United Democratic Movement | UDM - UDM Political Party

Vision

We are the political home of all South Africans, united in the spirit of South Africanism by our common passion for our Country, mobilising the creative power inherent in our rich diversity, towards our transformation into a Winning Nation.

Mission

We will unite South Africans from all communities in a new political home, built on the foundation of the principles and ideals of our National Constitution. To this end we will address poverty and imbalances in our society, inspired by our unifying love of our Country and its people.

Core Values

The Core Values, which the United Democratic Movement will uphold and promote and upon which its fundamental policy positions are based, are as follow : respect for life, dignity and human worth of every individual; integrity in public- and private life; the individual rights and freedoms enshrined in our Country’s Constitution;

President of the UDM

Mr Bantu Holomisa

Major General (Retired) Bantubonke ‘Bantu’ Holomisa co-founded the United Democratic Movement (UDM) on 27 September 1997, and serves as its elected President, which in 2022 celebrated its 25th year of existence. He was again elected as a Member of Parliament in the 2024 National and Provincial Elections and was appointed as the Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans in the Government of National Unity in the 7th Administration in President Cyril Ramaphosa’s cabinet.

He was the Commander of the Transkei Defence Force and Head of the Transkei Government (former independent homeland from 1987 to 1994) up to the first National Elections in South Africa in 1994. He was one of the first two black persons accepted by the South African Army College to do a one-year senior staff course for officers in 1984.

Your voice matters. Unite with us and create a change you want to see.

Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP

President

Bantubonke Holomisa was born the son of Tembu Chief Bazindlovu Holomisa on 25 July 1955 in the Mqanduli district of Transkei. After attending the Upper Ngqungqu Primary School in Mqanduli, he proceeded to the Jongilizwe College for the Sons of Chiefs and Headmen in Tsolo, Transkei, where he matriculated in 1975. Apart from the usual matriculation subjects, he obtained an additional Diploma in Leadership, with the subjects of current events, conduct of public affairs, public administration, English, African law (then called Bantu law, using the university-prescribed textbook by Seymore on the subject), typing and office routine. Major General (Retired) Bantu Holomisa co-founded the United Democratic Movement in 1997 with Mr Roelf Meyer. Mr Holomisa serves as the UDM’s President. He was again elected as a Member of Parliament in the 2024 National and Provincial Elections and was appointed as the Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans in the Government of National Unity in the 7th Administration in President Cyril Ramaphosa’s cabinet.

Mr Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP

Deputy President

Mr NLS Kwankwa was born and bred in Middledrift (now officially known as iXesi) in the Eastern Cape and he grew up in a politically inclined family. He was formerly a member of the African National Congress (ANC), the ANC Youth League, and he participated in South African Student Congress (SASCO) activities although he prioritised his academic work over political activities. Mr Kwankwa attended the University of the Western Cape, where he obtained a Business Administration Degree. He left the ANC in 2006 when he joined the United Democratic Movement (UDM) in 2007. Mr Kwankwa started his career in the UDM as a member of the support staff until he was elected as a Member of Parliament in 2013. He then became the Chief Whip of the party in 2014, and he had been the youngest Member of Parliament during that term and the youngest Chief Whip in the history of the democratic South Africa. He completed a Post Graduate Degree in Economics from the University of South Africa, and a management executive programme at the University of Pretoria, as well as financial management. In 2015 he won the Outstanding International Leadership Award for his role in spreading the anti-xenophobia message, awarded by the Extraordinary People Awards. The award has since been named after him. Mr Kwankwa founded the African Parliamentarians Association for Human Rights (AfriPAHR) in 2017, which is a non-partisan network of parliamentarians from the African continent that works to advance democracy, freedom of religion or belief and human rights to build a fairer and inclusive Africa, through diplomacy and fostering strategic alliances between nations. He currently serves as the Chair of the AfriPAHR Steering Committee. He was re-elected as a Member of Parliament in 2019 when he as the UDM’s Chief Whip in Parliament. He was re-elected as a Member of Parliament in 2024. He currently serves as a full-time member of the Portfolio Committee on Electricity and Energy and the Standing Committee on Appropriations. Additionally, he serves as an alternate on the Social Development Portfolio Committee. Mr Kwankwa is the Deputy President of the UDM.

Mr Sangolibanzi Nobongoza

National Deputy Chairperson

Humphrey Nobongoza was born in Tsomo and matriculated at the Cofimvaba High School in Cofimvaba, Eastern Cape. He is busy with a BA degree at the University of Walter Sisulu University and has earned a Diploma in Public Service Management from the Swedish Institute of Public Service Management. He has several years’ experience in the public service in various positions and ended his career as the Chief Director in the Office of the Premier of the Eastern Cape. He had served as the Party’s National Chairperson, as well as Secretary General, but currently fulfills the duty a Deputy National Chairperson.

Ms Zandile Phiri

Deputy Secretary General

Zandile Phiri hails from Mdantsane in the Eastern Cape. She was a student leader during her time of studying towards a national diploma at the Walter Sisulu University (WSU) in the Eastern Cape and served in various roles on the Students Representatives Council (SRC). She is a recipient of the Best Debate Team award at WSU. Ms Phiri is also a recipient of the Best Organiser award, SRC Academic Excellence Award and the Outstanding Leader Award. She earned a National Diploma in IT Development Software from the WSU, as well as an Advanced Diploma in IT Application Software. Ms Phiri is a fledgeling software guru who is applying her programming knowledge with a variety of coding languages such as C++, JavaScript, RStudio, Python, SQL, VB-net, Android Studio, GitHub, HTML, CSS and PHP. Since the UDM’s Secretary General, Cllr Yongama Zigebe was deployed as a councillor in the City of Johannesburg since July 2024, Ms Phiri serves as the Acting Secretary General of the UDM.

Ms Thandi Nontenja, MP

National Treasurer

Thandi Nontenja grew up in Mount Frere in the Eastern Cape and matriculated at the Colana High School in Mount Frere. Ms Nontenja has several diplomas in bookkeeping, accounting and business management, as well as political leadership. She ended her career in the business sector when she was elected as a city councillor for the United Democratic Movement of the Johannesburg Metropolitan Council in 2006, 2011 and 2016 and served as the chairperson of the municipal public accounts committee (Mpac) for several years. Ms Nontenja has been very active in women’s organisations and is a member of People Opposing Women Abuse. In the 2024 National and Provincial Elections, Ms Nontenja was elected to be a Member of Parliament. She is a full-time member of the Portfolio Committees on Defence and Military Veterans, as well as Women, Children, and People with Disabilities. In addition, she is an alternate on the Portfolio Committee on Basic Education and the Standing Committee on Public Accounts. She currently serves as the National Treasurer of the UDM as well as the Party’s Chief Whip in the National Assembly.

Mr Lennox Gaehler, MPL

National Fundraiser

Lennox Gaehler was born in Mthatha and received his education at Excelsior High School in Mthatha, Eastern Cape. He has qualified himself with a Diploma in Building Industry and, over the past thirty years, has become a highly successful businessperson in the construction industry. He has served the United Democratic Movement as Chairperson of the Eastern Cape Provincial Structure in the past, and currently serves as the UDM’s National Fundraiser, as well as Party Leader in the Eastern Cape Legislature.

Mr Msawenkosi Dumela

Deputy National Organiser

Msawenkosi Dumela was born and raised in Mount Frere, in a village called Ngwetsheni in the Eastern Cape. He went to Rode High School in Mount Ayliff. He studied Information Technology and Computer Science at King Sabata Dalindyebo FET College in Mthatha, for a period of three years. At the same college he also completed an International Computer Driving License and a Networking Professional short-term A+ Professional course, based on Developing Skills and Creating Human Capital at Loyiso ICT Consulting in Mthatha. Mr Dumela was involved in the Student Representatives Council as the Organiser with the South African Student Congress and an outstanding youth leader with the African National Congress. In 2012 he moved to the North West, he stayed in Wonderkop near to Marikana and he attended the Bible School at Global School of Ministry in Brits and he graduated as a pastor. He also became active in the community. Because of a love and passion for politics he was elected to the following portfolios: • Ward Committee – Community Development under Madibeng Local Municipality in Brits, which communicates between the municipality and the people through the ward councillor to hold the ward councillor accountable on the fulfilment of their duties. • Marikana Peace Building Team – The Co-Founder, Reconciliations and Co-ordinator. • Community Leader – Crime Prevention Services • Community Policing Forums were set up to involve all local stakeholders and key organisations in local policing. They meet regularly with the officers in charge of the local police station and discuss problems and find solutions to crime in the area. • Mahlasedi Foundation – GLC Community Co-ordinator, helping with food, better education and bursaries. • Kagisano Peace Building Ambassadors – Gender based violence and youth activities as well as physical training campaigns. He currently serves as an organiser. • Tswelopele Wonderkop Multipurpose Primary Co-operative Group Limited as the Organiser. • Social Developments – Based in Madibeng Local. The Purpose of what they are doing in the Community working hand in hand with stakeholders is to provide social protection services and lead government’s efforts to forge partnerships through which vulnerable individuals, groups and communities become capable and active participants in the development of themselves and society. In 2013, when the Economic Freedom Fighters was introduced to Marikana, Mr Dumela joined the party and immediately was elected as a Branch Chairperson. Secondly, he served as Regional Organiser for the period of four years, as well as serving on the Central Command Team as an additional member. In 2017 he joined International Ministers Fellowship – South Africa and was ordained as a pastor through the renowned Global School of Ministry under the leadership of Apostle GM Honono. He currently serves as an associate pastor at Maximum Harvest Ministries based in Marikana (Wonderkop). In 2021 Mr Dumela joined the United Democratic Movement (UDM). He was elected as a Branch Secretary. He started on the Ground Recruitment Team and in two months the UDM won PR Councillor’s seat and got one seat in Madibeng Municipality. He served as a Secretary of the Task Team in the province and works hand-in-hand with the team to build the UDM in all four regions in the North West i.e. Dr Ruth Segomotsi Mompati, Dr Kenneth Kaunda, Bojanala Platinum and Ngaka Modiri Molema. At present he is serves as the UDM’s National Deputy Organiser.

23 Sep 2020

Holomisa submission to the state capture commission: the real mastermind behind state capture

Deputy Chief Justice RMM Zondo Chairperson of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into State Capture PO Box 31322 Braamfontein 2017 Per the acting Secretary of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into State Capture Dear Sir SUBMISSION TO THE COMMISSION: THE REAL MASTERMIND BEHIND STATE CAPTURE 1. Corruption: a cancerous tumour 1.1. One of government’s major mistakes is delaying the implementation process to deal with corruption and addressing maladministration. It is evident that incompetence and corruption has collapsed and downgraded this country, thereby costing our economy billions of Rands. As a result of this undesirable culture, many municipalities have crumbled, because there are no effective structures to stop corruption, and to prevent maladministration and mismanagement of funds. 1.2. We acknowledge that measures have been taken, such as the formation of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into State Capture (‘the Commission’) so that it may establish who has captured the state, but the process has been laborious and, in our view, not nearly far-reaching enough. 1.3. The former Public Protector, Professor Thuli Madonsela, had revealed that the Gupta family had effectively captured the state, however, as it turns out, the real architect of corruption is the ruling party itself, the African National Congress (ANC). 1.4. Accordingly, the Commission has been making the ruling party’s head honchos account for their alleged acts of corruption, but there is much more to this iceberg than what is presented to the public. Although the media and opposition parties, like the United Democratic Movement, have exposed some of the ANC and their leaders’ misdeeds, I believe most of it is kept diligently under wraps, because it might be the lurking iceberg that finally sinks the ANC Titanic. 1.5. The ANC and its leaders have misused state funds through companies like Bosasa, Chancellor House, Mohlaleng Media and Maverick State, to mention but a few. Looting from public resources has become a habitual act to fund the ANC by whatever means necessary, whether it be by paying its cadres’ exorbitant salaries or financing their election campaigns by any means necessary. 1.6. It is repulsive that this brazen looting takes place right under the noses of the authorities, whilst parliament’s oversight has not been effective either. The powers of the accounting officers have been usurped by the executive, consequently it has also affected the performance of state-owned enterprises. 1.7. The Commission’s terms of reference states that your work shall be guided by the Public Protector’s state capture report and we have noticed from the testimony that other accounts of corruption have been creeping out of the woodwork. It is therefore evident that there is a ‘big picture’ corruption that must be looked at. 1.8. Whilst much is made of Guptagate implicating former President Zuma and some other insatiable cadres, the fact that the corruption and looting at all spheres of government is to the benefit of the ANC itself, is negated. The Commission should therefore investigate the involvement of the ANC in acts of corruption, in totality. 1.9. This institutionalised corruption is not new, and it can be traced back through the previous decades. Even the Commission of inquiry into allegations of impropriety regarding Public Investment Corporation (‘PIC Commission’) quoted my testimony where I said that: “One of the most difficult tasks regarding dealing with the type of corruption that is alleged to have happened at the PIC is the sophisticated nature of the transactions. Corruption can come in two forms, legal and illegal corruption. Legal corruption occurs when the elite build a legal framework that protects corruption or manipulate existing legal framework without necessarily breaking the law.” 1.10. The PIC Commission concurred with my statement when they said in their report to the President that: “When going through the story of Harith, these words resonate. The layering of legal entities (state owned corporations, pension funds, banks, companies and trusts and partnerships etc.), when applied by financiers and corporate structure experts, can make finding the substance, and not form, of a transaction or series of transactions complex and quite perplexing. These layers also give the players in such a formation use ‘plausible deniability’ most effectively, as looking through all the conducts is challenging and time consuming.” 1.11. This designed incompetence permeates our law enforcement agencies, such as the police, the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation (Hawks), the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) and the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), which all have dismally failed to investigate and prosecute the reported culprits. One must be honest in one’s assessment of the competence of the state’s investigative and judicial resources. It is a given that the state lacks such competence in all respects, whilst the same is further exacerbated by means of prevalent corruption within the ranks of these institutions themselves. 1.12. The gate keepers of maladministration are the incompetent key administrative personnel who have been deliberately appointed (deployed) to accomplish the agenda of looting state resources on behalf of the ANC and, of course, to feed their own personal greed. It must be borne in mind that the ANC’s cadre deployment policy is just another form of corruption. It is called nepotism for a reason, because making appointments based on party affiliation, friendship and familial connections violate the statute books and is patently wrong. Cadre deployment deprives our civil service of talented individuals and we have thousands of young South Africans with degrees who cannot find jobs. 1.13. Epidemic levels of corruption handicaps service delivery which results in many violent protests. Not only that, prospective international investors shun South Africa because of the high levels of corruption and sadly our people are paying the price. Ultimately, corruption is destroying the gains of our freedom and patriotic South Africans have lost all hope and endlessly question the so-called measures put in place to address this untenable situation, whilst the ruling party itself perpetuates corruption in order to sustain itself. 1.14. Let us remind ourselves of what the late, former President Nelson Mandela admitted, already in 1998, about corruption in South Africa: “Unfortunately there are officials who betray their calling… this is part of the wider cancer of corruption that is undermining our efforts in all areas of society. We have learnt now that even those people with whom we fought the struggle against apartheid’s corruption can themselves become corrupted.” 1.15. The sad state of affairs is that the liberators of yesteryear have become the perpetuators of this immoral pillaging of state resources, whilst we are misdirected in our focus on the Gupta’s involvement in state capture. 1.16. The true architects of state capture are those who run government and its institutions in collusion with certain elements within the private sector. The private sector, which particularly benefits from government tenders, is represented by individuals who are shareholders in large corporations. These individuals appear to represent the private sector, but instead they use corporate fronts that merely return the loot to the ANC. These individuals also represent the corrupt interests of the ruling party in that they are either ANC stalwarts or that they are connected in one or other compromising manner to that party, politically or otherwise. 2. A Nelson Mandela Bay example: Mohlaleng Media, the ANC’s access to public funds 2.1. The purpose of this letter is to request the Commission to investigate the mechanisms used in government institutions to misuse state funds, especially at local government level. 2.2. I was recently briefed, on the matters which I raise below, by Mr Werner Wiehart, a persecuted forensic investigator formerly employed by the Nelson Mandela Bay (NMB) Metropolitan Municipality. He indicated to me that he had forwarded the information to numerous political parties and as well as the Commission (See Annexure A), but I took the liberty to meet with him last week and wish to report the matter to you formally. 2.3. The matter centres on how municipal funds have been looted by the ANC over, at least, the past fifteen years in NMB. Some information is already in the public domain including those that have been reported to the police, Hawks, NPA and the Public Protector. 2.4. The documentary evidence, which I have in my possession, convinced me that there is prima facie evidence that NMB municipal funds were looted for the ANC’s benefit, to fund its operations and to sustain itself. Questionable entities or companies (which are non-compliant with tax obligations and also lack related tax and billing clearances) and the registration of multiple enterprises simultaneously, are used as tools to achieve their dastardly goals. 2.5. Furthermore, I noted that law enforcement agencies remain actionless where corruption in the NMB municipality, more often than not, remains uninvestigated – in some cases, for more than three years. I cannot over-emphasise my concern if this is the alacrity with which this government is driving the fight against corruption, whilst little or nothing is achieved to start off with. 2.6. The widely publicised NMB Integrated Public Transport System (IPTS) scandal, in which National Treasury is implicated, is simply not being addressed, except for a single case in court. National Treasury, with particular reference the Chief Director, Mr Jan Hatting, had apparently been informed in writing during October 2012 of the large-scale looting, yet with such knowledge National Treasury continued to make payments thus feeding the large-scale looting scheme over a period of a further three years. So, nothing is happening, whilst the thieves are still trawling through personal protective equipment (PPE) tenders to rake in money to fund the ANC’s campaign for the 2021 municipal elections. 2.7. The evidence in my possession shows that, according to Mr Wiehart, there were three key players from Luthuli House involved, namely, Mr Pravin Gordhan (then Minister of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs), Dr Crispian Olver (famous author of “How to Steal a City: The Battle for Nelson Mandela Bay: An Inside Account) and Mr Cheslyn Mostert (a well-known ANC operator), who presented themselves as those mandated to address the NMB municipality’s issues; a process which led to the appointment of Mr Danny Jordaan as executive mayor and Mr Johann Mettler as acting city manager. 2.8. The same process led to the suspension (with full pay) of some municipal officials and their subsequent resignations, as well as some limited dismissals. Amongst others, these suspensions and resignations were caused by the allegations that some of the employees benefited from the IPTS deal. 2.9. Prior to the aforementioned ‘Luthuli House intervention”, the opposition, the media and the people were voicing out their anger about the IPTS corruption and as a result our Mr Mongameli Bobani, an ordinary councillor at that point in time, asked the Public Protector in October 2014 to investigate the matter. The Public Protector’s Advocate Tom had apparently investigated, but the final report was never made public. The municipality had appointed legal firms which have cost the rate payer more than R100 million over three years. 2.10. The evidence shows that the hand of Dr Olver extends beyond ‘helping the municipality’, but that he also played a role in the mismanagement of funds which were channelled to the ANC through a company called Mohlaleng Media, which served exclusively as the propaganda machinery of the ruling party in NMB. In this email Dr Olver informs the acting city manager that: “Here are the two CVs from Cheslyn, together with the draft letter to be signed and sent back to him, and the rates for the resources has set out in the SLA. The start date in the letter needs to be changed to Monday Next Week.” 2.12. A “tender” for R7,5 million was awarded to Mohlaleng Media, however the municipality failed to comply with its obligations in terms of the Municipal Finance Management Act to conclude the prescribed SLA which had to be signed between the municipality and Mohlaleng Media prior to commencement of any services. In fact, on assessment of the information, it is evident that Mohlaleng Media’s bid is riddled with fraudulent information, whilst even the entire procurement process was rigged from inception in favour of Mohlaleng Media. 2.13. Mohlaleng Media operated from December 2014 to February 2016 before any so-called SLA was signed on a fraudulent basis and of course the ratepayer footed the bill. This so-called SLA is referred to as an addendum to a former SLA, which never existed, hence, fraud. The tender/contract period entailed three years, however the bid value of R7,5 million had already been exhausted within the first ten months of the contract period. 2.14. Documentary evidence reveals that Mohlaleng Media invoices merely claimed monthly “resource cost” which eventually reached the amount of more than R21 million versus the actual approved bid value of R7,5 million over three years. These invoices were specifically created in such a manner to conceal the true nature of the work/service performed by this ANC aligned communications machine. 3. Mohlaleng Media forensic investigations, the cover-up and harassment of an investigator 3.1. One of the things I noticed as I went through these files is the harassment of Mr Wiehart by the office of the then Democratic Alliance executive mayor, Mr Athol Trollip, and his chief of staff together with the then acting city manager, Mr Johann Mettler. The harassment resulted in the malicious suspension of one of the municipal auditors based on fabricated and trumped-up charges and who was eventually expelled in a collusive manner. 3.2. The quarrel stemmed from Mohlaleng Media, which was used to generate ANC campaign material for the 2016 local government elections. (see pictures on the right) 3.3. An internal investigation had been done regarding Mohlaleng Media during which the Chief Audit Executive and forensic investigator, Mr Wiehart, questioned Mr Mettler’s involvement, which clearly caused discomfort in some quarters given the backlash that followed. 3.4. After Mr Trollip became aware that Mr Mettler and Dr Olver were implicated in the internal investigation on Mohlaleng Media, he had the terms of reference that was prepared by the internal audit team changed and, in essence, had it watered down in order to intentionally and actively conceal ANC corruption using an external forensic inquiry. In fact, Mr Mettler drafted the terms of reference for the external audit, which was a clear conflict of interest. The new terms of reference did not require the investigation of Mr Mettler and Dr Olver’s involvement, which was obviously intentional and self-serving. 3.5. A certain Morrison and Vermeulen were appointed on 31 May 2017, with the new terms of reference, whilst Mr Wiehart was placed on compulsory special leave, during which he was persecuted on the basis of fabricated charges of misconduct. Morrison and Vermeulen apparently performed very poorly, and in fact showed little progress. Mr Morrison furnished a preliminary report on 6 November 2017. 3.6. Mr Morrison’s final report does not contain the factual findings that were communicated to him since May 2017, nor did he make any reference to evidence furnished to him by a whistle-blower whose disclosures are included in the documents that I have now studied. 3.7. Same resulted in the comprehensive Chief Audit Executive review queries in that Mr Morrison had simply not performed, but more concerning is the fact that he collusively acted with Mr Mettler in concealment of impropriety by Mr Mettler, Dr Olver and others. 3.8. From the evidence before me, Mr Morrison is in all probability a compromised individual who did not render the service that he was appointed and paid for. This is how entrenched corruption is in our society, that even external forensic consultants are prepared to engage in the very same cancerous agenda that society is attempting to eradicate. 3.9. According to Mr Wiehart, Mr Trollip had even gone so far as to hide documents at his residence for a period of twenty-six months after a forensic report was furnished to a Hawks investigator in March 2018. Mr Trollip may say that he was the one who mandated the investigation, yet he must be made to account for his collusive actions in protection of corrupt officials and politicians. 3.10. This entire narrative raises a concern, which is that “the system” used in NMB to loot funds through companies like Mohlaleng Media could be, and probably is, “the system” that is replicated in other municipalities (and even other spheres of government) in favour of the corrupt and looting ruling party. 4. The leaked CR17 campaign bank statements: the same names crop up 4.1. Mr Wiehart further took me into confidence and shared information with me that relates to Linkd Environmental Services of which Dr Olver is, at the moment, the sole director. This three-man operation in 2017 entered into an SLA with Ria Tenda Trust (which belongs to President Ramaphosa) to provide accounting and financial services (https://www.thepresidency.gov.za/download/file/fid/1649) This is rather odd, because Linkd Environmental Services is not a financial services or accounting firm at all. What had apparently piqued Mr Wiehart interest had been that, given what had transpired in NMB, that this might be a case of history repeating itself. 4.2. I was shown some of the various leaked bank statements, that are quite easily accessible on social media platforms and, even though they have been sealed by the court , they therefore can never enjoy protection from public scrutiny. 4.3. What can be seen from these bank statements is that a bank account was utilised to channel alleged CR17 campaign funding. I find it questionable that the principals segregated so-called day to day business operations, with alleged campaign donations, as one would expect that separate trust accounts be opened and be managed in a transparent manner. 4.4. What was however of much interest to me, given the context of this submission, was that these statements showed the involvement of the very same individuals involved in the NMB/Mohlaleng Media corruption. They are Maverick State (formerly known as Mohlaleng Media), Crispian Olver, Cheslyn Mostert, Grant Pascoe, Vukile Pokwana and some others. 4.5. I was also shocked by some of the names of the listed beneficiaries, where I saw that many members of the ANC received money, totalling millions of Rands, in their personal bank accounts. Although, I hold no brief for the ANC as an organisation, I am concerned about Crispian Olver and Cheslyn Mostert’s seeming endgame. Whilst on the one hand, their hands may loom large in the corruption that has been taking place in NMB and on the other hand, Dr Olver’s company is alleged to have distributed millions of Rands to ANC members. There seems to be a strange disconnect between those actions. 4.6. That said, my concern is that, from where exactly did the funding in Dr Olver’s company bank account originate. On review of the deposits, it is evident that these origins are not vested in well-known and/or credible corporate resources from the private sector. Considering how Mohlaleng Media was used to fund and sustain the ruling party’s ever-hungry hyenas in NMB, one cannot believe that there is any legitimacy behind the so-called donor funding from private individuals or corporations. 4.7. Who are the real ‘donors’ and from where does such funding truly originate? Looking closely at the methodology used by Bosasa, and what could possibly be used by Linkd Environmental Services, one is left with unanswered questions as to who the real architects of state capture are. This is the actual question that must be considered, and investigated, by the Commission. 4.8. The innocuous words ‘donor funds’ are constantly used, whilst the biggest and most important ‘donor’ is the state through the looting of public funds. These so-called donor funds emanate directly from state contracts and government tenders and not from happy and morally complacent ANC supporters. 5. Conclusion 5.1. To verify the authenticity of the information contained in this submission, the Commission should consider conducting a preliminary investigation by engaging Mr Werner Wiehart. All the documentation I have scrutinised is available on request. 5.2. Furthermore, to aid its work, the Commission would be well advised to request the Public Protector’s report on its 2014/15 investigation of the NMB municipality’s IPTS system, as well as all the NMB corruption cases that have been reported to the police, Hawks, SIU and the NPA. 6. Parting shot: the money must be recovered from the ANC 6.1. We, at the moment, spend a lot of time talking about corruption and plumbing its depths, which is of course right. But we must also emphasise the imperative that all the moneys that have been pilfered through tender rigging, as was done with the eye-opening Bosasa shenanigans, in favour of ANC linked companies, or ANC leaders and linked individuals or the party itself, must be recuperated. 6.2. Tracing exactly into whose pocket the money went might look like an insurmountable task, and it probably will be a massive operation. But not tackling this task, would be short-changing South Africans from the moneys that should have been spent to make manifest their constitutional rights. Simple as that. 8. I remain at your disposal. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement Copied to: • President of the Republic, Mr Cyril Ramaphosa • Minister of Finance, Mr Tito Mboweni • Speaker of the National Assembly, Ms Thandi Modise, for the relevant portfolio committees’ attention • NMB acting Executive Mayor, Cllr Thsonono Buyeye • NMB acting City Manager, Mr Mandla George

10 Sep 2020

DHET: further allegations of Minister Nzimande’s political interference: appointment of SACP cronies

Dear President Ramaphosa DEPARTMENT OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND TRAINING: FURTHER ALLEGATIONS OF MINISTER NZIMANDE’S POLITICAL INTERFERENCE: APPOINTMENT OF PARTY CRONIES 1. I refer to my letters of 24 and 31 August 2020 regarding allegations of interference of the political head of the Department of Higher Education and Training (DHET), the Minister of Higher Education, Science and Technology, Dr Blade Nzimande, in departmental processes and administration, as well as the undermining of the senior departmental accounting officers. 2. Minister Nzimande’s alleged direct interference in procurement processes, such as what apparently happened with the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) laptop tender, clearly has disastrous consequences. This much vaunted project has flopped; everyone sits with egg on their faces and our students are left right where they started, without learning devices. NSFAS’s feeble attempt to mitigate the damage, effectively blaming a total of 150 bidders for “getting it wrong”, is almost laughable. 3. It has now come to my attention that Minister Nzimande was allegedly directly involved in twelve DHET appointments in the 2019/20 financial year that were not made in line with Public Service Regulations (PSR) and/or the Public Finance Management Act (PFMA) 1 of 1999. 4. The salaries of these twelve allegedly irregularly appointed individuals cost the taxpayer around R9,7 million a year, but once you consider the allegation that the majority of them are South African Communist Party comrades of the Minister, their appointments take another flavour and one can see why the regulations were seemingly so grossly flouted. 5. It is alleged that, in March 2020, five employees additional to the DHET establishment were appointed, but that there were no logic or justification for the creation of these posts in terms of Section 57(2) of the PSR. Apparently, the posts were not even advertised. I also understand that there was no appointment committee and no competency assessments were conducted as required by Section 67(1). Lastly, there were allegedly no vetting or checking of qualifications in terms of Section 57(3). These appointments are: 6. Another alleged appointment where the Minister had a hand in, is that of a 12-month contract of a Deputy Director-General Planning, Policy and Training, whilst this post already existed in the department establishment and it was vacant. The story with this appointment is the same as with the previous five; none of the PSR prescriptions were adhered to. 7. Two staff members were allegedly headhunted, whilst this is only allowed in terms of the DHET Recruitment and Selection Policy under certain circumstances as described in Section 2.1.6. For some reasons, apparently known only to the Minister, they were both headhunted after only one failed advertisement and the process was not conducted by a recruitment agency. Also, apparently, no verification of their qualifications has been done; they are: 8. The last four instances where the Minister apparently had a hand in are listed below, and as I understand it, there is no evidence on file, that indicates that their qualifications/studies and employment verifications were performed prior to their appointment as is required by Section 67(9a) of the PSR. 9. Much as the blustering rationalisations and irritable explanations come from the Minister, no amount of spin-doctoring can camouflage the dysfunction within the DHET, the Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs) and NSFAS. 10. Given the information that you have, I am interested to know what actions you have taken, or plan to take, to address these serious allegations against Minister Nzimande? Have you, at all, considered the United Democratic Movement’s call to suspend him? If not, why not? 11. Lastly, in the interest of setting the record straight, I also refer you to Minister Nzimande’s use of a ministerial briefing to strike at me and his use of a manipulative lie when he said I have an interest in doing business with his department. I wonder how he justifies conscientiously executing his oath of office if a lie is so easily told using a government platform. I wish to place on record that I am not the businessman he disparaged me to be, and that I have no interests, nor have I ever had, in any companies that do business with government and/or any of its entities. I have, in an effort to clear this up with the Honourable Minister, gone to the extent of offering to engage him on this topic on any live radio or television platform of his choice, but the response from his corner has, thus far, been mute. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement

31 Aug 2020

PSETA: Minister Nzimande’s alleged manipulation and political interference in the appointments of the board, chairperson and CEO

Dear Mr President PSETA: MINISTER NZIMANDE’S ALLEGED MANIPULATION AND POLITICAL INTERFERENCE IN THE APPOINTMENTS OF THE BOARD, CHAIRPERSON AND CEO 1. I refer to my letter to you, dated 24 August 2020, regarding the alleged direct interference of the political head of the Department of Higher Education and Training (DHET), the Minister of Higher Education, Science and Technology, Dr Blade Nzimande, in that department’s administration. Although I have not received a formal acknowledgement of receipt, the Presidency’s automated stock-email response, indicates that you are in receipt thereof. 2. I would like to bring to your attention further information I received pertaining to the Minister’s conduct, in what appears to be interference and manipulation of the administrative process leading to the appointment of the board and chairperson of the Public Service Sector Education and Training Authority (PSETA) as well as the chief executive officer (CEO). 3. Appointment of PSETA board 3.1. The fact that Minister Nzimande twice advertised, at the end of 2019 and the beginning of 2020, the call for appointments to the Sector Education and Training Authority (SETA) boards is a fact. His unexplained reasoning for doing so is, however, open to criticism for several reasons. 3.2. Regarding the 2019-round, I am told that the PSETA employed a selection process that considered merit, continuity, and the requirements of stakeholder representation. Its recommendations were forwarded to the DHET for approval. Yet, it is alleged that the Minister did not make appointments for reasons known only to him, but rather directed for the process to be re-opened. This came as a surprise to PSETA, as I suspect other SETAs, since they had already gone through their long-used process with which they are familiar. 3.3. It must be noted that PSETA apparently did not receive any new nominations during the second round of a request for nominations. This meant that recommendations made to the Minister in 2019 were relevant for appointment. It must be noted that a nomination of a certain Mr Thulani Tshefuta was apparently received during the initial nominations for board appointment but was rejected as he did not meet the requirements. The relevance of this specific allegation will become apparent later in this letter and the Minister must explain this phenomenon. 3.4. PSETA recommended a full roster of six names allocated to organised labour representatives, yet the Minister for some odd reason, appointed five, one of whom did not receive an appointment letter, thus leaving the two existing vacancies. The Minister, again without explaining himself, only made two of PSETA’s recommended reappointments. 3.5. There are two persons, namely Mr Lewis Nzimande (community organisations’ representative) and Ms Linda Dube (organised employers’ representative), who the Minister has seemingly unilaterally appointed. PSETA apparently has no records, such as curriculum vitae and the background check, ordinarily undertaken by Managed Integrity Evaluation (MIE), on file. These documents are crucial for audit purposes. 3.6. The directive by the Minister for re-advertisement without providing reasons and the subsequent appointment of board members who were not recommended nor nominated through PSETA processes is indicative of an abuse of power and manipulation of a regulated process by Minister Nzimande. 3.7. The critical question here is, was this entire exercise merely an attempt to satisfy compliance, whilst the Minister had his own agenda? 3.8. Furthermore, the Minister’s “double advertising” imposed time pressures, which resulted in the newly appointed board being unprepared and they allegedly fell prey to the CEO, Ms Bontle Lerumo, causing them to make decisions before they received a hand-over report and induction, and before they could familiarise themselves with the organisation and previous board resolutions. This is a dangerous set of circumstances, but when one considers the allegation that Ms Lerumo is a confederate of the Minister and Mr Mabuza Ngubane (the Director SETA Performance Management whom I referred to in my previous letter), matters take a shadier turn. 4. Appointment of PSETA chairperson 4.1. Regulation 14(2) of the “Standard Constitution of SETA regulations associated with the Skills Development Act 26 of 2011” was amended in 2017, ironically by Minister Nzimande himself, to allow for SETA board chairpersons to serve two terms of office. 4.2. The motivation had been to ensure continuity and organisational stability. I therefore suspect that all the SETAs were stunned when the Minister directed the advertising of the chairpersonships in late 2019. For reasons known only to the Minister this call was reopened in early 2020. 4.3. The Minister, in essence, unilaterally limited the former PSETA chairperson’s service to one term, this despite the spirit of the aforementioned amendment. I however found it extremely disturbing that the Minister, also for reasons known only to him, decided to appoint Mr Thulani Tshefuta (to whom I referred in Paragraph 3.3) as PSETA board chairperson. It is surprising that he emerged as the chairperson of the board when he did not meet the requirements for the board. 5. Appointment of PSETA CEO 5.1. As I understand it, the appointment of CEOs is in line with the SETAs’ five-year licencing period and that the SETAs’ executive committees and boards (assisted by corporate services) take responsibility for this process. Ms Lerumo’s contract ended on 31 March 2020 but, to ensure smooth transition, she must serve until 30 September. 5.2. This NQF Level 9 post was advertised in two Sunday newspapers and on PSETA’s website, but shortly thereafter the advert was recalled and re-placed (this time only on the website) with an erratum specifically lowering the level of academic qualifications. Why on earth was this done, if not to accommodate a certain applicant? 5.3. Shortlisting evidently took place and, Ms Lerumo, whom I hear does not possess an NQF Level 9 qualification, was amongst the top three performers recommended to the Minister possibly due to the new board’s inexperience and some irregular influence. 5.4. There is already an indication that the Minister refused the top candidate, because he did not know him/her. The initial list of recommended candidates is available, and should the appointment not be done according to this recommended list and Ms Lerumo is appointed, the Minister must be held accountable for flaunting the process in favour of his alleged collaborator. 5.5. It would also mean that the top candidate was discriminated against, because of the Minister’s personal preferences, and that the entire process is legally contestable in terms of our labour legislation. As a matter of fact, given the Minister’s reputation, there could be a wholesale legal action where these SETA CEO appointments are concerned. If the new PSETA board is confident that the process was fair and transparent, they should confidently supply you with all the relevant documentation. 6. Mr President, Minister Nzimande seems to be running DHET and the SETAs from his briefcase and in light of all the nauseating allegations against him that have risen of late, it is incumbent upon you and cabinet to intervene in the appointments of the SETA boards, chairpersons and CEO until the veracity of these allegations are established by your office. 7. This entire set of circumstances demonstrates Minister Nzimande’s seeming lack of duty of care as an executive authority in managing public resources and ensuring efficient public service. He appears to have demonstrated a high level of disregard for public service regulations, not acting in the interest of the public good and is not fit to be a minister and it is your responsibility to sort this out. Yours sincerely Mr Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement

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21 May, 2025

NMB MPAC Chair Luxolo Namette’s first session as chair shows integrity of leadership

Statement by Bulelani Bobotyane, Provincial Secretary of the UDM in the Eastern Cape The United Democratic Movement (UDM) in the Eastern Cape expresses its full support and appreciation for the principled leadership demonstrated by Councillor Luxolo Namette, Chairperson of the Municipal Public Accounts Committee (MPAC) in the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality. In the face of serious concerns regarding the irregular payment of R3.7 million to politically deployed individuals between 2013 and 2017, Cllr Namette has steered the committee with integrity and fairness, ensuring that the matter is handled in accordance with due process. His decision to defer the item pending a legal opinion demonstrates a commitment to responsible governance, accountability, and the rule of law. As the UDM in the Eastern Cape, we believe that public funds must be safeguarded, and any allegations of irregular expenditure thoroughly investigated. We commend Cllr Namette for prioritising transparency and due diligence, and for upholding the principles of clean governance that the UDM holds dear. We further call on the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality to expedite the legal opinion process and ensure that all measures are taken to prevent a repeat of such irregularities. The citizens of this metro deserve nothing less than a government that acts in their best interest and protects the public purse. Cllr Namette’s leadership reflects the UDM’s commitment to ethical public service and the strengthening of institutions that hold power to account.

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20 May, 2025

Gauteng’s subsidy cuts to independent schools amid R317 million underspending

Statement by Andile Jabavu, Provincial Secretary of the UDM in Gauteng The United Democratic Movement (UDM) in Gauteng is deeply alarmed by the Gauteng Department of Education’s (GDE) decision to slash subsidies to independent schools by 20% for secondary and 18% for primary institutions, while simultaneously failing to spend R317 million of its 2024 education budget. This decision is not only fiscally unjustifiable but also morally reprehensible in a province grappling with widespread educational inequality. Independent schools, particularly low-fee institutions, play a vital role in absorbing learners who would otherwise be left behind by a public system strained by overcrowding, inadequate infrastructure, and uneven quality. These schools often serve poor and working-class communities, offering a beacon of hope to parents who seek quality education for their children in the absence of viable public alternatives. To cut funding to these institutions while returning funds to Treasury reflects a glaring disconnect between the department’s policy intentions and the lived realities of learners and educators. What is particularly disconcerting is that this cut affects the most vulnerable - children in low-fee independent schools that operate on razor-thin margins. It undermines the constitutional imperative of access to quality education and violates the principle of equity that should guide all public funding decisions. The GDE’s explanation, that the funds were redirected to fee-free public schools, raises more questions than answers. Why must support for one group of disadvantaged learners come at the expense of another? Is the Department not capable of simultaneously planning for both? Moreover, the underspending of R317 million is a symptom of administrative inefficiency and poor planning. This is not merely a missed financial target; it is a failure to deliver services, provide resources, and invest in the future of Gauteng’s learners. Underspending on education in a province where schools still battle with infrastructure backlogs, teacher shortages, and over-enrolment is both inexcusable and an indictment on leadership. The UDM calls on MEC Matome Chiloane to account to the people of Gauteng: • Why were these funds not spent in a province with so many glaring education needs? • What processes were followed in deciding on the subsidy reductions, and were affected schools consulted? • What are the GDE’s contingency plans to prevent low-fee independent schools from collapsing under the weight of these cuts? We further urge the Provincial Legislature to institute a full review of GDE’s budgeting processes and to ringfence funding for low-fee independent schools in future fiscal years. The UDM also calls on the Portfolio Committee on Basic Education in Parliament to initiate an inquiry into provincial education departments that repeatedly underspend while simultaneously cutting essential services. Education is not a favour bestowed by government; it is a right enshrined in our Constitution. No child should be punished because their school does not fall neatly into the public sector box. The real question is not whether we can afford to support independent schools; it is whether we can afford to lose the contributions they make to an already overburdened education system.

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19 May, 2025

UDM Johannesburg welcomes arrests in JMPD officer murder case

Statement by Yongama Zigebe, Councillor in the City of Johannesburg for the United Democratic Movement and Chairperson of the S79 Committee on Gender, Youth and People with Disabilities The United Democratic Movement (UDM) in the City of Johannesburg welcomes the recent arrests of suspects linked to the heinous murder of a Johannesburg Metropolitan Police Department (JMPD) officer in Lenasia. This swift action by law enforcement is a crucial step toward justice and serves as a stern message to those who seek to undermine the rule of law and the safety of our communities. We commend the South African Police Service (SAPS), the JMPD, and all involved in the investigations for their diligent work. We remain deeply concerned by the rising levels of violent crime targeting law enforcement officers, who risk their lives daily to maintain order and protect our residents. Attacks on officers are attacks on the very fabric of our democracy. As the UDM Johannesburg Caucus, we reiterate our call for better resourcing, training, and protection for our metro police officers. We also urge communities to cooperate with the police to root out criminal elements. We continue to extend our heartfelt condolences to the family, friends, and colleagues of the fallen officer. May their courage and service never be forgotten.

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19 May, 2025

UDM welcomes the launch of the white paper review on local government

Statement by Yongama Zigebe, Councillor in the City of Johannesburg for the United Democratic Movement and Chairperson of the S79 Committee on Gender, Youth and People with Disabilities The United Democratic Movement (UDM) warmly welcomes the official launch of the Review of the 1998 White Paper on Local Government by the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (CoGTA), under the leadership of Minister Velenkosini Hlabisa. This Review is long overdue and comes at a critical juncture in South Africa’s democratic journey. For years, local government has been the epicentre of governance failure - characterised by service delivery collapse, financial mismanagement, deepening inequality, and the erosion of public trust. The UDM has consistently raised these concerns across all spheres of government, and we are encouraged to see the Department finally initiating a reform process that seeks to address these structural and systemic shortcomings. We are particularly pleased that the Discussion Document for the Review does not shy away from confronting the hard truths. It acknowledges the challenges of over-politicisation, the disconnect between municipalities and their communities, the need for fiscal reform, and the growing threat of climate change on local infrastructure and service sustainability. However, the Review must go beyond diagnosis. It must offer a bold and implementable vision of what a fit-for-purpose, ethical, and citizen-responsive local government system should look like. This includes addressing areas not adequately covered in the Discussion Document, such as the rampant abuse of procurement and supply chain systems, the absence of a clear separation of powers within local municipalities, and the need to institutionalise participatory governance and oversight mechanisms. The UDM calls on all South Africans, community organisations, traditional leaders, youth, faith-based groups, business, labour, and academic institutions, to actively participate in this Review. It is only through inclusive and transparent engagement that we can rebuild municipalities that serve the people, not parties or elites. We remind all stakeholders that the deadline for written submissions on the White Paper Review is 30 June 2025. Submissions can be sent to WPLG26@cogta.gov.za or delivered to the Department’s offices as outlined in the official Government Gazette. Our presence at the Launch underscored the Movement’s commitment to constructive engagement on matters of governance and public accountability. As a party committed to accountable and developmental governance, the UDM will be making detailed submissions to this Review process. We believe that local government must be rescued from dysfunction and repositioned as the engine of grassroots development, social cohesion, and democratic renewal.

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