Admin
31 Oct, 2008
UDM input at the National Convention South African democracy at a crossroad: turning a new page
INTRODUCTION The debate about political realignment has long been in the minds of many people in this country. It has been discussed publicly and privately by writers, political parties, and other individuals. Also over the years we have seen developments such as the emergence of the DA, the dissolution of the NNP and its absorption into the ANC, as well as the formation of new political parties. All of these are signs of the impetus for political realignment. Those initiatives may not have been as effective as their architects may have hoped, but realignment is a process not an event. The UDM feels it will not be in the best interests of all South Africans if the debate is only about political alliances. Any serious discussion about realigning the political landscape should not be confined only to political parties, but should also embrace stakeholders from civil society. The re-alignment phenomenon, it must be clearly understood, is not an alliance of political parties. It is a re-writing of the political map, a re-alignment of ideas, the regrouping of people around new concepts that have been thrown up by the changes that have taken place. However, we must thank the people behind this current initiative because it is more inclusive than many of the previous efforts. The UDM welcomes the revival of this important discussion about political realignment. The people who have gathered for this convention reflect the demographics of this country, representing the various formations of our society. There are those who couldn’t be present for this gathering due to a lack of resources, but who pin their hopes on the possibility that there may emerge from this convention a statement of intent towards addressing the social ills of this country. Let us remind each other that the impact of the social forces that transformed a totalitarian racist regime to a democratic social order – founded on the most progressive principles to be enshrined in a bill of rights in any country in modern times – shook the social foundations that had hitherto provided the basis and rationale for the alignment of political groupings which characterized our political landscape prior to 1994. Our point of departure in nation building must not be an ideological paradigm predicated on intolerant nationalism. This would be an unfortunate repeat of the discredited and failed social orders such as apartheid and communism in the former eastern block countries. This view has been propounded by Dr Van Zyl Slabbert in his book. THE STATE OF THE NATION Our history demands an awareness and willingness from all South Africans to fight the resurgence of racial hostilities and conflicts. It is in recognition of this historical legacy of our society that the UDM has committed itself to the vision of a new South Africa. Our analysis of the changing socio–economic-political order in South Africa since 1994, indicates that there will be discernible political shifts along interest group divides, distinguished by common concerns and aspirations. This process will move towards the crystallization of two major political streams, which express the ethos of the beneficiaries of the established order, on the one hand, and the aspirations of the emerging major social groupings that are marginalized at present, on the other hand. This will necessitate the emergence of two major political formations representing these interest groups. The group of beneficiaries is composed among others of those in position of power who implement policies skewed towards the interests of a select elite. It is this crowd today which runs the government from outside government structures even to the extent of who should get tenders and contracts and who not. The same style of government in the last 14 years has actually produced multi-millionaires and billionaires who have been cuing for state tenders irrespective of their ability to delivery, but on the other hand the products and services they have delivered have often left much to be desired. It is no wonder that today those successful deployees-turned-businessmen can donate individually R10 million to their party which enriched them with taxpayer money. We can expect as we move forward that it is these people who will resist change and pay in order to discredit this convention. The marginalized groups we are talking about are those sections of the population that have been unable to participate significantly in the economy for decades. Those groups are losing hope because daily their socio-economic suffering increases. It is these people who hoped that after 1994 there would be a clear-cut programme to uplift them. Instead we have seen a new culture being introduced, a culture of dependence and handouts, which has been characterized by the politics of patronage. For example, in order to get a particular service, or RDP house, or employment, you need to belong to party X, and in the case of tenders you need to ‘donate’ a certain percentage back to that political party. It promotes marginalization and discrimination if a ruling party deploys only its own cadres to head Chapter 9 institutions and the top structures of the civil service. The same policy is applied in the parastatals. It is a further marginalization of the people in the country if the ruling party deploys only its own cadres to head businesses. That is precisely why it is so easy currently for state resources to be used to prop up the ruling party, for example the R11 million that was donated to the ANC in the PetroSA/Oilgate scandal. You don’t have to be a rocket science to see that this is a form of institutionalized corruption where there is a deliberate web to siphon off state money to benefit a particular party. This strategy of marginalizing the rest of the country from participating in the economy has been exacerbated by the ruling party’s failure to distinguish between the role of the party and the role of government. As a result of the blurring of the roles of party and government that when there is conflict in the ruling party, it spills over into government and service delivery suffers. All tiers of Government have been paralysed by these divisions in the ruling party. Squabbles have erupted at the SABC, the National Intelligence Agency, provincial administrations and many municipalities. Not to mention the systematic campaign to undermine and devalue institutions of the democratic state we have witnessed, which resulted in the establishment of the Hefer and Khampepe Commissions of Inquiry. There is therefore a compelling need for the nation to periodically meet, as we are doing at this convention, to do a prognosis and reflect on strategies to address our national challenges. One thing is certain, the strategy of giving one political party the mandate to address our national challenges has been a failure. Nor can we fold our arms and do nothing whilst people are engaging in cronyism, nepotism and corruption. We can’t look the other way just because the people committing these crimes against our society are hiding behind the ruling party’s liberation credentials. When we talk of the ANC, we must understand that there are certain emotional attachments for many people, because it led the Struggle that liberated everybody including the erstwhile oppressors. But equally so we have a right to raise questions when we witness unscrupulous people hijacking the democratic project to enrich themselves, break the law and loot the resources of the country. Indeed we can no longer say that the trust that was given to the ruling party as custodian of our Constitution is still deserved, when they embark on campaigns aimed at undermining aspects of the democratic order, such as the judiciary just because they want the judiciary to pronounce a verdict that is acceptable to the palace. In all our discussions in this debate our point of departure should be the recommitment to the principle of improving the quality of lives of the people of South Africa as a national objective agreed to by all parties during the negotiation process prior to 1994. It is particularly important since nearly 15 years into democracy research by credible institutions indicate that the gap between rich and poor is widening. If we follow this as a guideline, we will emerge from this convention as a group of South Africans, to send a strong message that this convention is not only about the needs of the elite, or angry people for that matter, contrary to what the ruling party’s leadership and some analysts have claimed. Focusing on the marginalization of the citizens in this country, as well as resisting anarchist lawless tendencies, are not elitist or exclusive exercises. You can’t continue to use these citizens, including the poorest of the poor, as voting cattle, but when you get a mandate to govern, you forget about them. How does the ruling party reconcile its urban-biased policies, for instance subsidizing urban housing for the poor, but forget to cater on a similar scale for the needs of the rural communities? A responsible government would have been expected to engage the citizens in the rural areas, some of whom were bundled there because of the old apartheid policies, to determine what their needs are. Perhaps it may not be subsidized housing, but rather irrigation schemes. Even those in the urban areas, such as the squatter camps along the N2 in Cape Town who have been there since the 1980s, do not receive the services that they require. That community has been reduced to a political football between the ruling party at national and provincial level and local government under the opposition, but their urgent housing needs remain unaddressed. That is why we have seen in the past few years all over the country how frustrated communities have resorted to barricading roads and acts of public unrest because of poor service delivery. SOCIO-ECONOMIC IMPERATIVES It should never be forgotten that our democratic Constitution seeks to guarantee our freedom, but this can only be achieved if the socio-economic environment allows the Bill of Rights to become a reality for all South Africans. Political freedom, without social and economic freedom is a hollow concept. The question that confronts us is: Has the political freedom gained in 1994 translated into social and economic freedom? We must deliberately measure our progress since 1994, because true freedom is not a once-off event but an ongoing process. The UDM understands that the growth of freedom depends on certain basic conditions that affect citizens’ physical ability but are also directly linked to their dignity, including the following: • Jobs. Without productive employment and a decent living wage people will not be able to experience the fruits of freedom. In the long term, food security can only be achieved and hunger beaten if people have jobs. • Education. Without knowledge and skills people cannot make informed decisions and achieve their goals, and so enhance their livelihoods. • Health. People need to be healthy and have adequate health care in order to reach their full potential and share in the benefits of a democratic society. • Security. People who feel under siege from criminals in their homes, neighbourhoods and places of work cannot fully concentrate on pursuing their aspirations. • Property ownership. Without ownership of land and property people are unable to participate actively in the economic and social life of the country. The architects of international institutions such as the World Trade Organisations (WTO) and even many developing countries like Brazil, China and India recognise the responsibility that they have towards their citizens and intervene to protect their domestic jobs and businesses. A Government that proposes anything less does not care about its people, and is not willing to accept responsibility for their welfare and prosperity. Whilst Apartheid undermined the majority’s dignity and freedom, the current levels of unemployment, poverty, crime and HIV/AIDS are taking many South Africans back to that same state of hardship and suffering experienced under Apartheid. The lack of coherent policy priorities to address these imbalances and backlogs, has led to the loss of hope by many South Africans. As a result of these contradictions in the implementation of policies South Africans are suspicious and mistrust Government, because of perceptions that it is not equitably distributing the resources of the country. There is an overwhelming view that there has never been a consensus on a macro-economic policy that can transform the economy in a manner that will create and spread wealth wider and improve the lot of the disadvantaged majority. There are, in particular, concerns about the inadequacies and contradictions of the fiscal and industrial policies. As a nation can we continue to allow the Minister of Finance and the Reserve Bank Governor to determine our economic fate exclusively on the basis of a narrow focus on inflation? This convention would’ve failed in its objective if it cannot resolve that there is a need for South Africans to meet again to discuss economic policy. We must resist the danger that economic policy will be determined by the ruling party’s donors. South Africans were too relaxed after 1994, thinking that there would be “jobs for all” as the ruling party promised. But the moment that it ascended to the Union Buildings it produced strange policies that led to jobless growth. There is a tendency to label people as ‘leftist’ when they call for the Government to do more for the people of this country. But when the Afrikaners were uplifted by their Government, it wasn’t called ‘leftist’. When the developed countries of the world subsidise their local agriculture and industry with trillions of dollars it is not called ‘leftist’. Just recently the governments of the US and Europe have intervened in their economies to the tune of hundreds of billions of dollars to rescue private banks, but they have not been labelled ‘leftist’. It is ridiculous to suggest that our government should fold its arms when millions of South Africans are wallowing in poverty, because to uplift them would be so-called ‘leftist’. Above all South Africans want an accountable, ethical and incorruptible government. A NEW POLITICAL PARTY? There is talk that this convention might culminate in the launching of a new political party in December this year. The UDM views this convention as the first phase in a process. Aside from the threat to our constitutional democracy that we are discussing at this convention, there are those that are looking for a political home. We should encourage those who want to launch a new political party in the meanwhile to do so and to publish their platform. The second phase would be a bigger national convention after the elections – which is as inclusive as possible – where likeminded parties could meet as equals to discuss how we can build a strong new movement which would articulate the issues arising from this convention. THREATS TO A NEW PARTY: PLAYING FIELD NOT LEVEL Indications are that the ruling party will not tolerate the launching of a new party; disrupting meetings and declaring no-go areas etc. This hostile environment was once experienced by the UDM when violence was used to deter people from joining the party. Added to this was a deliberate blackout by the public broadcaster of UDM policy positions when it was launched. Perhaps after a new political party has been launched it should delegate a representative to sit on the Multi-Party Forum steering committee, which has been engaging the IEC on a number of issues to level the playing field for the election. To assist the new party, the resolutions – that were adopted by all political parties after the IEC conference last year – are attached to this document. Our engagement with the IEC is informed by the AU and SADC concerns about electoral processes in various countries, where election results have been disputed, sometimes even leading to violence and civil war. Those who form this new party will discover that one of the biggest inhibiting factors is lack of access to the public broadcaster in order to publish their policies and positions. They will discover that they will be lucky to get four minutes on national news to present their manifesto to the nation during the election period, yet the SABC will give the ruling party’s manifesto launch and major rallies hours of live coverage. An abuse of state resources that even the old National Party never committed. Even recently the ANC Secretary General and President both were allowed to abuse the SABC to speak to the nation live in order to address party squabbles. The other major handicap that the new party will find is the hesitance of the IEC to implement changes that the political parties have identified as inhibiting factors to multi-party democracy; the only stakeholder they take seriously is the ruling party. They have so far failed to arrange a meeting between themselves, the SABC, ICASA and the political parties to discuss the levelling of the playing field, as they promised to do earlier this year. Indeed they have failed dismally so far to come clean on what role the National Intelligence Agency is playing in the awarding of tenders to companies involved in the running of the elections. Nor have they convinced us that the IEC is insulated from Government influence through the Department of Home Affairs. This issue of the IEC is one area that political parties should all take seriously. What is the point of endorsing the IEC Commissioners when they do not listen to stakeholder concerns? This convention would be committing a grave mistake if it did not pronounce itself strongly on this matter. The IEC has despite our concerns gone ahead and started appointing people to run the elections that belong to the tripartite alliance. Some of the people who might be forming this new political party, may have an experience of how things were done in the ruling party, such as the hiring of venues and catering, and the printing of propaganda material under the guise of government information, rolling out food parcels that after the election disappear again. This abuse of state resources to promote the ruling party must stop. If we fail to address the IEC being embedded in Government, as well as the behaviour of the SABC, all the issues we raise at this convention will be for naught. Collectively we may need to ask for a High Court/Constitutional Court to review whether the rights of all are being respected. We need guarantees before the next election; we can’t allow South Africans to be kept in the dark about the policies and views of parties other than the ruling party, as if we are in exile in our own country. In everything we are discussing here, we need to realise that time is a major issue. Two major factors can take us out of this dilemma: speed and control of the process. The masses are waiting to here from us on how do we rescue this country from the embarrassing situation we find ourselves in, when the ruling party violates such basic principles such as accountability, consultation, inclusiveness, respect and decency. WAY FORWARD South Africa is at a crossroad; due to the situation explained above. As we have converged here with a view to seek solutions to the challenges facing the nation, it would be important to emerge with a message of hope for the people of South Africa. The bottom-line is that the masses of this country are vulnerable. They have been treated shabbily and used as voting cattle. This should not just have been a meeting where we spoke and then nothing came of it. It is time to turn the page. We need to ask ourselves how our discussions here will affect our actions in five year’s time. Thus we need to develop a plan of action, with specific steps and deadlines. As a way forward we know that the immediate task before us is to prepare for the elections next year. We need to provide answers on how we will cooperate as political parties to ensure that those elections will be free and fair. The levelling of the playing field will necessitate that the IEC need to speedily convene a meeting of political party leaders to answer whether it will be business as usual as far as the SABC, the involvement of NIA, and the capturing of election results are concerned. The other immediate issue confronting some of the people at this convention, is for those who intend launching a political party in December, to be given the time to do so. But in the meantime they must familiarise themselves with the ins and outs regarding the upcoming elections. The issues that have been identified for discussion at this convention are relevant to all political parties. The resolutions taken here reflect the views of the nation and it is incumbent upon every political party to decide how those views will be reflected in their policies. I dare say that even the ruling party should take note of the resolutions of this convention. COOPERATION SCENARIOS Since the Polokwane Conference of the ruling party there has been tremendous pressure from the public asking why we in the opposition do not form a strong alternative to the ruling party. It is a debate that has dominated public and private discussions. The truth is that we can’t just bundle a group of political parties together at short notice because we represent specific voters and mandates. The 2009 election is near; if we had started this convention process in January this year we would’ve been in a better position, but now time is against us. However the following scenarios may be looked at: a. Come up with a cooperation model, without losing the identity of the political parties, but work together under one umbrella in the election. b. Another scenario would be to remain as separate parties, but cooperate on issues raised in the Multi-Party Forum, such as electoral processes. c. Electoral pacts are also a possibility, where political parties agree not to contest against each other, and ask their supporters in certain areas to vote for their partner in the pact. d. Political parties can also contest the election separately but consider coalitions after the election. e. Another scenario would be to disband all the likeminded parties and create one new political entity to contest the upcoming election, but given that parties operate under electoral and conference mandates between elections, that is unlikely. Whatever scenario is chosen, all political parties need to promote certain common campaign messages, such as the need for electoral reform and the need to call a CODESA-type indaba on the economy and education. All of us can state those objectives in our election manifestoes and tell the nation that collectively we will ensure that these reforms will be implemented before the 2012 local government elections. There is no harm for each and every party to have a common thread in our manifestoes to say that never again should this country be dominated by a two-thirds majority, in order to counter the ills we’ve identified and improve service delivery. South Africans need to spread the vote to promote a balance of power, and ensure that the interests of our diverse society are reflected in the legislatures and Executive. CONVENTION BEYOND 2009 ELECTION Now that we have started a serious debate in this country about political realignment and have embarked upon the first phase of achieving that objective, the UDM would propose the following steps to advance this debate: a. Engage in informal discussion with all stakeholders, as we have started this weekend, which will begin to identify the various policy positions that are needed to improve the lot of South Africans. b. If there is an emerging consensus to establish an alternative government, we should establish a Committee of Parties with equal status (it will need to include other stakeholders in society such as Labour, Business, Traditional institutions, Youth, Women, NGOs, etc). c. That Committee of Parties should, in consultation with their leaders, work out the following: i. a vision ii. a possible vehicle to drive the process, including the question of leadership iii. areas of agreement and disagreement on our values. d. If there is consensus, the Committee should call a Summit of Leaders to send a message that we are serious about political realignment in South Africa. It is at this Summit that the leaders may decide on what the next stage in the process will be. e. The UDM view is that an appropriate format for discussions will be a second bigger National Indaba/Convention of Political Parties and sectors of society. f. Such an Indaba/Convention can set up Commissions to deliberate on different policy areas. g. The Commissions would report their findings to the Indaba/Convention, indicating differences and agreements on key areas and principles underlying party platforms. h. It would be the responsibility of the Indaba/Convention to take resolutions, on the most important aspects of this process, which would be a commitment to an accepted common vision of an alternative government. If consensus is reached during the course outlined above, it is conceivable that the situation could result in a new political formation that would pursue the objective of an alternative government. We call upon South Africans in all political formations, civil society, the business sector, academic etc. to take stock and concede that we should leave the baggage of the past behind and embrace the opportunity to carry our society forward and write a new chapter in our history. We should commend the ANC for having been the mother of non-racialism. To demonstrate their bona fides they even welcomed the members of the dissolved National Party of PW Botha into their ranks. However we have noted the double standards in Parliament and public debates where they would vent their anger about the policies of the past by blaming the DA, yet the architects of apartheid have been rewarded inside the ANC and Government with cosy positions. As we meet here the emphasis should be on the Constitution of the country, rather than wasting our energy on who owns the Freedom Charter etc. We have a fresh founding document of democracy that we need to embrace and protect. The UDM remains committed to multi-party democracy, and we feel that this is an opportune time to turn the page on one-party dominance. May God bless us all to read from the same page and take our country forward.
Admin
26 Apr, 2004
National and Provincial Elections 2004
Better Future Plan UDM Manifesto 2004 MESSAGE FROM BANTU HOLOMISA – FREEDOM FOR ALL Dear Fellow South African This year we celebrate ten years of freedom. We understand freedom as the ability of individuals and groups to make choices and pursue their aspirations freely. This includes choices such as where to live, what work to choose and where to engage in it, where and what to learn, where and what business to pursue, and many others. This means that the level of freedom depends on the socio-economic conditions. The better the socioeconomic conditions, the greater the freedom of citizens to pursue their aspirations and address their concerns. Our democratic Constitution seeks to guarantee our freedom, but this can only be achieved if the socioeconomic environment allows the Bill of Rights to become a reality for all South Africans. Freedom is not just a political condition; freedom is also a social and economic condition. Political freedom, without social and economic freedom is a hollow concept. Has the political freedom gained in 1994 translated into social and economic freedom? Freedom of choice will be the key symbol of our celebration of ten years of liberation. South Africans will exercise their freedom of choice to determine who must govern, both and national and provincial levels. This political choice will not only determine who governs, but also which political party is best suited to keep an eye on the ruling party. This party will use Parliament to ensure that the ruling party sticks to the mandate it received and that it serves the entire nation, not just those that voted for it. After all, the entire nation, irrespective of party political support, contribute to the funding of Government through taxes and are equal under the Constitution. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) is ready, willing and able to fulfill either of these roles: to govern and deliver, or to hold the ruling party accountable to the citizens of this country. The UDM is seven years old, but already has established itself as a significant player on the political landscape. In less than two years since our launch the UDM participated in the 1999 elections and gained 16 seats in Parliament, and representation in six provincial legislatures. In the process the UDM became the official opposition in the Eastern Cape and Limpopo legislatures. The UDM has given value to all South Africans who voted for us in the 1999 elections, and to those who did not vote for us but who are committed to the democratic principles of good governance. Three examples of this are: The floor-crossing legislation When the ruling party, with the support of the DA and NNP introduced the floor-crossing legislation, it was the UDM that took the fight for the rights of voters to the highest court. Voters need to ask these parties why they supported this law, and thereby gave the right to a single individual politician to nullify the votes of tens of thousands of people. The Arms Deal The UDM is amongst those who took the lead in challenging the Arms Deal that appears to be a hotbed of corruption and fraud. Eventually certain Government officials were found to have been guilty of improper behaviour. Even now, the matter is not resolved, with powerful people linked to the ANC facing court trials, and a cloud of suspicions hanging over Deputy President, Jacob Zuma. The Hefer Commission came about as a direct result of these unresolved matters relating to the Arms Deal. The UDM will continue to pursue this matter because corruption cannot be tolerated. We disagree with the wastage of billions of Rands of weapons of war when the real enemies of our country are unemployment, poverty, crime and HIV/AIDS. This is part of the UDM’s commitment to accountable and responsible government. We have the resolve and commitment to fight corruption, and take on any party, no matter its history or power, to ensure that South Africans have the ethical governance that they deserve. Taxi Recapitalisation When Government announced its Taxi Recapitalisation programme most South Africans were justifiably relieved that the existing taxi fleet would be upgraded and the industry would be democratically run. However it quickly became evident that Government was bungling the process, not sticking to its own deadlines and blaming taxi owners for Government’s mistakes. Government was unable to answer commuters’ questions about affordability and availability of services, whilst owners’ questions about equity remained unanswered. Government refused to apply relevant safety regulations to existing makes of vehicles, and offered owners a small scrapping fee regardless of the roadworthiness of their current vehicle, thus making it virtually impossible for owners to afford the new vehicles. It became apparent that this process was in danger of becoming a self-enrichment scam for the elite, at the expense of commuters and black business people in the industry. It would be wrong for an industry that supplies millions of people with transport and tens of thousands of people with jobs to be undermined in this fashion. The UDM together with most of the taxi associations actively campaigned for Government to address these concerns, since Government itself had unreasonably delayed the process and was making it impossible for the industry to transform. As a result Government recently agreed to postpone the deadlines to ensure that the Taxi Recapitalisation is properly implemented and that commuters are not deprived of services whilst thousands of entrepreneurs in the industry are bankrupted. These are but some examples of the UDM’s active role in national politics and the further consolidation of South Africa’s democracy. Being a viable, trustworthy and reliable opposition party is a demonstration that we are equally up to the task of governing. Fundamental values The UDM and its leadership understand the fundamental values that South Africans apply when choosing their government. We understand that: – South Africans want a sense of ownership of their government. – South Africans want direct control of their government. – South Africans want an accountable, ethical and incorruptible government. – South Africans want mutual trust between them and their government. – South Africans want to be in charge of their own destiny. – South Africans want a say in the management of the country’s resources. A vote, at national or provincial level, for the UDM is a vote for these values. Ten years after the achievement of political freedom we need to ask how free are South Africans. How much has freedom grown for South Africans of all races and creeds since 1994? Reviewing ten years of freedom We must deliberately measure our progress since 1994, because true freedom is not a once-off event but an ongoing process. The UDM understands that the growth of freedom depends on certain basic conditions that affect citizens’ physical ability but are also directly linked to their dignity, including the following: Jobs. Without productive employment and a decent living wage people will not be able to experience the fruits of freedom. In the long term, food security can only be achieved and hunger beaten if people have jobs Education. Without knowledge and skills people cannot make informed decisions and achieve their goals, and so enhance their livelihoods. Health. People need to be healthy and have adequate health care in order to reach their full potential and share in the benefits of a democratic society. Security. People who feel under siege from criminals in their homes, neighbourhoods and places of work cannot fully concentrate on pursuing their aspirations. Property ownership. Without ownership of land and property people are unable to participate actively in the economic and social life of the country. The UDM understands that if these conditions are lacking or inadequate, freedom for all has not yet been achieved. Unemployment and poverty is a direct contradiction of freedom. Real freedom – political, social and economic – provides dignity to a nation. On the other hand, unemployment and poverty undermines it. Similarly, crime, rampant HIV/AIDS and inadequate education are all factors that undermine freedom. Whilst Apartheid undermined the majority’s dignity and freedom, the current levels of unemployment, poverty, crime and HIV/AIDS are taking many South Africans back to that same state of hardship and suffering experienced under Apartheid. Therefore, when we assess South Africa since 1994 we need to ask: Are South Africans more free now that ten years ago? The answers are well-documented and visible all over our country. Despite major strides that have been taken: unemployment is rife; poverty and homelessness are evident everywhere, HIV/AIDS affects millions, crime is holding people hostage in their own homes, education fails to provide adequate skills for employment and the majority are still without property and landless. This is a clear indication that in ten years we have not seen the advancement of our freedom that we deserve. Whilst real freedom still eludes the majority a new black elite connected to the ANC are reaping the rewards of freedom. The ANC’s Black Economic Empowerment amounts to real freedom only for their political comrades. Real freedom is about equal opportunities for all, not immoral wealth for the few. Women, youth and people with disabilities The UDM is particularly aware that these challenges of unemployment, poverty, crime, HIV/AIDS and Education have a greater impact on some sectors of our society. It is especially women, youth and people with disabilities that are more prone to suffering under these conditions. A society that claims to be democratic and free but allows its women, youth and people with disabilities to be left behind is immoral and unjust. Especially the youth are faced with huge obstacles and whilst many of them are trapped in unemployment, it is impossible for them to prepare for their role as future leaders of our society. It is It is our task to lay a foundation for them, a better future, in order that they may deliver for their children not merely a better, but a greater future. Women, Youth and people with disabilities will be specifically included in the UDM’s government programmes/policies to deal with unemployment, crime, HIV/AIDS and Education. The current Umsombovu Fund must be scrapped and replaced with a mechanism that is not used solely for ANC aligned youth groups and people. Stringent measures to stop crime and abuse perpetrated against women and children must be implemented. UDM’s Mission Real freedom for all is the UDM’s mission. The achievement of real freedom for all can only be gained through massive socio-economic delivery. In this manifesto we outline the UDM’s proposals for achieving this massive socio-economic delivery. Our point of departure is that this massive socio-economic delivery can only be achieved by a Government that is willing to invest in its own economy and people. This is a philosophy that says Government must do more. It stands in stark contrast with the thinking of other parties that hold the view that Government must do less and everyone else must do more. This manifesto is the UDM’s pledge of commitment. We offer no “contract”, no fine print, no loopholes and no excuses. Whilst policy issues on jobs, poverty, crime and HIV/AIDS will be central to the debates during this election campaign, I wish to place the issue of responsibility and integrity on the agenda alongside these policy discussions. I believe that it is time for all political leaders to be held accountable for the promises they make. I believe it is time for responsibility and integrity among all political leaders to become the rule rather than the exception. I believe that the voters should judge all political parties, not just on their policies, but on their leaders’ integrity and willingness to accept responsibility. The UDM is an established and growing organisation with the vision as well as capable women and men from all races who are bound together in their quest to achieve real freedom for all. As South Africa embarks on the second decade of political freedom, the UDM undertakes to translate that into social and economic freedom for all. We need a government that puts South Africa and its people first. You deserve a Government that does more! Yours sincerely President, United Democratic Movement THE ECONOMY, JOBS AND POVERTY Fundamentally the UDM is convinced that the Economy, Jobs and Poverty are inter-linked issues. We believe that Jobs are the ultimate weapon against Poverty and that the Economy must be managed to ensure the achievement of this goal. Government has a responsibility to intervene and protect the South African economy and South African jobs when necessary. Whilst Free Market Capitalism is the best economic system developed by humanity, it is still fraught with weaknesses and failures that must be actively managed. South Africans are suspicious and mistrust Government because of perceptions that Government is not equitably distributing the resources of the country. A new privileged political elite exclusively enjoys the resources. There is no consensus on a macro-economic policy that can transform the economy in a manner that could create and spread wealth wider and improve the lot of disadvantaged majority. There are in particular concerns about the inadequacies and contradictions of the fiscal and industrial policies. The harsh reality is that we are suffering from: – a 42% rate of unemployment. – the economy is unable to create jobs. – more than a million jobs have been destroyed. – economic growth is too slow to absorb new entrants into the labour market. The prospects of reversing this dismal trend appear far-fetched under the present economic policies and performance of the ruling party. Consequently the gains of liberation in 1994 have not translated into real economic freedom for all. Our economy suffers from jobless growth due to the confusion created by an ambivalent Tripartite Alliance (ANC, Cosatu & SACP). This ruling clique preaches elimination of unemployment in the streets and legislate retrenchments and greater unemployment in parliament. The governments of the USA, Europe, China, India and most others recognise the responsibility that they have towards their citizens and intervene to protect their domestic jobs and businesses. A Government that proposes anything less does not care about its people, and is not willing to accept responsibility for their welfare and prosperity. During the UDM National Congress of 2001, the UDM adopted the policy of responsible government intervention in the economy through infrastructure development to create jobs. A UDM Government will focus on job creation and stimulating economic growth, investor confidence and efficient service delivery, but will be equally aware, and willing, to responsibly intervene in the economy to open up business and employment opportunities for all South Africans. Because South Africans deserve to have an input in how the economy is run and how job creation is pursued, the UDM proposes the establishment of a Presidential Council on Planned Sustainable Development representing all stakeholders in society, not just Government, Business and Labour only. This forum will afford broader society the opportunity to advise a UDM Government on issues related to the economy, infrastructure development and job creation. THE BROKEN PROMISES OF THE PAST TEN YEARS – In 1994 under RDP hundreds of thousands of jobs and massive development was promised. – In 1996 GEAR promised hundreds of thousands of jobs with its inception. – In 1998 The Presidential Jobs Summit promised hundreds of thousands of jobs. – In 1999 under the Arms Deal 65 000 jobs were promised. – The 2003 Growth and Development Summit promised jobs. BUT IN 10 YEARS MORE THAN A MILLION JOBS WERE DESTROYED! UNEMPLOYMENT AND POVERTY UNDERMINES THE PEOPLE’S FREEDOM! To create jobs, strengthen the economy and alleviate poverty, a UDM Government will: Create jobs through Small Business Development. A UDM Government will assist South Africans to create their own wealth whilst creating jobs for others. Launch Planned Sustainable Development programmes (like building roads, schools and clinics as well as providing water, electricity and creating irrigation schemes) to create jobs on a large scale and make communities economically and socially viable. Implement a Manageable Budget Deficit so that government can responsibly intervene in the economy by investing in Planned Sustainable Development programmes. In other words a UDM Government will lend money, if necessary, to finance these job creation programmes. Involve all stakeholders in society in growing the economy, creating jobs and developing infrastructure. A new body, the Presidential Council on Planned Sustainable Development, representing all stakeholders, will monitor infrastructure development and job creation and advise a UDM Government. Pursue an economic growth rate of 8% within five years, which is necessary and achievable. Support progressive taxes – taxing those who can afford it more – so that the poor can take their rightful economic and social place in society and help contribute to tax revenue and the success of South Africa. We propose that 1% of income tax you already pay (R1 billion per year) should be equally divided as additional funding that will be spent directly on Skills Creation and Crime Prevention in order to address these urgent concerns. Implement new supportive measures for South African industries and businesses to excel in domestic and international trade. All international trade deals will, in the first instance, serve the interests of South African workers and businesses. Recognise that education and skills development is pivotal to the long-term success of any economic strategy. A UDM Government will improve Sectoral Education and Training Agencies, make schools more skills-orientated and focus on literacy and numeracy. Embark on an intensive skills training programme in the civil service to enhance the quality, speed and efficiency of all Government services, because the success of all Government programmes is dependent upon qualified and motivated civil servants. Target tourism and agriculture as industries that have massive economic growth and job creating potential. Initiate immediate poverty alleviation. We support a Basic Service Subsidy to assist poor people to afford basic rates. Furthermore, a comprehensive food parcel system operated with smart-cards will be implemented, so that poor households can use the smart-card to receive a minimum of food and basic household goods every month. In addition, a UDM Government will address the current discrimination against rural areas in the provision of social grants and housing subsidies. Ensure that credit bureaus are strictly licensed and controlled, and current blacklisting practices will be abolished. A proper system will be legislated, based on ratings, and bureaus will be allowed only to report a person’s rating and no other private or personal details. Every person will have the right to contest their credit rating and the information it is based on. Implement Equal Economic Empowerment in an effort to genuinely help all South Africans, especially those who are economically marginalised. This must replace the current government’s Black Economic Empowerment policy that has become a buzzword for self-enrichment by a new elite. The emphasis of Equal Economic Empowerment will be focused on industries that create jobs, as opposed to the current Black Economic Empowerment policy that consists of merely handing over shares and stock options to a small elite that does not grow the economy or create jobs. Equal Economic Empowerment will be about growing the economic cake, instead of just giving a bigger slice of the current cake to a select few. Under fiscal policy a UDM Government will: Maintain real interest rates at internationally competitive levels, while constantly guarding against an unsustainably high Rand exchange rate. Whilst we recognise that interest rate volatility can be caused by international trends such as the strength of other currencies, there are also domestic factors. Interest rate volatility is often the result of domestic factors such as crime, corruption, rampant HIV/AIDS and the slide to a one-party state. These factors undermine the image of South Africa in the eyes of investors and currency traders. Monetary policy does not exist in a vacuum, but is directly affected by the perceived stability of the country. Therefore a UDM Government will actively address these issues to ensure monetary stability. Constantly review South Africa’s international trade tariffs and duties to protect developing local industries, encourage exports, increase international trade and support inbound tourism. Adapt fiscal policies to suit the particular circumstances in South Africa as a developing nation. Blindly imitating neo-liberal policies – that the developed world themselves do not follow strictly – is damaging our economy. Policies that directly stabilize the cost of strategic commodities such as oil will be preferred. To create jobs and build infrastructure, a UDM Government will: Establish a new body called the Presidential Council on Planned Sustainable Development to guide planning and coordination of these Sustainable Development programmes aimed at building infrastructure and creating jobs. Business, labour, civil society groups and affected communities will be represented at national and provincial level on the Council. This will ensure that proper consultation takes place in the development of infrastructure. The Department of Public Works will play a central role. Implement this strategy, whilst creating jobs, with the aim to turn all communities into productive and safe environments that will improve the quality of life of all South Africans, especially those who are economically deprived and marginalised. Ensure that security of tenure for homeowners will underpin all housing intervention strategies. This will reduce the risk of evictions and make it easier to provide communities with essential services. Ensure that Planned Sustainable Development programmes recognise that South Africa can be divided into two economic parts, urban and rural, with different needs. Follow an aggressive national recruiting campaign to reach out to all the unemployed and informal sector workers, in order to accommodate them in Planned Sustainable Development programmes. Ensure that every Planned Sustainable Development programme seeks to create as many jobs as possible in all its activities. The focus of these job creation efforts will be Small Business Development. A UDM Government will engage in infrastructure delivery by sub-contracting and training skilled and unskilled people to handle aspects of infrastructure construction and maintenance. It will mean that these emerging small businesses will have contracts for the period of a specific infrastructure development programme, and thereafter will have the necessary skills and experience to continue unaided as viable, privately-owned businesses. To promote Small Business Development, a UDM Government will: Place Small Business Development at the core of the UDM economic plan. A UDM Government will vigorously pursue policies that encourage and generate opportunities for those who wish to start up and grow their own businesses. Improve the coordination between national, provincial and local departments dealing with small business support. Dissolve the current financing agencies, Khula and Ntsika, and replace them with a new small business-financing agency, operating according to corporate principles. Ensure that the Department of Trade and Industry becomes visible nationally, also in rural and disadvantaged areas, by establishing Small Business advice and support centres. Ensure that the Department of Trade and Industry actively promotes small business to domestic and international consumers. Give small businesses preferential access to government tenders and will help them to secure further contracts and financing. Review all regulatory and licensing obstacles that stand in the way of Small Business Development. Small businesses will be heavily promoted in urban and rural areas, in labour intensive (manufacturing and production), knowledge-based and service orientated, industries and sectors. Ensure that the Department of Trade and Industry establishes a partnership with the South African Postal Service and Telkom, so that small businesses can harness and take advantage of modern technology at preferential rates. Ensure that we retain our developed technology and highly trained citizens, and that we take the lead in technological breakthroughs. To promote Agriculture and Land, a UDM Government will: Recognise that agriculture receives government aid in all first world countries, and will introduce subsidies and grants for farmers and emerging farmers. Provide all subsidies and grants with the overall aim of allowing farmers a fair and sustainable return on the capital invested. Aim subsidies and grants at start-up funding for commercial farmers. Encourage sound agricultural practices, because government aid will only go towards farmers that avoid wasteful and unsustainable practices. Encourage the employment of farm workers – in sectors where long-term growth is possible – by short-term subsidization of their wages, to ensure that the minimum wage is paid. Encourage beneficiaries of land redistribution to engage in commercial farming. Recognise the role and value of Traditional Leaders. Issues of land and administrative duties involving local government will include Traditional Leaders. All laws affecting Traditional Leaders and the millions of people who recognise them will be reviewed in consultation with those affected. Reverse the neglect of rural areas. It is essential to recognise the inequity of subsidizing homes in urban areas whilst, rural communities who also pay taxes receive no such subsidy. A UDM Government will ensure that rural areas receive an equitable share of subsidization aimed at agricultural activity, so that where an urban beneficiary is supported to build a home, a rural beneficiary is supported to begin farming (with for instance seed, fertilizer and implements, such as tractors). In this way people will be able to feed themselves and their families, and in the long run are placed on the path towards becoming commercial farmers. HIV/AIDS AND HEALTH ISSUES The UDM is committed to protecting and promoting the constitutional right of all South Africans to basic health care, and providing proper and immediate responses to the major health risks facing the country. Too many people in our country still cannot access proper health care. Too many clinics and hospitals have fallen into squalor. Too many people and babies have died unnecessarily of HIV/AIDS. ANC GOVERNMENT’S HIV/AIDS FAILURES HAVE LED TO: – 7 million people being infected. – Cemeteries filling up. – A growing population of AIDS orphans. – More and more households losing breadwinners and sinking into poverty. – The productive sector of the population dying at an increasing rate. – The plight of South African women worsening because they are the majority of people living with HIV/AIDS. This state of affairs means that many South Africans are condemned to a life lacking in dignity. This is a reversal of the gains of liberation, and simply undermines our hard-earned freedom. DON’T YOU DESERVE BETTER HEALTH CARE? HIV/AIDS AND POOR HEALTH CARE UNDERMINE THE PEOPLE’S FREEDOM! To improve health care, a UDM Government will: Improve health facilities, including the maintenance of hospitals and clinics. Ensure that all hospitals and clinics are properly stocked with medicines and other medical supplies. Increase the number of hospitals and clinics, and upgrade facilities to deal with the massive increase in demand due to HIV/AIDS. Ensure that all staff at primary health care facilities are properly qualified and trained. Streamline referral procedures to ensure that all patients requiring specialised care receive speedy and appropriate treatment at the relevant medical facility. Strive towards ensuring that no medical practitioner, ambulance service, hospital or clinic should be allowed to refuse treatment, aid or admission to any person based solely on his/her ability to pay. Maintain the current spending on the health budget, excluding HIV/AIDS programmes, because this would be sufficient if spent appropriately and effectively. “Savings” or budget rollovers will not be tolerated. Ensure that all persons without a private medical aid and lacking sufficient resources to pay for medical treatment are considered Government Aided Patients. In consultation with the organized medical profession, a UDM Government will negotiate fair treatment for such people and provide reasonable payment to doctors and nurses handling such cases. Such patients will receive medicine subsidized by Government. Ensure that the Primary Health care system is tailored to respond effectively to the major diseases, aside from HIV/AIDS, threatening the South African population, such as TB, Cholera and Malaria. All are preventable and can be treated. Ensure that nutritional issues and family planning forms a basic part of Primary Health care, recognising that appropriate education and training in these areas will have a major impact on the well-being of communities. Ensure that the Department of Health is part of an integrated response to alcohol and drug abuse, recognising that substance abuse contribute to high levels of violence, death and the social breakdown of South African society. To deal with HIV/AIDS, a UDM Government will: Implement and take the lead in a National Plan of Action to fight HIV/AIDS, including the implementation of a comprehensive education and awareness programme. Ensure that the National Plan of Action to deal with HIV/AIDS sets aside adequate funding for credible research into treatments and vaccines for HIV/AIDS. Make HIV/AIDS a notifiable disease, with due regard to confidentiality, to ensure that accurate and continuous information on the exact incidence and prevalence of HIV/AIDS is available to guide the fight against the pandemic. In partnership with business and organised labour, will prepare for the anticipated impact of HIV/AIDS, both economically and socially. Ensure that the primary health care system provides the necessary medical and counseling support to all people living with HIV/AIDS to extend and enhance their quality of life. Urgent attention will be given to the fair, equitable and universal provision of anti-Aids drugs and treatment. ACCOUNTABILITY Integrity and honesty in politics will remain under threat as long as the floor-crossing law continues to exist in its current form. Voters must remember that aside from the ANC’s openly opportunistic attitude in passing this law, that they were supported by the DA and NNP. Though these parties all pretend an immense concern for the voters’ wishes, they vigorously pursued floor-crossing for their own short-term interests. Though the DA and NNP expressed shock and cried foul when the opportunistic defection circus commenced, in truth they had been soliciting defectors for more than a year. Though the DA and NNP claimed surprise that floor-crossers did not defect on principles and that the whole exercise turned into a cynical abuse of the voters, the UDM had warned from the outset that opportunism would be the hallmark of such a law. DON’T YOU DESERVE ACCOUNTABLE PUBLIC REPRESENTATIVES? UNACCOUNTABLE PUBLIC REPRESENTATIVES UNDERMINE THE PEOPLE’S FREEDOM! Voters need to ask these parties why they supported this law, and thereby gave the right to a single politician to nullify the votes of tens of thousands of people. These parties must explain to voters why they supported this law when there was and is no mechanism to test the opinion of voters about each and every defection. The ANC, DA and NNP must explain to voters why anything they promise during the election should be trusted when they openly and enthusiastically support cheating the voters. The floor-crossing law must be scrapped until the electoral laws are amended so that public representatives are elected in constituencies and any floor-crossing triggers an immediate by-election. Then any floorcrosser will be voted out if he or she cannot convince the voters that abandoning their original agenda and election promises is correct. We cannot allow the situation to continue where tens of thousands of voters supporting a specific set of policies as expressed by a specific party can be ignored and their choices unmade on the whim of a single politician. Throughout the world, especially in younger democracies, it has been clearly demonstrated that floor-crossing leads to a one-party state. A vote for the UDM is your guarantee that we will be in Parliament actively pursuing this objective to increase your democratic right to determine how the country is run and by whom it is run. STRENGTHENING EDUCATION The UDM supports free public education from primary school until Grade 12, as well as more Government assistance for students studying in select subjects, such as Engineering, that will contribute to the overall economic and social development of the country. The high levels of functional illiteracy and innumeracy, and the uncoordinated attempts at skills development, together constitute a great obstacle to the development of South Africa into a flourishing, world-class nation. Foreign investors shy away from South Africa largely because of the low levels of education and skills of its workforce as a whole. Because of these challenges, the UDM supports an increased Education Budget, as well as greater resources being dedicated towards the development and maintenance of educational infrastructure. Government must dedicate a percent of income tax you already pay (half a billion Rand per year) as additional funding to assist in the vital task of Skills Creation. DON’T YOU AND YOUR CHILDREN DESERVE PROPER EDUCATION? LACK OF EDUCATION UNDERMINES THE PEOPLE’S FREEDOM! To enhance Education, a UDM Government will: Develop and maintain an Education system that produces school-leavers and graduates that are equipped with balanced job-related and life-skills to enter the job-market, economy and greater society and be productive and responsible citizens. Improve Educational Infrastructure, including human resources, physical infrastructure, as well as teaching materials. 2.1. Human Resources – Teacher training. Teachers will be properly equipped to implement the new syllabus through intensified in-service training and workshops. A UDM Government will recognise the central role of teachers in improving the quality of education in the country and pay them accordingly. 2.2. Managing Human Resources. Governing bodies and stakeholders will be empowered to monitor and measure the performance of teachers, lecturers, principals and senior management in the Department. This monitoring system will take into account indicators of access, equity, efficiency, and management delivery. 2.3. Physical infrastructure: The spending on the development and maintenance of school buildings, water, sanitation and electricity will be increased. It is immoral that the lack of potable water and adequate sanitation at schools remain reprehensibly common while about one-third of the capital budget for investment in school infrastructure goes unspent. This clearly points to a lack of capacity or commitment at Senior Management level in the present system, which a UDM Government will not tolerate. In line with UDM policy on infrastructure, education physical infrastructure will be prioritized. 2.4. Teaching materials and resources: Additional funding will be made available to ensure that every school has the required learning materials and resources. This will not be limited merely to textbooks, but will also include the provision of libraries, laboratories, computers and other relevant technologies. Increase the number of education institutions. A UDM Government will bring education institutions closer to communities, instead of the current trend of reducing the number of education institutions at high cost to the communities involved. Ensure that all education institutions promote a culture of continuous learning. Adult Basic Education and Training will be enhanced with emphasis on employable skills. Ensure that the curriculum starts from the values and rights enshrined in the Constitution, and will aim to foster respect for these rights and values, such as equality, dignity, as well as religious, racial, language and gender tolerance. 5.1. In line with international standards, learners will understand their individual duties and responsibilities in a democratic society. Every learner will understand the principles of sustainable development, including knowledge of the country’s resources and how they should be managed for this and future generations’ prosperity. 5.2. Curriculum development will be an inclusive process involving all stakeholders. It will also be a continuous process to adapt to changing needs in the job-market and society. 5.3. Career-orientated advice and education will be enhanced to ensure that children can determine their future careers timeously and can attain the various goals on the way towards their employment. 5.4. In line with the UDM’s proposed National Plan of Action to deal with HIV/AIDS, HIV/AIDS education and awareness will be a compulsory aspect of all curricula. Establish a Spirit of Excellence in education. It is vital that schools are places of discipline, order, neatness and productivity. The lack of commitment reflected in the neglect of the dress code by teachers and pupils, vandalism and truancy will be addressed. A UDM Government, the community, teachers and school children will unite in a spirit of excellence, determined to make every school part of the foundation of a world-class nation. 6.1. As professionals, teachers will be equipped and committed to contribute actively towards creating an atmosphere conducive to learning inside and outside the classroom. 6.2. Learners, similarly, will adopt a culture of learning and be taught to appreciate the value of time. Emphasis will be placed on discipline in order to promote learning and each school authority must develop effective and constitutionally acceptable ways to discipline pupils. 6.3. Children will be actively engaged at school during school hours. Specially trained people will deal with erratic attendance by pupils, with the involvement of their families. 6.4. Ensure that crime, especially sexual harassment and abuse, at schools receives zero-tolerance. Offenders will be removed from the institution and punished with the full might of the law.
Admin
08 Aug, 2001
Contribution: UN Conference on Racism – Is South Africa winning the battle?
INTRODUCTION The United Democratic Movement (UDM), while recognising the global character of racism, will nevertheless confine itself to dealing with the scourge here on the home turf. Racism still permeates the entire social fabric of South Africa. Its origins are in the nature and course of our history. The encroachment of a relatively advanced technology in the hands of racially and culturally different people on a people with an inferior technology and of a different cultural identity resulted in economic disparities along racial and cultural divisions. The colonisers subjugated the indigenous peoples who did not have the technological know-how to resist the invaders and imposed their political and economic will on them. During a period of over 350 years economic divisions crystallised and assumed a racial character. Every effort was made by successive governments to exploit the racial issue in order to create a permanent caste/ class structure that benefited the dominant White race at the expense of the indigenous Black peoples. The latter were systemically reduced to a social position of servitude and penury. MANDELA’S LEADERSHIP It took the unique leadership skills of Nelson Mandela and his colleagues to negotiate a peaceful transition from an institutionalised racist society to a democratic one based on the most enlightened constitution in the world. The wisdom, statesmanship and skill with which the transition from Apartheid to democracy was made stunned the world by creating such a miracle of peaceful change in a situation that could have been a bloody catastrophe because of the latent racial animosities inherent in our brutal and hateful past. This unique historical feat generated such euphoria in our new democracy that we have tended to take our past for granted and believed that racism would suddenly disappear at the flick of a magic wand. It would not be, ours is a deeply divided society. All the elements of our history have conspired to reinforce a wide social chasm between sections of our nation that will require the type of wisdom and skills, the temperament and accommodation that characterised our historic CODESA negotiations, in order to bridge it and enable the weavings of a coherent and harmonious society in our nation. However, our achievement was made possible by the compromises reached at CODESA, which guaranteed the integrity of existing property relations and therefore the preservation of a status-quo (at least for the present) that would leave the White minority an economically and socially dominant class. It was hoped that the new democratic order would have removed the racial barriers that prevented social and economic advancement of the disadvantaged Black majority. REVERSE RACISM The advent of democracy and the social and political opportunities created by this dispensation for blacks have ushered in a new milieu and terrain within which our racist legacy manifests itself. Policies and strategies advanced by the state for the transformation of our society, re-ordering of historical imbalances evokes protest of “reverse racism”, and discrimination against the former privileged white minorities. This section of our society still enjoys economic privileges and their loss of political power tends to crystallise white economic exclusivity which todate has incorporated a token of black elite and rented black surrogates while retaining the basic class/race structure of white economic domination over a largely impoverished and increasingly unemployable and least educated black mass who vent their frustration and disillusion at unfulfilled expectations in crime, emasculating and energy dissipating internecine conflicts. These complaints are exacerbated by the present government who practises chronism and nepotism when appointing people in various positions. At the same time, there is a tendency by the government to shun responsibility and apportion blame for failure to a historical past. There is a growing perception that the black leadership has not begun to grapple with the nation building challenges head-on. It is believed that our psyche is still trapped in the past in which we lament our historical misfortunes rather, than turn these into strength with which to conquer the future for posterity. We are therefore faced with a situation where there are subjective perceptions about race on both sides of the social divide. What we need is an objective appraisal of our society, which will place it in its historical perspective, that approach will distinguish those structural features of society which nurture racism and devise ways of removing them. It is universally agreed that race was exploited to engineer an oppressive social order which resulted in acute socio-economic disparities between black and white in South Africa. Nothing short of an economic revolution will rid us of racism. A radical economic transformation has to occur within acceptable time-frames that can avert the type of a social explosion that the CODESA negotiations succeeded in avoiding. The creation of our economic egalitarian society cannot be left to the vagaries of the market forces only that are inherent in government’s GEAR policy. Nor can we tolerate the ANC, COSATU and SACP Alliance political massage and collective posturing by them, while the country ‘s economy is sliding. NEW ECONOMIC REVOLUTION We need a creative state intervention, which recognises that artificially created impediments to social advancement of the disadvantaged majority are removed and a programme of accelerated wealth and land redistribution is implemented without delay. None of the current economic strategies of para-statal’s privatisation and selective black empowerment can achieve that objective. A transformed economic order will give impetus to other social and educational programmes that are designed to truly integrate our society and create a new democratic South African ethos. We should not forget that we emerged from a regime that was characterised by state intervention in the economy. It is not practical to make a right-about-turn and plunge into a Western-type free market economy and in the process render a whole nation unemployed. We should look at a middle course that will cautiously transform our production relations, in a manner that will incorporate a social programme that brings relief to the millions who are beginning to believe that they lived better under apartheid where the state was not shy to intervene albeit under the separate development policies. The present economic policy is incomprehensible when implemented by a Black former deliberation movement government. It is difficult to understand why a government which has been carried to power on the crest of the wave of mass support should be shy to intervene constructively in economic reconstruction on behalf of the very disadvantaged people who put them in power. In 1948 the Nationalists did it for their own people. For example, the membership of COSATU alone at that time was close to three (3) million, today it is estimated at 1,3 million (take note of the fact that we had economic sanctions during this period). If unemployment is this country’s public enemy number one (No 1), then our strategies must be geared towards elimination of unemployment and creation of sustainable quality jobs. There is also a need to balance the interest of the employed and the “majority” unemployed. Since its transition to democracy, South Africa is undergoing a path-breaking struggle to achieve structural reforms. Evidently, academic economic analysis and debate needs to move on to the development of a detailed and far-reaching policy agenda capable of tackling the inheritance of apartheid and radical enough to turn around the South African economy and society. It is not enough to draw on international evidence only without addressing the peculiarities of the South African situation. For this country, we still need a regulated, state-led growth and development strategy that offers the possibility for economic change sufficiently deep and sustainable to address the problems of poverty and inequality, and to strengthen democracy. It is too early and immoral for government to throw the fate of South Africans to the performance of the market forces without any form of government intervention. Instead, the present economic policy has opened floodgates for over R50 billion to leave the country without prospect of getting them back. Although the partnership between business, labour and government is often emphasised it is clear that there is confusion about the political basis of economic policies. Government must accept its responsibility in social and welfare spheres even in the context of economic strategies based on GEAR. Ideologically, the widespread acceptance of economic orthodoxy, from stabilisation to trade liberalisation and privatisation has been the key reason for lack of progress in the delivery of social and physical infrastructure. POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION We would like to note that there is a strong opinion that the transformation process cannot be confined to the economic sphere only and that in the political arena transformation is also needed. South Africa has a painful history in which racial divisions and social inequalities have co-incided with party political formations. The resultant antagonisms and mutual suspicions will continue to mar our society for sometime yet, because they cannot be easily wished away by the constitution that highlights the non-racialism and unity in diversity. Today, South Africans are still voting along racial lines, e.g. Blacks vote for Black political parties and Whites vote for White political parties. Proponents of this view suggest that such a transformation will culminate into the emergency of two major political parties in the centre stage of national politics in our society. Experiences in established democracies elsewhere give credence to this view. Britain, France and USA are examples that come to our mind. The economic and political stability of these countries is common knowledge. We are convinced as a party that such a process will need the support of and acceptance by the majority citizens of this country. Such support will not only give legitimacy to these developments but most importantly will prevent them from degenerating into tendencies wherein appeals to racist and narrow class interests are utilised as a vehicle for the mobilisation of followers in pursuit of short term gains. The 1994, 1999 and 2000 election campaign by some political parties is a living testimony A two party system that is anchored on a commitment to the transformation of our society provides the best prospect for democratic consolidation in South Africa. Our analysis of the changing socio-political order in South Africa indicates that there will be discernible political shifts along interest group divides distinguished by common concerns and aspirations and not along racial lines as we witness today. This process will move towards the crystallisation of two major political streams, which express the ethos of the beneficiaries of the established order, on the one hand, and the aspirations of the emerging major social groupings that are marginalized on the other hand. This will necessitate the emergence of two political formations representing these interest groups. I once said that, the tremors of social change have dislodged people, and groups from familiar traditional positions. Five years ago on one in his wildest dreams could have visualised top Afrikaner academics, businessmen, the likes of Derrick Coetzee (who murdered ANC’s Mxenge in Durban), Chris Fismer and Pik Botha campaigning for the African National Congress, their erstwhile mortal foes, urging their Afrikaner volk to take the great trek into the ANC. We encourage these trends, because they defuse racial political polarisation. NARROWING OF THE GAP After seven years of democracy the rich become richer and the poor regressed to unparalleled levels of poverty. Consequently the racial divide has been consolidated and entrenched the racial antipathies because of the suffering that has ensued. The diminishing of resources occasioned by the economic policies pursued by the government has inflamed xenophobia among South Africans who feel threatened by the flood of migrants and refugees who have swarmed our borders in search of better opportunities. The historical inequalities are exacerbated by lack of access to capital by the majority. Past apartheid policies confined 80% of the population to 13% of the land surface of South Africa. They could not acquire title deeds on that little land in which they were crowded, save a few from the homelands. As a result, seven years after Uhuru celebration of 1994, Blacks in the main do not have the collateral with which to borrow from the commercial banks. These same institutions have demonstrated a marked resistance to liberalise their lending policies in a way that can facilitate greater black economic empowerment. This situation is aggravated by the present government’s housing policy in terms of which people still do not have title deeds to the residential units being built. It is difficult even to talk of a housing policy where people are allotted poor quality rooms euphemistically described to as houses. Even, had these units been freeholds they would not qualify as security to obtain bank loans. There are growing perceptions, that the CODESA compromises can no longer be ignored or sustained as they continue to haunt us. A democratic order cannot endure on the foundations of a society with social and economic disparities. The preponderance of education, and technological skills among a privileged minority and the absence of these among a disadvantaged majority ensure the perpetuation of the racial-cultural divide and economic inequalities that have been handed down by history. The Ministry of Education is not helping the situation by closing down Black teacher training institutions and tertiary institutions while preserving the historical White institutions, which have been the bastions of White privilege and continue to treat Black students with patronage and condescension. Instead of spending scores of billions of rands on armaments during peace time, the government should be strengthening the former Black Colleges they are now closing, and building more among the disadvantaged communities. Government should be financing educational programs that will empower our Black youth with technological skills such as information technology, science and mathematics and mastery of the language of international communication. It baulks imagination, that at a time when there is so much to be done to correct these historical imbalances, we have a government which retrenches teachers and closes down black teacher training institutions and universities in a country with approximately 80% illiteracy. The UK, the founder of South Africa’s literary tradition, a first world developed country, which has long overcome illiteracy, is currently recruiting teachers and medical personnel from South Africa. The South African government on the other hand would rather import teachers and doctors from Cuba than employ its own. Government should be spending more money on job creation (infrastructural programmes), accelerating the transfer of land from the landed minority gently to the landless who have been systematically dispossessed by colonial and apartheid regimes. There need to be a commitment by South Africans who currently enjoy the monopoly of skills and wealth to be willing to take significant steps, of their own free will to reverse the situation of social and economic disequillibrium. Reconciliation is a two way reciprocal process. We must all be prepared to part with something and give to our fellow countrymen that do not have. Equally the disadvantaged must also have the responsibility and generosity of spirit to work harmoniously with their erstwhile privileged fellow countrymen to build a better society for posterity. Government has a central role to play in the transformation of our society into one in which all share its resources and work with comparable commitment to build a secure future. Our empowerment policies have been gravely flawed. Government has not restructured public enterprises in such a way that the primary beneficiaries are the poor and unemployed. Instead they have enriched offshore companies and their own party cronies and relatives. They must rearrange their order of priorities so as to place the interests of the poor and disadvantaged at the top. The reordering of priorities is reinsurance against land invasions resulting from homelessness. It will inhibit chronic industrial stoppages, rampant unemployment and retrenchments, escalating crime and xenophobia. ETHNICITY, DISCRIMINATION AND CORRUPTION Our patriotic duty requires that we spell out the truth and not delude ourselves into thinking that all is well when the contrary is the case. Ordinary South Africans are experiencing more hardships now than before. More people are walking the streets without the prospects of getting employment. Vast expenditure on overseas trips by the President, his cabinet, nine Premiers, countless MECs and their senior officials and advisors, purporting to attract foreign direct investment has not been matched by foreign investments’ inflows into the country. Economists recently expressed their concern at the lack-lustre performance of our economy as a result of decline in investor confidence and sluggish growth. The government is insensitive to workers opposition to the kind of restructuring of state enterprises that has been embarked upon, which renders tens of thousands of workers jobless. This pattern of total disregard for the interest of our people is also reflected in the developments, which followed the Defence Review of 1998. That Review’s budget was estimated at R9.7 billion and was subsequently approved by parliament up to 2005/6. The aim of the Defence Review was to reduce personnel costs through demobilisation in order to free funds for capital expenditure. The R30 billion budget, which has now escalated to R51 billion, has not been authorized by parliament. The investigating agencies will have failed in their task if they do not establish the source and reason for the departure from the original mandate. That original budget had taken into account the socio-economic demands of our society, hence the conservative figure. President Mbeki has echoed these social considerations in his discourse on the AIDS pandemic debate. How do we explain this surreptitious escalation of the arms budget to R51 billion when these socio-economic conditions have not changed? There is no sign of the promised massive employment creation, instead we read in the media how MPs, ex-minister of Defence and some military personnel in the command structure of the SANDF, being unable to account how did they end up owning mansions, flashy cars and even shares worth R40 million by an individual etc. etc. All these “sweets” being paid for by companies who won tenders in the arms deal. On the other hand, the victims of racist apartheid regime are struggling to make the ends meet. This looting spree of our resources is no different from the strategy used by our former oppressors. Even former President Mandela has publicly complained about corruption in our government today “little did I know that some of our comrades are also corrupt”. South Africa, because of its history provides a fertile environment for the proliferation of discriminatory tendencies and ethnicist perceptions. In the struggle days, martyrs who fell were never characterised as African, White, Coloured or Indian. They were freedom fighters who had paid the supreme sacrifice. Today there are perceptions of “Xhosa-Nostra”, “Indian hegemony” etc, etc in certain state departments. These are unhealthy sentiments, which have been thrown up by a less than fair culture of allocation of resources, which has tended to accentuate the latent ethnic prejudices of our past history. Deployment into lucrative positions in state enterprises and the private sector has been the exclusive preserve of the ruling party favourites. One of the mechanisms of dealing with these realities and perceptions is a robust and deployment of competent South Africans from across the political divide. Companies are reluctant to contribute donations to opposition parties out of fear of losing state tenders if such donations come to the knowledge of the ruling party. Discrimination breeds more discrimination until it becomes a vicious circle. We must all take stock of our attitudes and conduct in the public and private domain. Work-seekers who do not carry ANC membership cards have little chance of getting employment at employment bureaus. Government contracts are awarded on a preferential basis to ANC supporters e.g. subcontractors in R51 billion Arms Deal. There are numerous complaints from NGOs and old age pensioners who have been discriminated against on the basis of political affiliation or sympathies. We must not bury our heads in the sand by pretending that these inimical attitudes and behavioural patterns do not exist. Let us face them squarely and admit them where they surface in order to deal with them. On the other hand people should not shield their inadequacies behind accusations of racism and ethnicity It will be seen from the above that racism and discrimination has a material basis. People do not simply become racists because they are bad people. It has evolved from a socio-historical process that sought to structure a society that would benefit a few at the expense of many. Government, business, education and all other stakeholders must join hands to structure a social environment in which democratic values can thrive and brotherly love and mutual support flourish in order to build a greater nation for our future generations. Thank you!
