing and ill attended problems, nay crises, at a summit indistinguishable in importance to Codesa, where our hitherto qualified freedom had been forged. Mr Ramaphosa, we have heard you at conference; let us now see and experience your inclusive, unifying leadership. Issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP and UDM President
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30 Nov, 2017
Bantu Holomisa addresses 4th Annual ReNAPRI Stakeholders Conference
• Discussion Moderator • Executive Mayor • Members of the South African Executive • Fellow panellists and Members of Parliament • Distinguished guests and participants Agricultural transformation in Africa must be achieved through meaningful, practical and sufficiently funded policies. This will mean self-sustaining food production, as well as successful competition globally. The transformation of this sector is urgent, having experienced (to mention the few) the following: • In South Africa, agricultural subsidies and the use of extension officers have been withdrawn from small scale and subsistence farming. This at a time when global competition has sharply increased. • Developed countries invest in technologically advanced production methods, which results in developing countries in Africa falling behind. • Developing countries rely on their developed counterparts for agricultural technologies. Such technologies continuously improve, whilst developing countries are still learning how to take advantage of them. Consequently, money that could have been spent on production, is used to catch up on technological advances. • Traditional land management policies and systems, which are key factors in preserving certain habitats and site-specific biodiversity, have been abandoned. This has contributed to an upset in the delicate balance between agriculture and biodiversity. • Land ownership and security of tenure has not been resolved, which would enable owners to work their land and use it as collateral to obtain credit. This leaves us with hectares of idle land. • Climate change has sped up desertification on the Continent, which has led to a scarcity of usable/farmable land that should be adding value to these economies. • There has been an over-emphasis on industrial or market driven growth. Thus, many African countries lost steam and significant agricultural growth is suppressed. This has, in turn, resulted in the decline in agricultural activity and exacerbated poverty and malnutrition. The United Democratic Movement proposes that, to boost agricultural productivity and stop poverty on the continent, we need to begin with a vision. Such a vision must be anchored in: • Elimination of extreme poverty, hunger and malnutrition; • Production of sustainable organic food; and (but not limited to) • Increasing the continental competitive edge in food production. To achieve this vision, we need to have a clear roadmap based on increased food productivity, reshaping our agricultural landscapes, negotiating better trade conditions, effective financing, infrastructure improvements and the development of the value chain. To traverse this road, African legislators, governments and communities (traditional leaders, households, community organisations, etc.) must work together and, amongst others: • Revive subsistence farming, reinstitute agricultural subsidies and employ extension officers. • Realise the centrality of women and youth in the production of organic food for consumption at a household level. • Adopt policies that 1) reduce obstacles to trade and support value chain development, 2) promote technical innovation, 3) infrastructure development and 4) capacity building. • Such policies should focus on matters such as: soil fertility and preservation, land tenure, irrigation and the enforcement of legal and social rights of people. • Adopt regulations that are responsive to local opportunities and learn from past lessons, experiences and success stories in other countries in order to stimulate and sustain growth. • Establish strong institutions, appoint ethical and visionary leaders who are capacitated to implement policies with better funding, whilst also reducing the input costs. • Transform the agricultural landscape through an inclusive process and integration of relevant policy makers and institutions. For example, in South Africa, the ministries of agriculture, land affairs, trade and industry, including as small business development and municipalities. • Invest in research and innovation to detect megatrends and simultaneously add value to the population and economy. • Consider the impact of climate change and the sustainable use of natural resources and ecosystems. This would require climate smart solutions and investment in eco-based approaches, modern technologies and enabling of environmental enhancement and uptake. • Effective conserving of wild biodiversity in agricultural landscapes, coupled with coordination and strategic support to agricultural communities and conservationists. My recent visit to Germany has exposed me to what I believe is one of the best systems of land tenure and management. Land is used to the maximum and there are no parcels of non-productive land. I am certain that African countries can learn a lot from that their example and adapt their management style to local scenarios. Thank you
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29 Nov, 2017
#HighLevelPanel Report: UDM welcomes the High-Level Panel Report on the assessment of key legislation and the acceleration of fundamental change
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) welcomes the report presented in Parliament today by the High-Level Panel led by former President Kgalema Motlanthe. Some of the findings and recommendations of the Panel vindicates UDM policies and positions that we have consistently advanced in Parliament. We welcome the following concrete recommendations amongst others that: 1. The Land Framework Bill in order to provide a comprehensive ‘catch-all’ response to problems besetting land reform. This bill contains important recommendations, in particular, given that the 30% redistribution of and restitution of land is far from being realised, thus creating serious socio-economic challenges for our country. The UDM believes that the issue of land is more than urgent. Government’s failure to redistribute land can no longer be tolerated. 2. The fact that Parliament has encouraged to take maximum advantage of the provisions of Section 25 of the Constitution, to effect restitution and redistribution of land, to benefit the historically dispossessed individuals and communities is welcomed. 3. The UDM have made numerous calls for an integrated and seamless education system from Early Childhood Development (ECD) to the job market. Such a system should be tailormade to the demands of the job market, but most urgent and important, it must produce entrepreneurs. The recommendation of the Panel regarding the removal of the ECD from social development to basic education is a step in the right direction. 4. The Panel paid serious and elaborate consideration to spatial inequality and the UDM agrees that there should be no land set aside for special people and that spatial planning should result in integrated communities and contribute towards building one nation. The UDM will with vigour participate in all subsequent Parliamentary processes that will be taking the Report forward. Statement issued by: Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP and UDM President
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07 Jul, 2014
Land redistribution in South Africa
Statement in Parliament by Mr LB Gaehler, UDM Member of Parliament Honourable Chair and Honourable Members Land redistribution aims to correct the injustices of the past. The Natives Land Act of 1913, a piece of legislation which ratified and legalized the exclusion of South Africa’s black majority from land ownership in favour of the white minority. This has left behind a legacy of both dispossession and oppression. Citizens however have voiced out their grievances, post 1994, with regard the lack of post-settlement support, creating a situation where some individuals have had to sell back land given to them by government. The United Democratic Movement firmly believes that land should be restored to their rightful owners with support and skills development, so there is no uncertainty and tension. When this is done, we believe that the needs of South African farmers need to be prioritized by developing policies to subsidize farmers that will enable them to fairly compete against their international counterparts. We believe in the creation of the necessary infrastructure that will create jobs and encourage the growth of more employment-creating agricultural-related enterprises to ensure that migration to urban areas is slowed down. Build infrastructure to support agricultural activity, such as irrigation schemes that have been proven to be successful in the past. One stop Agricultural Service Centres should be established in rural areas, where emerging farmers can ask for advice, veterinary services, access the necessary tools and knowledge to run their farms as businesses and also have a market for their produce. I thank you
