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24 Jun 2025
Year-in-review report on my role as Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans within the Government of National Unity
Honourable Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP Parliament Leader of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) Parliament of the Republic of South Africa Cape Town Dear Honourable Kwankwa, Year-in-review report on my role as Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans within the Government of National Unity I trust this letter finds you in good health and high resolve. BACKGROUND AND PURPOSE Since my appointment as Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans in July 2024, I have had the privilege of engaging meaningfully with various parliamentary structures, state institutions, and formations within the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), as well as in certain instances, alongside the Minister - as evidently drawn in a summative table below, there was no space to breathe. These engagements have highlighted both the strengths and the structural weaknesses within our broader governance ecosystem. Most of the issues identified are of a legacy nature. The Auditor-General’s report has been instrumental in guiding the new Ministry, the Joint Standing Committee on Defence, and the Portfolio Committee on Defence, providing critical insight into the terrain we are expected to navigate. It is clear that the Department of Defence did not escape the effects of state capture. The ongoing SIU investigations initiated through proclamations signed by the President and the fact that the former Minister is still before the courts highlight the depth of the challenges we face. These realities point to a protracted process of restoring the integrity and capacity of the SANDF, a task further complicated by years of chronic underfunding. Another matter that garnered considerable public and institutional attention was the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) debacle, which placed the Department of Defence under intense scrutiny. This incident raised serious concerns about the overall capacity, preparedness, and logistical readiness of the SANDF to effectively carry out its continental peacekeeping and combat obligations. It further brought into question the adequacy of our planning processes, resource allocation, and strategic command structures in high-risk deployments. The DRC episode served as a stark reminder of the urgent need to review and strengthen our defence capabilities, particularly in the context of multinational operations under the auspices of SADC or the African Union. Adding to the ongoing concerns is the increasing impact of climate change, which continues to present new and evolving threats to our country’s security and humanitarian stability. This changing climate landscape is testing the capacity of the SANDF to respond swiftly and effectively, particularly in the deployment of rescue equipment and disaster relief operations. A case in point is the devastating floods in the Eastern Cape, which tragically claimed the lives of at least 92 people, though the final death toll is yet to be confirmed. Despite the scale of the disaster, only one Oryx helicopter was deployed for rescue and relief efforts days after the disaster had occurred, highlighting the severe limitations in our aerial response capabilities during emergencies. This highlights the urgent need to improve SANDF’s disaster response readiness in alignment with the growing frequency and intensity of climate-related events. The purpose of this letter is twofold: To provide you, as Parliamentary Leader of the United Democratic Movement (UDM), with a concise reflection on the nature of oversight and executive engagement I have undertaken since assuming office; and To urge, in the strongest terms, the reactivation and intensification of Parliament’s role in holding the Executive accountable on several unresolved matters of national importance, especially those the UDM has historically championed. It is my belief that the UDM’s principled, consistent, and people-centred voice must now take a more assertive role in ensuring that findings, commissions, and legislative frameworks lead to real consequences and reform. SUMMARY OF ALL ENGAGEMENTS This Meetings Summary Table outlines the scope of my official engagements over the reporting period. It serves as a record of the work I have undertaken in the execution of my duties as Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans. The engagements span parliamentary responsibilities, oversight of the Department and the SANDF, Cabinet cluster coordination, and international cooperation. I have always believed that public office must be anchored in accountability and purpose-driven action. Each meeting reflected in this table represents a deliberate effort to advance the priorities of our defence mandate, strengthen operational efficiency, and respond to the needs of our servicemen and women, veterans, and broader society. Whether meeting with international partners, military leadership, parliamentary committees, or community stakeholders, my focus has remained on upholding the integrity of the portfolio and ensuring that decisions are informed, inclusive, and responsive to our evolving national and global context. This table is therefore more than a schedule - it is a transparent demonstration of the work done, the responsibilities carried, and the trust placed in my office to serve with diligence, consistency, and impact.   Meeting Type / Category Total Meeting Count Summary Description Department of Defence (DoD) related meetings 63 Strategic meetings with Armscor, Denel, Defence Secretariat, AG compliance briefings, logistics planning, HR and CMIS oversight, force design sessions, budget alignment talks, and NCACC duties. SANDF Service Formations 42 Operational visits and reviews at SA Army HQ, Navy HQ, AFB Waterkloof, Military Police, Defence Intelligence, SAMHS, Logistics HQ, CMIS, and SF Brigade; command parades and capability briefings. Joint Standing Committee on Defence (JSCD) 12 Defence oversight briefings, acquisition performance reviews, and coordination with Treasury and Armscor. Portfolio Committee on Defence & MV 58 Parliamentary meetings focused on oversight of military veterans, departmental annual reports, and policy matters. Cabinet & Cluster Meetings 33 Engagements in JCPS and ICTS Cabinet Clusters, Deputy Ministers forums, Cabinet Lekgotla, executive caucuses, and inter-cluster alignments. International & Diplomatic Engagements 51 Bilateral engagements with Turkey, Italy, Pakistan, Spain, China, Cuba, India, the US, Japan, France, Russia, and multilateral meetings including BRICS, Ethiopia, AU Peace & Security Council sessions, arms control dialogues, the Thabo Mbeki Foundation dialogue on peace and security, various conferences on peace and security, and embassy briefings. Countries Visited on Bilateral Missions 6 Ethiopia, India, Pakistan, Cuba, Japan, and France. Community / Civic Engagements 19 Veteran forums, traditional leadership sessions, Youth Day, Women’s events, rural civic visits, and local councillor engagements.   MILITARY DIPLOMACY AND STRATEGIC BILATERAL ENGAGEMENTS Over the course of this reporting period, I have placed a strong emphasis on advancing South Africa’s military diplomacy through a series of targeted bilateral and multilateral engagements. These efforts are aimed at deepening defence cooperation, strengthening strategic partnerships, and safeguarding our national interests in a dynamic and often volatile global environment. In meetings with representatives of foreign governments, military attachés, and international defence institutions, I have consistently advocated for the expansion of opportunities for our officers to attend foreign staff courses and specialised military training programmes. Building the intellectual and leadership capacity of the SANDF remains a top priority, and external training partnerships are central to that goal. Furthermore, I have worked to promote the interests of South Africa’s defence industry, calling for increased collaboration in manufacturing, technology transfer, and procurement opportunities. By encouraging reciprocal engagement between our state-owned and private defence entities and their international counterparts, we have opened new avenues for innovation and market access. These engagements have not been ceremonial. In some instances, we have used quiet diplomacy to de-escalate tensions, clarify miscommunications, and avert diplomatic fallout that could have had far-reaching implications for our defence posture and foreign relations. I remain committed to ensuring that every interaction, whether at a reception, conference, or strategic roundtable, serves the broader purpose of peace, preparedness, and prosperity for our nation and the region.     IMPLEMENTATION OF THE 2015 DEFENCE REVIEW In terms of the FY2023/24 Ministerial Priorities as agreed to with the President on 18 July 2023, the Minister of Defence and Military Veterans was set the target of “Conducting an Evaluation of the Defence Review 2015 and Action Plan” for completion by 31 October 2024. The Department completed the draft documents in fulfilment of both the FY2023/24 Ministerial Priorities, as well as the subsequent direction as was given by the President during a bilateral engagement on 24 January 2024. The above- mentioned work-in-progress was formally submitted to the Presidency before the said 31 October 2024 deadline. PROCESS UNDERTAKEN The work-in-progress includes (inter alia): A concise PESTEL(M) Analysis of the Strategic Environment at the Global, Continental, Regional and National (GCRN) Dimensions. A Draft Defence Capstone Policy Concept for the Republic of South Africa. A Draft Military Capstone Strategizing Concept for the Defence and Protection of the Republic of South Africa. A Draft South African Military Strategy, Force Design and Force Structure for the period 2025 – 2055. The Journey to Greatness (Long Term Planning Intent). It was envisaged that a planned series of engagements and consultations would be pursued with the President and other critical stakeholders under the direction of the Minister before such work is formally tabled in Cabinet and in Parliament. Consequently, the South African National Security Council (SANSC) has directed the South African National Security Secretariat (SANSS) to develop a Report on the Reviewing of the Defence Review 2015 and the considerations for “investing in a sustainable modern Defence Force”. An initial engagement took place with the SANSS on 17 March 2025, where it was decided that a one-day workshop between the Department and the SANSS would be planned for the near future. This second engagement took place on Friday 13 June 2025. The work was well received and positive support was expressed in terms of the 1.5% of GDP Defence Funding Target as set by the President. The SANSS subsequently resolved to establish a small team of DGs (including the DG of the National Treasury) to engage on the fiscal strategy for attaining the goal as set by the President. Once endorsed by the National Treasury and the Ministry of Finance, this matter will proceed to the National Security Council and possibly Cabinet for further endorsement. Furthermore, the Minister will also be engaging with the Speaker and the Chairs of Parliamentary Committees on modalities for engagement with the relevant oversight bodies, so as to add value to this important work. The Department of Defence met the deadline as it was set by the Presidency. However, the Department cannot issue copies of the documents in question to the Portfolio Committee, or any structure beyond those explicitly identified for initial consultation, until a formal directive or clearance is received from the President. The decision on whether these documents may be distributed to oversight bodies rests with the Presidency, and the Department remains bound by that process. OVERSIGHT ROLE IN THE NATIONAL CONVENTIONAL ARMS CONTROL COMMITTEE (NCACC) As part of our collective responsibilities in the National Conventional Arms Control Committee (NCACC), we have actively contributed to the clearing of a significant backlog of arms control applications and export permits. Regular sittings of the Committee have ensured that due process is followed while maintaining the momentum necessary to support South Africa’s defence trade and associated industries. The backlog, which had affected operational timelines and contract fulfilment, has been systematically addressed except in instances where further verification or end-user clarity is still required. Our approach has balanced national security interests with economic imperatives, ensuring that compliant transactions are processed without unnecessary delay. Importantly, this work has direct fiscal implications. Every approved permit contributes to sustaining the country’s defence manufacturing base, securing jobs, and increasing state revenue. The NCACC therefore functions not only as a regulatory mechanism but also as a strategic enabler of industrial and economic resilience. We remain convinced that if the recovery and growth plans presented by Denel and Armscor are implemented with urgency and alignment, these state-owned entities can be repositioned toward institutional ascendancy. Through coordinated support and policy certainty, we can restore their role as vital components of South Africa’s defence capability and global competitiveness. ENGAGEMENTS WITH DEFENCE INDUSTRY STAKEHOLDERS Recent engagements with stakeholders across the defence industry were held as part of ongoing efforts to advance the implementation of public-private partnership (PPP) resolutions adopted during previous national platforms. These interactions served both as progress reviews and as strategic exchanges aimed at deepening cooperation in critical capability areas, including artillery systems, weapons testing, and industrial modernisation. The engagements also reaffirmed a shared commitment to leveraging the local defence industry as a cornerstone of national security and economic growth. A central focus of these engagements was the increasing interest, both domestically and internationally, in concluding memoranda of understanding (MoUs) with South African partners. These MoUs are expected to strengthen collaboration in advanced defence manufacturing and testing, helping position South Africa as a serious global player in next-generation defence systems. Discussions also centred on developing a coherent industry roll-out strategy that aligns local capabilities with global demand, enables technology transfer, and revitalises underutilised infrastructure for defence innovation. Stakeholders noted some progress since the last formal conference, but also expressed concern over regulatory delays, particularly those related to the issuing of permits by oversight bodies. These delays have disrupted momentum on several priority projects, thereby limiting the speed and scale of PPP execution. On a positive note, regulatory engagements with National Treasury have yielded revised guidelines, effective June 2025, that provide broader space for PPPs in areas such as prime mission equipment maintenance and upgrades. Concurrent consultations with the SANDF are also underway to ensure that industry proposals respond directly to operational requirements. One of the most significant recommendations arising from these discussions is the proposal to establish a dedicated PPP Directorate within the Department of Defence. This unit would serve as the central coordinating body for all PPP-related initiatives, reporting directly to senior leadership and working closely with oversight structures such as the Council on Defence and SANDF command. Stakeholders further recommended that the scope of PPPs be expanded beyond weapons systems to include strategic infrastructure development such as military hospitals, new bases, and the rehabilitation of command and logistics centres, thereby enabling comprehensive capability renewal. These engagements concluded with a unified commitment to intensify coordination between government, the defence force, state-owned entities, and industry partners. The focus going forward is to finalise a practical implementation roadmap for PPPs, remove regulatory bottlenecks, and institutionalise a mechanism to drive delivery on key resolutions. Stakeholders reiterated their readiness to support the Department’s efforts in positioning the local defence industry as a strategic, responsive, and globally competitive contributor to national development and security imperatives. ISSUES FACED BY MILITARY VETERANS One of the critical departments currently facing significant challenges is the Department of Military Veterans (DMV), particularly with regard to the prolonged delays in filling vacant posts. In response, we have convened a series of strategic sessions aimed at resolving these longstanding issues. These efforts have included the development of structured data management procedures, the compilation of a comprehensive implementation plan, and the establishment of a reliable and up-to-date veterans database. Through these targeted interventions, we are confident that tangible progress will be achieved, ensuring improved service delivery and greater satisfaction for military veterans across the country. Furthermore, we are working in close collaboration with the Presidential Task Team (PTT) to accelerate the resolution of the pressing issues identified above. This partnership is anchored in a shared commitment to restoring dignity and improving the quality of life for military veterans. The PTT serves as a vital coordinating mechanism, bringing together various stakeholders across government to ensure alignment, expedite decision-making, and remove bureaucratic obstacles. PARLIAMENTARY ENGAGEMENTS TO DATE In adherence to the principles of transparency and executive accountability, I have participated in a wide range of key engagements since assuming office, as reflected in the Meetings Summary Table above. These include: Portfolio Committee on Defence and Military Veterans – Regular attendance and formal submissions on matters affecting strategic capability, force readiness, and the well-being of military veterans, including oversight on departmental performance and policy execution. Joint Standing Committee on Defence – Active participation in joint oversight sessions, with specific focus on defence budget alignment, acquisition oversight, interdepartmental coordination, and strengthening the operational posture of the South African National Defence Force. Parliamentary Budget Votes and Debates – Participation in defence-related budget vote debates, including presenting key departmental priorities, defending expenditure patterns, and outlining performance targets in support of the Vote 23 allocation. Questions and Answers in Parliament – Engagements in plenary sessions involving questions to the President and Deputy President, as well as oral and written responses to parliamentary queries related to peace and security, military procurement, international cooperation, and veterans’ affairs. The nature of these engagements has not only reinforced the importance of parliamentary oversight but has also highlighted the urgent need for meaningful and enforceable accountability across all arms of the state. These engagements reveal systemic weaknesses, recurring audit disclaimers, and a dangerous normalisation of underperformance in service delivery and defence operations. In this context, the United Democratic Movement must position itself at the forefront of revitalising Parliament’s role. We must not only build on previous oversight work, but also be uncompromising in demanding implementation, consequence management, and institutional reform. Whether dealing with state-owned entities, public funds, or post-commission reform, the UDM must lead efforts to restore ethical and effective governance. ENGAGEMENTS WITH SANDF SERVICE FORMATIONS AND DEFENCE INDUSTRY ENTITIES In line with my executive responsibilities and the constitutional duty to ensure responsive governance, we have conducted a series of structured engagements with the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) and its associated defence industry institutions. These engagements have been instrumental in mapping the operational posture, resource gaps, institutional dysfunctions, and potential areas of reform within the defence ecosystem. Within the SANDF, we have exercised oversight on the following service formations and divisions: South African Army South African Air Force South African Navy South African Military Health Service (SAMHS) Military Police Division Logistics Division Human Resources Division Military Intelligence Division, among others. Each of these components performs a critical function in safeguarding the territorial integrity, sovereignty, and national interests of the Republic. However, these briefings have revealed a pattern of declining capacity, exacerbated by chronic underfunding, outdated equipment, infrastructure backlogs, and skills attrition. ENGAGEMENTS WITH THE DEFENCE INDUSTRY: DENEL AND ARMSCOR In addition to these military briefings, we have participated in oversight and strategic discussions with the two most significant players in our domestic defence industrial base - Denel and Armscor. These engagements have been instrumental in reaffirming the defence function not as an expense, but as a constitutional guarantee of sovereignty, stability, and peacekeeping in the region. However, without strategic intervention by Parliament, the SANDF risks organisational stagnation. The effectiveness of Parliament has been ambiguous for some time, with many struggling to comprehend that portfolio committees, particularly those overseeing Defence, have been raising alarms over a continued decline, yet the resolutions have largely amounted to little more than talk shops over the years. Every week, we report to the portfolio committees on these issues, but when it comes to Parliament’s role in capacitating these committees and ensuring the protection of our country, tangible support has been lacking. Even when in 2023 the President issued a directive to increase defence funding from 0.57% to 1.5% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), subsequent Cabinet meetings reduced these urgent calls to mere rhetoric, and the National Treasury failed to allocate the necessary funds. Parliament and the Government of National Unity must establish a structured, accountable process to implement resolutions, especially those related to Defence and oversight bodies such as SCOPA. PARLIAMENT’S OVERSIGHT MANDATE: LEGISLATIVE AND CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK Parliament’s oversight function is grounded in our democratic Constitution and further supported by key legislation that empowers Members of Parliament to act decisively: Section 55(2) of the Constitution mandates the National Assembly to “provide for mechanisms to ensure that all executive organs of state in the national sphere of government are accountable to it”; Section 92(2) and (3) of the Constitution holds Cabinet members individually and collectively accountable to Parliament; Rules of the National Assembly empower committees to summon any person to provide evidence, produce documents, or account for their actions; The Financial Management of Parliament and Provincial Legislatures Act (Act 10 of 2009) and the Money Bills Amendment Procedure and Related Matters Act (Act 9 of 2009) outline Parliament’s role in fiscal scrutiny and resource allocation oversight. This framework makes it clear: Parliament is not a passive observer. It is a constitutional watchdog with the authority and duty to demand accountability, transparency, and implementation. URGENT NATIONAL PRIORITIES DEMANDING PARLIAMENTARY ACTION Considering the background outlined above, I respectfully urge you to deploy the full weight of your office and the UDM’s parliamentary caucus to intensify oversight and push for finality on the following critical matters: Implementation of the Zondo Commission Findings The State Capture Commission unveiled an architecture of corruption that compromised state institutions and undermined public trust. Yet, implementation of its findings remains inconsistent and slow. The UDM, through Parliamentary procedures must: Demand detailed progress reports from the Presidency and the NPA; Ensure asset recovery is expedited and transparent; Create a dedicated oversight structure within Parliament to track implementation and prevent institutional regression; Introduce reforms to seal procurement loopholes and reinforce the independence of law enforcement bodies. Champion and expedite the enactment of legislation that enshrines the Commission’s rulings into law, effectively safeguarding the state from future attempts of corruption in any form. Public Investment Corporation (PIC) Accountability The Mpati Commission laid bare the mismanagement and undue influence within the PIC, risking public servants’ pensions. The UDM, through Parliamentary procedures must: Demand a detailed and public implementation report from Treasury and the PIC; Reinforce transparency in investment decisions; Re-evaluate laws governing the PIC to insulate it from political and commercial abuse. State Response to Ex-Mineworkers The UDM has long championed justice for ex-mineworkers, many of whom continue to suffer from occupational illnesses without compensation. Despite acknowledgment from former President Mbeki, implementation remains weak. The UDM, through Parliamentary procedures must: Pursue diligent follow-up on all correspondence directed to the Presidency and the Department of Labour during the tenure of former Minister Thulas Nxesi, wherein the UDM formally submitted numerous letters concerning this matter. Demand a policy framework with timelines and budget allocations for redress; Establish an interdepartmental task team to coordinate response efforts; Oversee enforcement of legal rulings and settlement payouts to affected mineworkers and their families. Land Reform and Restitution Delays The backlog in land claims, particularly post-1998 claims, continues to disenfranchise communities. The UDM, through Parliamentary procedures must: Demand a revised, time-bound implementation plan from the Commission on Restitution of Land Rights; Introduce clearer legislative frameworks for expediting land restitution and tenure security. Collapse of Provincial Health Systems and NHI Readiness While the National Health Insurance (NHI) Bill signals intent for universal healthcare, existing infrastructure and corruption in the provincial health systems raise serious concerns where many are destitute. The UDM, through Parliamentary procedures must: Demand provincial audits on hospital infrastructure and medical staffing; Scrutinise funding flows in aim to prevent tender manipulation; Insist on a phased, measurable NHI roll-out plan with clear reporting mechanisms to Parliament. The other issue is the pension of the South Africa Transkei Bophuthatswana Venda Ciskei (SATBVC) states , President Ramaphosa during the State of the Nation Address (SoNA) instructed the minister of Finance to address the matter, but Treasury once more ignored this call, however, we managed to bring it back to Parliament and are simply asking him to monitor the progress of the finalisation of this enquiry and address the concerns of these pensioners. The other pressing matter is that which relates to the remuneration of the herdsman (iiBhodi).  Numerous engagements with the Presidency, National Treasury, and COGTA had been initiated by the UDM in the 6th administration, and it my plea that your office further escalates the matter to ensure that there is action in as far as this issue concerned. Youth Unemployment and Skills Mismatch The UDM, through Parliamentary procedures must also confront the unacceptably high rate of youth unemployment, now surpassing 60% in some areas. Despite billions spent on education and skills development, graduates remain locked out of the economy. The UDM should demand: Full audits of SETAs and the National Skills Fund; Reforms linking training programmes directly to identified economic sectors; State procurement policies that prioritise youth-owned enterprises and cooperatives. CONCLUSION This report serves as a summative reflection on the engagements, responsibilities, and strategic interventions undertaken over the reporting period. It captures not only the scope of work executed in alignment with my portfolio duties, but also reflects the broader institutional and policy challenges we continue to confront as public representatives. The insights and data provided herein are intended to inform, support, and empower the critical oversight role played by your office and by Parliament more broadly. Honourable Kwankwa, we are at a historical juncture. Public confidence in democratic institutions is eroding. The gap between policy and implementation continues to widen. It is in this context that the UDM’s voice and leadership in Parliament must grow louder and more decisive. I remain committed to providing assistance wherever possible, fully appreciating the established reporting protocols given my deployment within the Executive. Nonetheless, I wish to emphasise with conviction that when these critical matters are brought forth by your esteemed office, they are far more likely to gain the necessary traction, visibility, and momentum. This will significantly amplify the many voices we represent in Parliament and ensure that our concerns receive the urgent attention they deserve. We must insist on accountability, demand justice for the forgotten, and champion ethical governance as a pillar of transformation. Through your leadership, Parliament must become a place where reports are not only tabled, but implemented; where corruption is not only debated, but punished; and where vulnerable communities are not only heard, but served. With a thorough understanding of the dynamics within the Government of National Unity (GNU), I intend to formally raise these concerns at the forthcoming Bosberaad of GNU leaders, convened as per the President’s suggestion in response to the recent budgetary challenges and the discontent expressed by other political parties regarding aspects of the decision-making process. It is particularly notable that the African National Congress (ANC) and the Democratic Alliance (DA) are, in posture, seen to be undermining other parties and excluding them in all decision-making processes. The aim of this Bosberaad is to view the priority areas that need alignment and rethinking. Please be assured of my continued cooperation and support in pursuit of this collective national duty. Yours sincerely, Maj. Gen. (Ret.) BH Holomisa President of the United Democratic Movement Deputy Minister of Defence & Military Veterans  
23 Sep 2020
Holomisa submission to the state capture commission: the real mastermind behind state capture
Deputy Chief Justice RMM Zondo Chairperson of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into State Capture PO Box 31322 Braamfontein 2017 Per the acting Secretary of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into State Capture Dear Sir SUBMISSION TO THE COMMISSION: THE REAL MASTERMIND BEHIND STATE CAPTURE 1. Corruption: a cancerous tumour 1.1. One of government’s major mistakes is delaying the implementation process to deal with corruption and addressing maladministration. It is evident that incompetence and corruption has collapsed and downgraded this country, thereby costing our economy billions of Rands. As a result of this undesirable culture, many municipalities have crumbled, because there are no effective structures to stop corruption, and to prevent maladministration and mismanagement of funds. 1.2. We acknowledge that measures have been taken, such as the formation of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into State Capture (‘the Commission’) so that it may establish who has captured the state, but the process has been laborious and, in our view, not nearly far-reaching enough. 1.3. The former Public Protector, Professor Thuli Madonsela, had revealed that the Gupta family had effectively captured the state, however, as it turns out, the real architect of corruption is the ruling party itself, the African National Congress (ANC). 1.4. Accordingly, the Commission has been making the ruling party’s head honchos account for their alleged acts of corruption, but there is much more to this iceberg than what is presented to the public. Although the media and opposition parties, like the United Democratic Movement, have exposed some of the ANC and their leaders’ misdeeds, I believe most of it is kept diligently under wraps, because it might be the lurking iceberg that finally sinks the ANC Titanic. 1.5. The ANC and its leaders have misused state funds through companies like Bosasa, Chancellor House, Mohlaleng Media and Maverick State, to mention but a few. Looting from public resources has become a habitual act to fund the ANC by whatever means necessary, whether it be by paying its cadres’ exorbitant salaries or financing their election campaigns by any means necessary. 1.6. It is repulsive that this brazen looting takes place right under the noses of the authorities, whilst parliament’s oversight has not been effective either. The powers of the accounting officers have been usurped by the executive, consequently it has also affected the performance of state-owned enterprises. 1.7. The Commission’s terms of reference states that your work shall be guided by the Public Protector’s state capture report and we have noticed from the testimony that other accounts of corruption have been creeping out of the woodwork. It is therefore evident that there is a ‘big picture’ corruption that must be looked at. 1.8. Whilst much is made of Guptagate implicating former President Zuma and some other insatiable cadres, the fact that the corruption and looting at all spheres of government is to the benefit of the ANC itself, is negated. The Commission should therefore investigate the involvement of the ANC in acts of corruption, in totality. 1.9. This institutionalised corruption is not new, and it can be traced back through the previous decades. Even the Commission of inquiry into allegations of impropriety regarding Public Investment Corporation (‘PIC Commission’) quoted my testimony where I said that: “One of the most difficult tasks regarding dealing with the type of corruption that is alleged to have happened at the PIC is the sophisticated nature of the transactions. Corruption can come in two forms, legal and illegal corruption. Legal corruption occurs when the elite build a legal framework that protects corruption or manipulate existing legal framework without necessarily breaking the law.” 1.10. The PIC Commission concurred with my statement when they said in their report to the President that: “When going through the story of Harith, these words resonate. The layering of legal entities (state owned corporations, pension funds, banks, companies and trusts and partnerships etc.), when applied by financiers and corporate structure experts, can make finding the substance, and not form, of a transaction or series of transactions complex and quite perplexing. These layers also give the players in such a formation use ‘plausible deniability’ most effectively, as looking through all the conducts is challenging and time consuming.” 1.11. This designed incompetence permeates our law enforcement agencies, such as the police, the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation (Hawks), the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) and the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), which all have dismally failed to investigate and prosecute the reported culprits. One must be honest in one’s assessment of the competence of the state’s investigative and judicial resources. It is a given that the state lacks such competence in all respects, whilst the same is further exacerbated by means of prevalent corruption within the ranks of these institutions themselves. 1.12. The gate keepers of maladministration are the incompetent key administrative personnel who have been deliberately appointed (deployed) to accomplish the agenda of looting state resources on behalf of the ANC and, of course, to feed their own personal greed. It must be borne in mind that the ANC’s cadre deployment policy is just another form of corruption. It is called nepotism for a reason, because making appointments based on party affiliation, friendship and familial connections violate the statute books and is patently wrong. Cadre deployment deprives our civil service of talented individuals and we have thousands of young South Africans with degrees who cannot find jobs. 1.13. Epidemic levels of corruption handicaps service delivery which results in many violent protests. Not only that, prospective international investors shun South Africa because of the high levels of corruption and sadly our people are paying the price. Ultimately, corruption is destroying the gains of our freedom and patriotic South Africans have lost all hope and endlessly question the so-called measures put in place to address this untenable situation, whilst the ruling party itself perpetuates corruption in order to sustain itself. 1.14. Let us remind ourselves of what the late, former President Nelson Mandela admitted, already in 1998, about corruption in South Africa: “Unfortunately there are officials who betray their calling… this is part of the wider cancer of corruption that is undermining our efforts in all areas of society. We have learnt now that even those people with whom we fought the struggle against apartheid’s corruption can themselves become corrupted.” 1.15. The sad state of affairs is that the liberators of yesteryear have become the perpetuators of this immoral pillaging of state resources, whilst we are misdirected in our focus on the Gupta’s involvement in state capture. 1.16. The true architects of state capture are those who run government and its institutions in collusion with certain elements within the private sector. The private sector, which particularly benefits from government tenders, is represented by individuals who are shareholders in large corporations. These individuals appear to represent the private sector, but instead they use corporate fronts that merely return the loot to the ANC. These individuals also represent the corrupt interests of the ruling party in that they are either ANC stalwarts or that they are connected in one or other compromising manner to that party, politically or otherwise. 2. A Nelson Mandela Bay example: Mohlaleng Media, the ANC’s access to public funds 2.1. The purpose of this letter is to request the Commission to investigate the mechanisms used in government institutions to misuse state funds, especially at local government level. 2.2. I was recently briefed, on the matters which I raise below, by Mr Werner Wiehart, a persecuted forensic investigator formerly employed by the Nelson Mandela Bay (NMB) Metropolitan Municipality. He indicated to me that he had forwarded the information to numerous political parties and as well as the Commission (See Annexure A), but I took the liberty to meet with him last week and wish to report the matter to you formally. 2.3. The matter centres on how municipal funds have been looted by the ANC over, at least, the past fifteen years in NMB. Some information is already in the public domain including those that have been reported to the police, Hawks, NPA and the Public Protector. 2.4. The documentary evidence, which I have in my possession, convinced me that there is prima facie evidence that NMB municipal funds were looted for the ANC’s benefit, to fund its operations and to sustain itself. Questionable entities or companies (which are non-compliant with tax obligations and also lack related tax and billing clearances) and the registration of multiple enterprises simultaneously, are used as tools to achieve their dastardly goals. 2.5. Furthermore, I noted that law enforcement agencies remain actionless where corruption in the NMB municipality, more often than not, remains uninvestigated – in some cases, for more than three years. I cannot over-emphasise my concern if this is the alacrity with which this government is driving the fight against corruption, whilst little or nothing is achieved to start off with. 2.6. The widely publicised NMB Integrated Public Transport System (IPTS) scandal, in which National Treasury is implicated, is simply not being addressed, except for a single case in court. National Treasury, with particular reference the Chief Director, Mr Jan Hatting, had apparently been informed in writing during October 2012 of the large-scale looting, yet with such knowledge National Treasury continued to make payments thus feeding the large-scale looting scheme over a period of a further three years. So, nothing is happening, whilst the thieves are still trawling through personal protective equipment (PPE) tenders to rake in money to fund the ANC’s campaign for the 2021 municipal elections. 2.7. The evidence in my possession shows that, according to Mr Wiehart, there were three key players from Luthuli House involved, namely, Mr Pravin Gordhan (then Minister of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs), Dr Crispian Olver (famous author of “How to Steal a City: The Battle for Nelson Mandela Bay: An Inside Account) and Mr Cheslyn Mostert (a well-known ANC operator), who presented themselves as those mandated to address the NMB municipality’s issues; a process which led to the appointment of Mr Danny Jordaan as executive mayor and Mr Johann Mettler as acting city manager. 2.8. The same process led to the suspension (with full pay) of some municipal officials and their subsequent resignations, as well as some limited dismissals. Amongst others, these suspensions and resignations were caused by the allegations that some of the employees benefited from the IPTS deal. 2.9. Prior to the aforementioned ‘Luthuli House intervention”, the opposition, the media and the people were voicing out their anger about the IPTS corruption and as a result our Mr Mongameli Bobani, an ordinary councillor at that point in time, asked the Public Protector in October 2014 to investigate the matter. The Public Protector’s Advocate Tom had apparently investigated, but the final report was never made public. The municipality had appointed legal firms which have cost the rate payer more than R100 million over three years. 2.10. The evidence shows that the hand of Dr Olver extends beyond ‘helping the municipality’, but that he also played a role in the mismanagement of funds which were channelled to the ANC through a company called Mohlaleng Media, which served exclusively as the propaganda machinery of the ruling party in NMB. In this email Dr Olver informs the acting city manager that: “Here are the two CVs from Cheslyn, together with the draft letter to be signed and sent back to him, and the rates for the resources has set out in the SLA. The start date in the letter needs to be changed to Monday Next Week.” 2.12. A “tender” for R7,5 million was awarded to Mohlaleng Media, however the municipality failed to comply with its obligations in terms of the Municipal Finance Management Act to conclude the prescribed SLA which had to be signed between the municipality and Mohlaleng Media prior to commencement of any services. In fact, on assessment of the information, it is evident that Mohlaleng Media’s bid is riddled with fraudulent information, whilst even the entire procurement process was rigged from inception in favour of Mohlaleng Media. 2.13. Mohlaleng Media operated from December 2014 to February 2016 before any so-called SLA was signed on a fraudulent basis and of course the ratepayer footed the bill. This so-called SLA is referred to as an addendum to a former SLA, which never existed, hence, fraud. The tender/contract period entailed three years, however the bid value of R7,5 million had already been exhausted within the first ten months of the contract period. 2.14. Documentary evidence reveals that Mohlaleng Media invoices merely claimed monthly “resource cost” which eventually reached the amount of more than R21 million versus the actual approved bid value of R7,5 million over three years. These invoices were specifically created in such a manner to conceal the true nature of the work/service performed by this ANC aligned communications machine. 3. Mohlaleng Media forensic investigations, the cover-up and harassment of an investigator 3.1. One of the things I noticed as I went through these files is the harassment of Mr Wiehart by the office of the then Democratic Alliance executive mayor, Mr Athol Trollip, and his chief of staff together with the then acting city manager, Mr Johann Mettler. The harassment resulted in the malicious suspension of one of the municipal auditors based on fabricated and trumped-up charges and who was eventually expelled in a collusive manner. 3.2. The quarrel stemmed from Mohlaleng Media, which was used to generate ANC campaign material for the 2016 local government elections. (see pictures on the right) 3.3. An internal investigation had been done regarding Mohlaleng Media during which the Chief Audit Executive and forensic investigator, Mr Wiehart, questioned Mr Mettler’s involvement, which clearly caused discomfort in some quarters given the backlash that followed. 3.4. After Mr Trollip became aware that Mr Mettler and Dr Olver were implicated in the internal investigation on Mohlaleng Media, he had the terms of reference that was prepared by the internal audit team changed and, in essence, had it watered down in order to intentionally and actively conceal ANC corruption using an external forensic inquiry. In fact, Mr Mettler drafted the terms of reference for the external audit, which was a clear conflict of interest. The new terms of reference did not require the investigation of Mr Mettler and Dr Olver’s involvement, which was obviously intentional and self-serving. 3.5. A certain Morrison and Vermeulen were appointed on 31 May 2017, with the new terms of reference, whilst Mr Wiehart was placed on compulsory special leave, during which he was persecuted on the basis of fabricated charges of misconduct. Morrison and Vermeulen apparently performed very poorly, and in fact showed little progress. Mr Morrison furnished a preliminary report on 6 November 2017. 3.6. Mr Morrison’s final report does not contain the factual findings that were communicated to him since May 2017, nor did he make any reference to evidence furnished to him by a whistle-blower whose disclosures are included in the documents that I have now studied. 3.7. Same resulted in the comprehensive Chief Audit Executive review queries in that Mr Morrison had simply not performed, but more concerning is the fact that he collusively acted with Mr Mettler in concealment of impropriety by Mr Mettler, Dr Olver and others. 3.8. From the evidence before me, Mr Morrison is in all probability a compromised individual who did not render the service that he was appointed and paid for. This is how entrenched corruption is in our society, that even external forensic consultants are prepared to engage in the very same cancerous agenda that society is attempting to eradicate. 3.9. According to Mr Wiehart, Mr Trollip had even gone so far as to hide documents at his residence for a period of twenty-six months after a forensic report was furnished to a Hawks investigator in March 2018. Mr Trollip may say that he was the one who mandated the investigation, yet he must be made to account for his collusive actions in protection of corrupt officials and politicians. 3.10. This entire narrative raises a concern, which is that “the system” used in NMB to loot funds through companies like Mohlaleng Media could be, and probably is, “the system” that is replicated in other municipalities (and even other spheres of government) in favour of the corrupt and looting ruling party. 4. The leaked CR17 campaign bank statements: the same names crop up 4.1. Mr Wiehart further took me into confidence and shared information with me that relates to Linkd Environmental Services of which Dr Olver is, at the moment, the sole director. This three-man operation in 2017 entered into an SLA with Ria Tenda Trust (which belongs to President Ramaphosa) to provide accounting and financial services (https://www.thepresidency.gov.za/download/file/fid/1649) This is rather odd, because Linkd Environmental Services is not a financial services or accounting firm at all. What had apparently piqued Mr Wiehart interest had been that, given what had transpired in NMB, that this might be a case of history repeating itself. 4.2. I was shown some of the various leaked bank statements, that are quite easily accessible on social media platforms and, even though they have been sealed by the court , they therefore can never enjoy protection from public scrutiny. 4.3. What can be seen from these bank statements is that a bank account was utilised to channel alleged CR17 campaign funding. I find it questionable that the principals segregated so-called day to day business operations, with alleged campaign donations, as one would expect that separate trust accounts be opened and be managed in a transparent manner. 4.4. What was however of much interest to me, given the context of this submission, was that these statements showed the involvement of the very same individuals involved in the NMB/Mohlaleng Media corruption. They are Maverick State (formerly known as Mohlaleng Media), Crispian Olver, Cheslyn Mostert, Grant Pascoe, Vukile Pokwana and some others. 4.5. I was also shocked by some of the names of the listed beneficiaries, where I saw that many members of the ANC received money, totalling millions of Rands, in their personal bank accounts. Although, I hold no brief for the ANC as an organisation, I am concerned about Crispian Olver and Cheslyn Mostert’s seeming endgame. Whilst on the one hand, their hands may loom large in the corruption that has been taking place in NMB and on the other hand, Dr Olver’s company is alleged to have distributed millions of Rands to ANC members. There seems to be a strange disconnect between those actions. 4.6. That said, my concern is that, from where exactly did the funding in Dr Olver’s company bank account originate. On review of the deposits, it is evident that these origins are not vested in well-known and/or credible corporate resources from the private sector. Considering how Mohlaleng Media was used to fund and sustain the ruling party’s ever-hungry hyenas in NMB, one cannot believe that there is any legitimacy behind the so-called donor funding from private individuals or corporations. 4.7. Who are the real ‘donors’ and from where does such funding truly originate? Looking closely at the methodology used by Bosasa, and what could possibly be used by Linkd Environmental Services, one is left with unanswered questions as to who the real architects of state capture are. This is the actual question that must be considered, and investigated, by the Commission. 4.8. The innocuous words ‘donor funds’ are constantly used, whilst the biggest and most important ‘donor’ is the state through the looting of public funds. These so-called donor funds emanate directly from state contracts and government tenders and not from happy and morally complacent ANC supporters. 5. Conclusion 5.1. To verify the authenticity of the information contained in this submission, the Commission should consider conducting a preliminary investigation by engaging Mr Werner Wiehart. All the documentation I have scrutinised is available on request. 5.2. Furthermore, to aid its work, the Commission would be well advised to request the Public Protector’s report on its 2014/15 investigation of the NMB municipality’s IPTS system, as well as all the NMB corruption cases that have been reported to the police, Hawks, SIU and the NPA. 6. Parting shot: the money must be recovered from the ANC 6.1. We, at the moment, spend a lot of time talking about corruption and plumbing its depths, which is of course right. But we must also emphasise the imperative that all the moneys that have been pilfered through tender rigging, as was done with the eye-opening Bosasa shenanigans, in favour of ANC linked companies, or ANC leaders and linked individuals or the party itself, must be recuperated. 6.2. Tracing exactly into whose pocket the money went might look like an insurmountable task, and it probably will be a massive operation. But not tackling this task, would be short-changing South Africans from the moneys that should have been spent to make manifest their constitutional rights. Simple as that. 8. I remain at your disposal. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement Copied to: • President of the Republic, Mr Cyril Ramaphosa • Minister of Finance, Mr Tito Mboweni • Speaker of the National Assembly, Ms Thandi Modise, for the relevant portfolio committees’ attention • NMB acting Executive Mayor, Cllr Thsonono Buyeye • NMB acting City Manager, Mr Mandla George
10 Sep 2020
DHET: further allegations of Minister Nzimande’s political interference: appointment of SACP cronies
Dear President Ramaphosa DEPARTMENT OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND TRAINING: FURTHER ALLEGATIONS OF MINISTER NZIMANDE’S POLITICAL INTERFERENCE: APPOINTMENT OF PARTY CRONIES 1. I refer to my letters of 24 and 31 August 2020 regarding allegations of interference of the political head of the Department of Higher Education and Training (DHET), the Minister of Higher Education, Science and Technology, Dr Blade Nzimande, in departmental processes and administration, as well as the undermining of the senior departmental accounting officers. 2. Minister Nzimande’s alleged direct interference in procurement processes, such as what apparently happened with the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) laptop tender, clearly has disastrous consequences. This much vaunted project has flopped; everyone sits with egg on their faces and our students are left right where they started, without learning devices. NSFAS’s feeble attempt to mitigate the damage, effectively blaming a total of 150 bidders for “getting it wrong”, is almost laughable. 3. It has now come to my attention that Minister Nzimande was allegedly directly involved in twelve DHET appointments in the 2019/20 financial year that were not made in line with Public Service Regulations (PSR) and/or the Public Finance Management Act (PFMA) 1 of 1999. 4. The salaries of these twelve allegedly irregularly appointed individuals cost the taxpayer around R9,7 million a year, but once you consider the allegation that the majority of them are South African Communist Party comrades of the Minister, their appointments take another flavour and one can see why the regulations were seemingly so grossly flouted. 5. It is alleged that, in March 2020, five employees additional to the DHET establishment were appointed, but that there were no logic or justification for the creation of these posts in terms of Section 57(2) of the PSR. Apparently, the posts were not even advertised. I also understand that there was no appointment committee and no competency assessments were conducted as required by Section 67(1). Lastly, there were allegedly no vetting or checking of qualifications in terms of Section 57(3). These appointments are:   6. Another alleged appointment where the Minister had a hand in, is that of a 12-month contract of a Deputy Director-General Planning, Policy and Training, whilst this post already existed in the department establishment and it was vacant. The story with this appointment is the same as with the previous five; none of the PSR prescriptions were adhered to. 7. Two staff members were allegedly headhunted, whilst this is only allowed in terms of the DHET Recruitment and Selection Policy under certain circumstances as described in Section 2.1.6. For some reasons, apparently known only to the Minister, they were both headhunted after only one failed advertisement and the process was not conducted by a recruitment agency. Also, apparently, no verification of their qualifications has been done; they are: 8. The last four instances where the Minister apparently had a hand in are listed below, and as I understand it, there is no evidence on file, that indicates that their qualifications/studies and employment verifications were performed prior to their appointment as is required by Section 67(9a) of the PSR. 9. Much as the blustering rationalisations and irritable explanations come from the Minister, no amount of spin-doctoring can camouflage the dysfunction within the DHET, the Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs) and NSFAS. 10. Given the information that you have, I am interested to know what actions you have taken, or plan to take, to address these serious allegations against Minister Nzimande? Have you, at all, considered the United Democratic Movement’s call to suspend him? If not, why not? 11. Lastly, in the interest of setting the record straight, I also refer you to Minister Nzimande’s use of a ministerial briefing to strike at me and his use of a manipulative lie when he said I have an interest in doing business with his department. I wonder how he justifies conscientiously executing his oath of office if a lie is so easily told using a government platform. I wish to place on record that I am not the businessman he disparaged me to be, and that I have no interests, nor have I ever had, in any companies that do business with government and/or any of its entities. I have, in an effort to clear this up with the Honourable Minister, gone to the extent of offering to engage him on this topic on any live radio or television platform of his choice, but the response from his corner has, thus far, been mute. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement  
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Year-in-review report on my role as Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans within the Government of National Unity

Year-in-review report on my role as Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans within the Government of National Unity

Honourable Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP Parliament Leader of the United Democratic Movement (UDM) Parliament of the Republic of South Africa Cape Town Dear Honourable Kwankwa, Year-in-review report on my role as Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans within the Government of National Unity I trust this letter finds you in good health and high resolve. BACKGROUND AND PURPOSE Since my appointment as Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans in July 2024, I have had the privilege of engaging meaningfully with various parliamentary structures, state institutions, and formations within the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), as well as in certain instances, alongside the Minister - as evidently drawn in a summative table below, there was no space to breathe. These engagements have highlighted both the strengths and the structural weaknesses within our broader governance ecosystem. Most of the issues identified are of a legacy nature. The Auditor-General’s report has been instrumental in guiding the new Ministry, the Joint Standing Committee on Defence, and the Portfolio Committee on Defence, providing critical insight into the terrain we are expected to navigate. It is clear that the Department of Defence did not escape the effects of state capture. The ongoing SIU investigations initiated through proclamations signed by the President and the fact that the former Minister is still before the courts highlight the depth of the challenges we face. These realities point to a protracted process of restoring the integrity and capacity of the SANDF, a task further complicated by years of chronic underfunding. Another matter that garnered considerable public and institutional attention was the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) debacle, which placed the Department of Defence under intense scrutiny. This incident raised serious concerns about the overall capacity, preparedness, and logistical readiness of the SANDF to effectively carry out its continental peacekeeping and combat obligations. It further brought into question the adequacy of our planning processes, resource allocation, and strategic command structures in high-risk deployments. The DRC episode served as a stark reminder of the urgent need to review and strengthen our defence capabilities, particularly in the context of multinational operations under the auspices of SADC or the African Union. Adding to the ongoing concerns is the increasing impact of climate change, which continues to present new and evolving threats to our country’s security and humanitarian stability. This changing climate landscape is testing the capacity of the SANDF to respond swiftly and effectively, particularly in the deployment of rescue equipment and disaster relief operations. A case in point is the devastating floods in the Eastern Cape, which tragically claimed the lives of at least 92 people, though the final death toll is yet to be confirmed. Despite the scale of the disaster, only one Oryx helicopter was deployed for rescue and relief efforts days after the disaster had occurred, highlighting the severe limitations in our aerial response capabilities during emergencies. This highlights the urgent need to improve SANDF’s disaster response readiness in alignment with the growing frequency and intensity of climate-related events. The purpose of this letter is twofold: To provide you, as Parliamentary Leader of the United Democratic Movement (UDM), with a concise reflection on the nature of oversight and executive engagement I have undertaken since assuming office; and To urge, in the strongest terms, the reactivation and intensification of Parliament’s role in holding the Executive accountable on several unresolved matters of national importance, especially those the UDM has historically championed. It is my belief that the UDM’s principled, consistent, and people-centred voice must now take a more assertive role in ensuring that findings, commissions, and legislative frameworks lead to real consequences and reform. SUMMARY OF ALL ENGAGEMENTS This Meetings Summary Table outlines the scope of my official engagements over the reporting period. It serves as a record of the work I have undertaken in the execution of my duties as Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans. The engagements span parliamentary responsibilities, oversight of the Department and the SANDF, Cabinet cluster coordination, and international cooperation. I have always believed that public office must be anchored in accountability and purpose-driven action. Each meeting reflected in this table represents a deliberate effort to advance the priorities of our defence mandate, strengthen operational efficiency, and respond to the needs of our servicemen and women, veterans, and broader society. Whether meeting with international partners, military leadership, parliamentary committees, or community stakeholders, my focus has remained on upholding the integrity of the portfolio and ensuring that decisions are informed, inclusive, and responsive to our evolving national and global context. This table is therefore more than a schedule - it is a transparent demonstration of the work done, the responsibilities carried, and the trust placed in my office to serve with diligence, consistency, and impact.   Meeting Type / Category Total Meeting Count Summary Description Department of Defence (DoD) related meetings 63 Strategic meetings with Armscor, Denel, Defence Secretariat, AG compliance briefings, logistics planning, HR and CMIS oversight, force design sessions, budget alignment talks, and NCACC duties. SANDF Service Formations 42 Operational visits and reviews at SA Army HQ, Navy HQ, AFB Waterkloof, Military Police, Defence Intelligence, SAMHS, Logistics HQ, CMIS, and SF Brigade; command parades and capability briefings. Joint Standing Committee on Defence (JSCD) 12 Defence oversight briefings, acquisition performance reviews, and coordination with Treasury and Armscor. Portfolio Committee on Defence & MV 58 Parliamentary meetings focused on oversight of military veterans, departmental annual reports, and policy matters. Cabinet & Cluster Meetings 33 Engagements in JCPS and ICTS Cabinet Clusters, Deputy Ministers forums, Cabinet Lekgotla, executive caucuses, and inter-cluster alignments. International & Diplomatic Engagements 51 Bilateral engagements with Turkey, Italy, Pakistan, Spain, China, Cuba, India, the US, Japan, France, Russia, and multilateral meetings including BRICS, Ethiopia, AU Peace & Security Council sessions, arms control dialogues, the Thabo Mbeki Foundation dialogue on peace and security, various conferences on peace and security, and embassy briefings. Countries Visited on Bilateral Missions 6 Ethiopia, India, Pakistan, Cuba, Japan, and France. Community / Civic Engagements 19 Veteran forums, traditional leadership sessions, Youth Day, Women’s events, rural civic visits, and local councillor engagements.   MILITARY DIPLOMACY AND STRATEGIC BILATERAL ENGAGEMENTS Over the course of this reporting period, I have placed a strong emphasis on advancing South Africa’s military diplomacy through a series of targeted bilateral and multilateral engagements. These efforts are aimed at deepening defence cooperation, strengthening strategic partnerships, and safeguarding our national interests in a dynamic and often volatile global environment. In meetings with representatives of foreign governments, military attachés, and international defence institutions, I have consistently advocated for the expansion of opportunities for our officers to attend foreign staff courses and specialised military training programmes. Building the intellectual and leadership capacity of the SANDF remains a top priority, and external training partnerships are central to that goal. Furthermore, I have worked to promote the interests of South Africa’s defence industry, calling for increased collaboration in manufacturing, technology transfer, and procurement opportunities. By encouraging reciprocal engagement between our state-owned and private defence entities and their international counterparts, we have opened new avenues for innovation and market access. These engagements have not been ceremonial. In some instances, we have used quiet diplomacy to de-escalate tensions, clarify miscommunications, and avert diplomatic fallout that could have had far-reaching implications for our defence posture and foreign relations. I remain committed to ensuring that every interaction, whether at a reception, conference, or strategic roundtable, serves the broader purpose of peace, preparedness, and prosperity for our nation and the region.     IMPLEMENTATION OF THE 2015 DEFENCE REVIEW In terms of the FY2023/24 Ministerial Priorities as agreed to with the President on 18 July 2023, the Minister of Defence and Military Veterans was set the target of “Conducting an Evaluation of the Defence Review 2015 and Action Plan” for completion by 31 October 2024. The Department completed the draft documents in fulfilment of both the FY2023/24 Ministerial Priorities, as well as the subsequent direction as was given by the President during a bilateral engagement on 24 January 2024. The above- mentioned work-in-progress was formally submitted to the Presidency before the said 31 October 2024 deadline. PROCESS UNDERTAKEN The work-in-progress includes (inter alia): A concise PESTEL(M) Analysis of the Strategic Environment at the Global, Continental, Regional and National (GCRN) Dimensions. A Draft Defence Capstone Policy Concept for the Republic of South Africa. A Draft Military Capstone Strategizing Concept for the Defence and Protection of the Republic of South Africa. A Draft South African Military Strategy, Force Design and Force Structure for the period 2025 – 2055. The Journey to Greatness (Long Term Planning Intent). It was envisaged that a planned series of engagements and consultations would be pursued with the President and other critical stakeholders under the direction of the Minister before such work is formally tabled in Cabinet and in Parliament. Consequently, the South African National Security Council (SANSC) has directed the South African National Security Secretariat (SANSS) to develop a Report on the Reviewing of the Defence Review 2015 and the considerations for “investing in a sustainable modern Defence Force”. An initial engagement took place with the SANSS on 17 March 2025, where it was decided that a one-day workshop between the Department and the SANSS would be planned for the near future. This second engagement took place on Friday 13 June 2025. The work was well received and positive support was expressed in terms of the 1.5% of GDP Defence Funding Target as set by the President. The SANSS subsequently resolved to establish a small team of DGs (including the DG of the National Treasury) to engage on the fiscal strategy for attaining the goal as set by the President. Once endorsed by the National Treasury and the Ministry of Finance, this matter will proceed to the National Security Council and possibly Cabinet for further endorsement. Furthermore, the Minister will also be engaging with the Speaker and the Chairs of Parliamentary Committees on modalities for engagement with the relevant oversight bodies, so as to add value to this important work. The Department of Defence met the deadline as it was set by the Presidency. However, the Department cannot issue copies of the documents in question to the Portfolio Committee, or any structure beyond those explicitly identified for initial consultation, until a formal directive or clearance is received from the President. The decision on whether these documents may be distributed to oversight bodies rests with the Presidency, and the Department remains bound by that process. OVERSIGHT ROLE IN THE NATIONAL CONVENTIONAL ARMS CONTROL COMMITTEE (NCACC) As part of our collective responsibilities in the National Conventional Arms Control Committee (NCACC), we have actively contributed to the clearing of a significant backlog of arms control applications and export permits. Regular sittings of the Committee have ensured that due process is followed while maintaining the momentum necessary to support South Africa’s defence trade and associated industries. The backlog, which had affected operational timelines and contract fulfilment, has been systematically addressed except in instances where further verification or end-user clarity is still required. Our approach has balanced national security interests with economic imperatives, ensuring that compliant transactions are processed without unnecessary delay. Importantly, this work has direct fiscal implications. Every approved permit contributes to sustaining the country’s defence manufacturing base, securing jobs, and increasing state revenue. The NCACC therefore functions not only as a regulatory mechanism but also as a strategic enabler of industrial and economic resilience. We remain convinced that if the recovery and growth plans presented by Denel and Armscor are implemented with urgency and alignment, these state-owned entities can be repositioned toward institutional ascendancy. Through coordinated support and policy certainty, we can restore their role as vital components of South Africa’s defence capability and global competitiveness. ENGAGEMENTS WITH DEFENCE INDUSTRY STAKEHOLDERS Recent engagements with stakeholders across the defence industry were held as part of ongoing efforts to advance the implementation of public-private partnership (PPP) resolutions adopted during previous national platforms. These interactions served both as progress reviews and as strategic exchanges aimed at deepening cooperation in critical capability areas, including artillery systems, weapons testing, and industrial modernisation. The engagements also reaffirmed a shared commitment to leveraging the local defence industry as a cornerstone of national security and economic growth. A central focus of these engagements was the increasing interest, both domestically and internationally, in concluding memoranda of understanding (MoUs) with South African partners. These MoUs are expected to strengthen collaboration in advanced defence manufacturing and testing, helping position South Africa as a serious global player in next-generation defence systems. Discussions also centred on developing a coherent industry roll-out strategy that aligns local capabilities with global demand, enables technology transfer, and revitalises underutilised infrastructure for defence innovation. Stakeholders noted some progress since the last formal conference, but also expressed concern over regulatory delays, particularly those related to the issuing of permits by oversight bodies. These delays have disrupted momentum on several priority projects, thereby limiting the speed and scale of PPP execution. On a positive note, regulatory engagements with National Treasury have yielded revised guidelines, effective June 2025, that provide broader space for PPPs in areas such as prime mission equipment maintenance and upgrades. Concurrent consultations with the SANDF are also underway to ensure that industry proposals respond directly to operational requirements. One of the most significant recommendations arising from these discussions is the proposal to establish a dedicated PPP Directorate within the Department of Defence. This unit would serve as the central coordinating body for all PPP-related initiatives, reporting directly to senior leadership and working closely with oversight structures such as the Council on Defence and SANDF command. Stakeholders further recommended that the scope of PPPs be expanded beyond weapons systems to include strategic infrastructure development such as military hospitals, new bases, and the rehabilitation of command and logistics centres, thereby enabling comprehensive capability renewal. These engagements concluded with a unified commitment to intensify coordination between government, the defence force, state-owned entities, and industry partners. The focus going forward is to finalise a practical implementation roadmap for PPPs, remove regulatory bottlenecks, and institutionalise a mechanism to drive delivery on key resolutions. Stakeholders reiterated their readiness to support the Department’s efforts in positioning the local defence industry as a strategic, responsive, and globally competitive contributor to national development and security imperatives. ISSUES FACED BY MILITARY VETERANS One of the critical departments currently facing significant challenges is the Department of Military Veterans (DMV), particularly with regard to the prolonged delays in filling vacant posts. In response, we have convened a series of strategic sessions aimed at resolving these longstanding issues. These efforts have included the development of structured data management procedures, the compilation of a comprehensive implementation plan, and the establishment of a reliable and up-to-date veterans database. Through these targeted interventions, we are confident that tangible progress will be achieved, ensuring improved service delivery and greater satisfaction for military veterans across the country. Furthermore, we are working in close collaboration with the Presidential Task Team (PTT) to accelerate the resolution of the pressing issues identified above. This partnership is anchored in a shared commitment to restoring dignity and improving the quality of life for military veterans. The PTT serves as a vital coordinating mechanism, bringing together various stakeholders across government to ensure alignment, expedite decision-making, and remove bureaucratic obstacles. PARLIAMENTARY ENGAGEMENTS TO DATE In adherence to the principles of transparency and executive accountability, I have participated in a wide range of key engagements since assuming office, as reflected in the Meetings Summary Table above. These include: Portfolio Committee on Defence and Military Veterans – Regular attendance and formal submissions on matters affecting strategic capability, force readiness, and the well-being of military veterans, including oversight on departmental performance and policy execution. Joint Standing Committee on Defence – Active participation in joint oversight sessions, with specific focus on defence budget alignment, acquisition oversight, interdepartmental coordination, and strengthening the operational posture of the South African National Defence Force. Parliamentary Budget Votes and Debates – Participation in defence-related budget vote debates, including presenting key departmental priorities, defending expenditure patterns, and outlining performance targets in support of the Vote 23 allocation. Questions and Answers in Parliament – Engagements in plenary sessions involving questions to the President and Deputy President, as well as oral and written responses to parliamentary queries related to peace and security, military procurement, international cooperation, and veterans’ affairs. The nature of these engagements has not only reinforced the importance of parliamentary oversight but has also highlighted the urgent need for meaningful and enforceable accountability across all arms of the state. These engagements reveal systemic weaknesses, recurring audit disclaimers, and a dangerous normalisation of underperformance in service delivery and defence operations. In this context, the United Democratic Movement must position itself at the forefront of revitalising Parliament’s role. We must not only build on previous oversight work, but also be uncompromising in demanding implementation, consequence management, and institutional reform. Whether dealing with state-owned entities, public funds, or post-commission reform, the UDM must lead efforts to restore ethical and effective governance. ENGAGEMENTS WITH SANDF SERVICE FORMATIONS AND DEFENCE INDUSTRY ENTITIES In line with my executive responsibilities and the constitutional duty to ensure responsive governance, we have conducted a series of structured engagements with the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) and its associated defence industry institutions. These engagements have been instrumental in mapping the operational posture, resource gaps, institutional dysfunctions, and potential areas of reform within the defence ecosystem. Within the SANDF, we have exercised oversight on the following service formations and divisions: South African Army South African Air Force South African Navy South African Military Health Service (SAMHS) Military Police Division Logistics Division Human Resources Division Military Intelligence Division, among others. Each of these components performs a critical function in safeguarding the territorial integrity, sovereignty, and national interests of the Republic. However, these briefings have revealed a pattern of declining capacity, exacerbated by chronic underfunding, outdated equipment, infrastructure backlogs, and skills attrition. ENGAGEMENTS WITH THE DEFENCE INDUSTRY: DENEL AND ARMSCOR In addition to these military briefings, we have participated in oversight and strategic discussions with the two most significant players in our domestic defence industrial base - Denel and Armscor. These engagements have been instrumental in reaffirming the defence function not as an expense, but as a constitutional guarantee of sovereignty, stability, and peacekeeping in the region. However, without strategic intervention by Parliament, the SANDF risks organisational stagnation. The effectiveness of Parliament has been ambiguous for some time, with many struggling to comprehend that portfolio committees, particularly those overseeing Defence, have been raising alarms over a continued decline, yet the resolutions have largely amounted to little more than talk shops over the years. Every week, we report to the portfolio committees on these issues, but when it comes to Parliament’s role in capacitating these committees and ensuring the protection of our country, tangible support has been lacking. Even when in 2023 the President issued a directive to increase defence funding from 0.57% to 1.5% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), subsequent Cabinet meetings reduced these urgent calls to mere rhetoric, and the National Treasury failed to allocate the necessary funds. Parliament and the Government of National Unity must establish a structured, accountable process to implement resolutions, especially those related to Defence and oversight bodies such as SCOPA. PARLIAMENT’S OVERSIGHT MANDATE: LEGISLATIVE AND CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK Parliament’s oversight function is grounded in our democratic Constitution and further supported by key legislation that empowers Members of Parliament to act decisively: Section 55(2) of the Constitution mandates the National Assembly to “provide for mechanisms to ensure that all executive organs of state in the national sphere of government are accountable to it”; Section 92(2) and (3) of the Constitution holds Cabinet members individually and collectively accountable to Parliament; Rules of the National Assembly empower committees to summon any person to provide evidence, produce documents, or account for their actions; The Financial Management of Parliament and Provincial Legislatures Act (Act 10 of 2009) and the Money Bills Amendment Procedure and Related Matters Act (Act 9 of 2009) outline Parliament’s role in fiscal scrutiny and resource allocation oversight. This framework makes it clear: Parliament is not a passive observer. It is a constitutional watchdog with the authority and duty to demand accountability, transparency, and implementation. URGENT NATIONAL PRIORITIES DEMANDING PARLIAMENTARY ACTION Considering the background outlined above, I respectfully urge you to deploy the full weight of your office and the UDM’s parliamentary caucus to intensify oversight and push for finality on the following critical matters: Implementation of the Zondo Commission Findings The State Capture Commission unveiled an architecture of corruption that compromised state institutions and undermined public trust. Yet, implementation of its findings remains inconsistent and slow. The UDM, through Parliamentary procedures must: Demand detailed progress reports from the Presidency and the NPA; Ensure asset recovery is expedited and transparent; Create a dedicated oversight structure within Parliament to track implementation and prevent institutional regression; Introduce reforms to seal procurement loopholes and reinforce the independence of law enforcement bodies. Champion and expedite the enactment of legislation that enshrines the Commission’s rulings into law, effectively safeguarding the state from future attempts of corruption in any form. Public Investment Corporation (PIC) Accountability The Mpati Commission laid bare the mismanagement and undue influence within the PIC, risking public servants’ pensions. The UDM, through Parliamentary procedures must: Demand a detailed and public implementation report from Treasury and the PIC; Reinforce transparency in investment decisions; Re-evaluate laws governing the PIC to insulate it from political and commercial abuse. State Response to Ex-Mineworkers The UDM has long championed justice for ex-mineworkers, many of whom continue to suffer from occupational illnesses without compensation. Despite acknowledgment from former President Mbeki, implementation remains weak. The UDM, through Parliamentary procedures must: Pursue diligent follow-up on all correspondence directed to the Presidency and the Department of Labour during the tenure of former Minister Thulas Nxesi, wherein the UDM formally submitted numerous letters concerning this matter. Demand a policy framework with timelines and budget allocations for redress; Establish an interdepartmental task team to coordinate response efforts; Oversee enforcement of legal rulings and settlement payouts to affected mineworkers and their families. Land Reform and Restitution Delays The backlog in land claims, particularly post-1998 claims, continues to disenfranchise communities. The UDM, through Parliamentary procedures must: Demand a revised, time-bound implementation plan from the Commission on Restitution of Land Rights; Introduce clearer legislative frameworks for expediting land restitution and tenure security. Collapse of Provincial Health Systems and NHI Readiness While the National Health Insurance (NHI) Bill signals intent for universal healthcare, existing infrastructure and corruption in the provincial health systems raise serious concerns where many are destitute. The UDM, through Parliamentary procedures must: Demand provincial audits on hospital infrastructure and medical staffing; Scrutinise funding flows in aim to prevent tender manipulation; Insist on a phased, measurable NHI roll-out plan with clear reporting mechanisms to Parliament. The other issue is the pension of the South Africa Transkei Bophuthatswana Venda Ciskei (SATBVC) states , President Ramaphosa during the State of the Nation Address (SoNA) instructed the minister of Finance to address the matter, but Treasury once more ignored this call, however, we managed to bring it back to Parliament and are simply asking him to monitor the progress of the finalisation of this enquiry and address the concerns of these pensioners. The other pressing matter is that which relates to the remuneration of the herdsman (iiBhodi).  Numerous engagements with the Presidency, National Treasury, and COGTA had been initiated by the UDM in the 6th administration, and it my plea that your office further escalates the matter to ensure that there is action in as far as this issue concerned. Youth Unemployment and Skills Mismatch The UDM, through Parliamentary procedures must also confront the unacceptably high rate of youth unemployment, now surpassing 60% in some areas. Despite billions spent on education and skills development, graduates remain locked out of the economy. The UDM should demand: Full audits of SETAs and the National Skills Fund; Reforms linking training programmes directly to identified economic sectors; State procurement policies that prioritise youth-owned enterprises and cooperatives. CONCLUSION This report serves as a summative reflection on the engagements, responsibilities, and strategic interventions undertaken over the reporting period. It captures not only the scope of work executed in alignment with my portfolio duties, but also reflects the broader institutional and policy challenges we continue to confront as public representatives. The insights and data provided herein are intended to inform, support, and empower the critical oversight role played by your office and by Parliament more broadly. Honourable Kwankwa, we are at a historical juncture. Public confidence in democratic institutions is eroding. The gap between policy and implementation continues to widen. It is in this context that the UDM’s voice and leadership in Parliament must grow louder and more decisive. I remain committed to providing assistance wherever possible, fully appreciating the established reporting protocols given my deployment within the Executive. Nonetheless, I wish to emphasise with conviction that when these critical matters are brought forth by your esteemed office, they are far more likely to gain the necessary traction, visibility, and momentum. This will significantly amplify the many voices we represent in Parliament and ensure that our concerns receive the urgent attention they deserve. We must insist on accountability, demand justice for the forgotten, and champion ethical governance as a pillar of transformation. Through your leadership, Parliament must become a place where reports are not only tabled, but implemented; where corruption is not only debated, but punished; and where vulnerable communities are not only heard, but served. With a thorough understanding of the dynamics within the Government of National Unity (GNU), I intend to formally raise these concerns at the forthcoming Bosberaad of GNU leaders, convened as per the President’s suggestion in response to the recent budgetary challenges and the discontent expressed by other political parties regarding aspects of the decision-making process. It is particularly notable that the African National Congress (ANC) and the Democratic Alliance (DA) are, in posture, seen to be undermining other parties and excluding them in all decision-making processes. The aim of this Bosberaad is to view the priority areas that need alignment and rethinking. Please be assured of my continued cooperation and support in pursuit of this collective national duty. Yours sincerely, Maj. Gen. (Ret.) BH Holomisa President of the United Democratic Movement Deputy Minister of Defence & Military Veterans  

NMB MPAC Chair Luxolo Namette’s first session as chair shows integrity of leadership

NMB MPAC Chair Luxolo Namette’s first session as chair shows integrity of leadership

Statement by Bulelani Bobotyane, Provincial Secretary of the UDM in the Eastern Cape The United Democratic Movement (UDM) in the Eastern Cape expresses its full support and appreciation for the principled leadership demonstrated by Councillor Luxolo Namette, Chairperson of the Municipal Public Accounts Committee (MPAC) in the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality. In the face of serious concerns regarding the irregular payment of R3.7 million to politically deployed individuals between 2013 and 2017, Cllr Namette has steered the committee with integrity and fairness, ensuring that the matter is handled in accordance with due process. His decision to defer the item pending a legal opinion demonstrates a commitment to responsible governance, accountability, and the rule of law. As the UDM in the Eastern Cape, we believe that public funds must be safeguarded, and any allegations of irregular expenditure thoroughly investigated. We commend Cllr Namette for prioritising transparency and due diligence, and for upholding the principles of clean governance that the UDM holds dear. We further call on the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality to expedite the legal opinion process and ensure that all measures are taken to prevent a repeat of such irregularities. The citizens of this metro deserve nothing less than a government that acts in their best interest and protects the public purse. Cllr Namette’s leadership reflects the UDM’s commitment to ethical public service and the strengthening of institutions that hold power to account.

Gauteng’s subsidy cuts to independent schools amid R317 million underspending

Gauteng’s subsidy cuts to independent schools amid R317 million underspending

Statement by Andile Jabavu, Provincial Secretary of the UDM in Gauteng The United Democratic Movement (UDM) in Gauteng is deeply alarmed by the Gauteng Department of Education’s (GDE) decision to slash subsidies to independent schools by 20% for secondary and 18% for primary institutions, while simultaneously failing to spend R317 million of its 2024 education budget. This decision is not only fiscally unjustifiable but also morally reprehensible in a province grappling with widespread educational inequality. Independent schools, particularly low-fee institutions, play a vital role in absorbing learners who would otherwise be left behind by a public system strained by overcrowding, inadequate infrastructure, and uneven quality. These schools often serve poor and working-class communities, offering a beacon of hope to parents who seek quality education for their children in the absence of viable public alternatives. To cut funding to these institutions while returning funds to Treasury reflects a glaring disconnect between the department’s policy intentions and the lived realities of learners and educators. What is particularly disconcerting is that this cut affects the most vulnerable - children in low-fee independent schools that operate on razor-thin margins. It undermines the constitutional imperative of access to quality education and violates the principle of equity that should guide all public funding decisions. The GDE’s explanation, that the funds were redirected to fee-free public schools, raises more questions than answers. Why must support for one group of disadvantaged learners come at the expense of another? Is the Department not capable of simultaneously planning for both? Moreover, the underspending of R317 million is a symptom of administrative inefficiency and poor planning. This is not merely a missed financial target; it is a failure to deliver services, provide resources, and invest in the future of Gauteng’s learners. Underspending on education in a province where schools still battle with infrastructure backlogs, teacher shortages, and over-enrolment is both inexcusable and an indictment on leadership. The UDM calls on MEC Matome Chiloane to account to the people of Gauteng: •    Why were these funds not spent in a province with so many glaring education needs? •    What processes were followed in deciding on the subsidy reductions, and were affected schools consulted? •    What are the GDE’s contingency plans to prevent low-fee independent schools from collapsing under the weight of these cuts? We further urge the Provincial Legislature to institute a full review of GDE’s budgeting processes and to ringfence funding for low-fee independent schools in future fiscal years. The UDM also calls on the Portfolio Committee on Basic Education in Parliament to initiate an inquiry into provincial education departments that repeatedly underspend while simultaneously cutting essential services. Education is not a favour bestowed by government; it is a right enshrined in our Constitution. No child should be punished because their school does not fall neatly into the public sector box. The real question is not whether we can afford to support independent schools; it is whether we can afford to lose the contributions they make to an already overburdened education system.  

UDM Johannesburg welcomes arrests in JMPD officer murder case

UDM Johannesburg welcomes arrests in JMPD officer murder case

Statement by Yongama Zigebe, Councillor in the City of Johannesburg for the United Democratic Movement and Chairperson of the S79 Committee on Gender, Youth and People with Disabilities The United Democratic Movement (UDM) in the City of Johannesburg welcomes the recent arrests of suspects linked to the heinous murder of a Johannesburg Metropolitan Police Department (JMPD) officer in Lenasia. This swift action by law enforcement is a crucial step toward justice and serves as a stern message to those who seek to undermine the rule of law and the safety of our communities.  We commend the South African Police Service (SAPS), the JMPD, and all involved in the investigations for their diligent work. We remain deeply concerned by the rising levels of violent crime targeting law enforcement officers, who risk their lives daily to maintain order and protect our residents.  Attacks on officers are attacks on the very fabric of our democracy. As the UDM Johannesburg Caucus, we reiterate our call for better resourcing, training, and protection for our metro police officers.  We also urge communities to cooperate with the police to root out criminal elements. We continue to extend our heartfelt condolences to the family, friends, and colleagues of the fallen officer. May their courage and service never be forgotten.